Brian McGrath
Brian McGrath
A highly topical text book that introduces the powerful technique of digital modelling to a wide audience
of students, architects, designers, planners and urban citizens – and anyone else involved in the complex
decision-making processes involved in shaping the urban environment.
Drawing on two decades of teaching and practising urban design, Brian McGrath explores new theories
and technologies of digital modelling to create moving and interactive 3-d drawing situated within the
histories of urban theory, design and representation. The book is both theoretical and practical. For the
main examples – Rome, New York and Bangkok – McGrath draws on his own experience of living and
working in these three cities on three different continents. Analytical discussions of the cities combine
historical and abstract knowledge with the ‘ground truth’ of empirical experience.
While a rich array of urban studies books have been published over the last thirty years, there is currently
no single book like this that brings together urban design theory and new digital technologies in urban
information mapping, modelling and 3-d simulation, as a way of understanding how cities transform and
differentiate over time.
Brian McGrath is Associate Professor of Urban Design at Parsons, the New School for Design in New York.
For many years, he also taught urban design at Columbia. He has taught internationally in Taiwan,
Denmark, Hong Kong and Thailand, where he was a Fulbright Senior Scholar in 1998-99. He recently
completed a research fellowship at the India China Institute at the New School. McGrath is co-author with
Jean Gardner of Cinemetrics: Architectural Drawing Today (2007) and co-guest-editor of Sensing the
21st-Century City: Close-Up and Remote (2005), both published by John Wiley & Sons.
‘Brian McGrath is that rare writer and teacher who can portray the complexity of the city without reducing
it to simple stereotypes.’ Grahame Shane, Adjunct Professor of Architecture, Columbia University.
‘Brian McGrath is an urban inventor who has developed nuanced techniques to approach the impossible
complexity of representing the city. This book shares those techniques while also transporting the reader
deep into some of the world's most intricate urban fabric.’ Keller Easterling, Associate Professor, Yale
School of Architecture.
Digital Modeling for Urban Design
Academy/Wiley, London
2008
d.4 ]–
DIGITAL MODELLING FOR URBAN DESIGN
DIGITAL MODELLING FOR URBAN DESIGN
Brian McGrath
FOR URBAN DESIGN
–[ d.5
Table of Contents
8
Prelude
Digital Modelling for
Urban Design
52
Chapter 1
Archaeology
120
Chapter 3
Genealogy
196
Chapter 5
Schizoanalysis
1985–1995: Transparent Cities
Descent and Emergence
1745–1778: A Schizoanalysis of War
Flattening Urban Design
1995–2005: An Archaeology of
Three Urban Design Genealogies
1978–2008: A Schizoanalysis of Trade
248
Conclusion
Modelling Urban
Design Futures in
India and China
Modelling Discourse
Globalisation
Rome: A Genealogy of the Master Plan
2000–2005: A Schizoanalysis of Desire
Liberalisation
Development of the Book
From Transparent Cities to
New York: A Genealogy of the
Spectacular Feedback
Gentle Arrivals: Fatehpur Sikri
Organisation of the Book
Archaeological Modelling
Central Business District
Archaeology and War
1893–1901: Forma Urban Romae
The Urban Designer as
Genealogy and Trade
1915–1928: The Iconography of
Organisation Man
Schizoanalysis and Desire
Manhattan Island
Possible Urban Futures
Acknowledgements
and West Lake
World Financial Capitals: Mumbai
Bangkok: A Genealogy of
224
Chapter 6
Desire
1890–1932: The Geo-body of Bangkok
Lifestyle Centres
Simultopia
Migration and Resettlement
Assembling New Urban Design Models
Bangkok’s CSD
Pathumwan Intersection
Short- and Long-Term Plans
Collateral Space
The Dispersal of Power
Siam Central Interchange Station
Happiness, Harmony and Sufficiency
32
Introduction
The Spectacularisation
of Urban Design
Correlative Space
Ground Zero
Chitlom Station
Timing
Attentive Circuits
Innovative Design Study
84
Chapter 2
War
The Design Exhibition Spectacle
1801–1893: The Emergence of
Mapping, Monitoring and Modelling
Transit Hub, Memorial Design and
Scientific Archaeology
Collaborating
Freedom Tower
50 BC – AD 203: Modelling the
Interfacing
Other Representations
Spoils of War
Diagramming
Beyond the Spectacle
Urban Design as Triumphal Model
Back to Ground Zero
300–1300: The Recycling City Model
Urban Design as the Production
Churches: The New Urban Artefacts
of Difference
Preliminary Design Concepts
Multiplicities and Seriality
Governance: Delhi and Beijing
Ratchaprasong Intersection
162
Chapter 4
Trade
Complementary Space
and Shanghai
Complementary Space
Virtual Itineraries
Gaming
Texting
1300–1944: Urban Design as
Representation and Destruction
The Dispersed City Model
Destructions and Dispersals
Chapter 1
Archaeology
d.6 ]–
New York’s early-20th-century
industrial landscape was in a
state of ruins in the 1980s as
the city changed from an
industrial to an informational
economy. Detail Hudson River
piers drawing, pencil on
Canson paper, 1988.
54
The floor of the New York Stock Exchange was unusually
full of activity over one weekend in 1981. Instead of the
frantic shouts and rush of stock traders, brokers and
their clerks and regulators that accompanies the normal
weekday frenzy on the floor of the ‘Big Board’, this
spring weekend saw a rush of movers and construction
workers. The old wooden desks, counters and cabinets
that filled George B Post’s 14,000-square-foot
neoclassical trading room were hurriedly dismantled and
dumped outside, along with the litter of left-over paper
trails. Suddenly from above, circular UFO-like objects
with bright lights underneath were lowered from the 72foot-high ceiling, like a scene from the movie Close
Encounters of the Third Kind.
When the stock traders left work on Friday, they
conducted their last trades by paper. When they next
arrived on Monday morning they began to trade within a
computer network called the Intermarket Trading
System (ITS) that linked several major US stock
exchanges for the first time in 1978. Post’s 1903 building
was designated a National Historic Landmark two months
later. By the end of 2006, the New York Stock Exchange
had significantly reduced its space for physical trading of
stocks and introduced its Hybrid Market for expanded
electronic trading traders could now fly through a virtual
trading floor, observing trading activity and monitoring
the markets in a 3-D modelling environment. The New
York Stock Exchange Advanced Trading Floor was
designed in 2001 by Asymptote (Hani Rashid and Lise
Anne Couture).
I was living in New York in 1981, unaware that the
gritty post-industrial city suffering from a severe
financial downturn was about to reorganise itself as a
global financial hub with the advent of financial
deregulation and new computer technologies. ITS
ushered in a revolution in global business, and the first
years of my professional practice in the early 1980s were
dominated by the renovations of corporate interiors to
accommodate the computerisation of the workplace. The
abandoned industrial places and decaying blue-collar
neighbourhoods in Manhattan, such as the waterfront
piers, SoHo, the East Village and Chelsea, became a
frontier for artists and a new species called ‘yuppies’.
Novelist Tom Wolfe’s The Bonfire of the Vanities and
Oliver Stone’s film Wall Street, both from 1987, appeared
as morality tales of a decade in New York where the
deadly sin of greed was hailed as good.
Between 1981 and 1985 I worked in New York with
Polshek Partnership on many projects fuelled by the
massive transformation due to digitalisation of the
workplace. However, it was only when I founded my own
professional practice, between 1985 and 1990, that I
began my own archaeology of urban design . During these
five years I lived and worked in both Rome and New York
and was able to document and map the massive
transformation under way in New York City as part of a
larger historical cycle of urban change evident in Rome. I
travelled between these two cities at a moment of
rupture in the history of globalisation marked by the
widespread introduction of personal computers and the
demolition of the Berlin Wall. Travelling in China and
Eastern Europe too, during this period, instilled in me a
great hope for the future. It was an era of great optimism
with the end of the Cold War and the promise of new
communication technologies. It is in this historical
context that I began to assemble an archive of maps, city
views and on-the-ground perceptions of Rome and New
York which culminated in the publication of Transparent
1
Cities by SITES Books in 1994.
55
Transparent Cities is a boxed
archive of acetate plates of
maps of Rome and New York
which can be overlain in
thousands of combinations,
SITES Books, 1994.
56
1985–95: Transparent Cities
The 24 transparent plates of Transparent Cities record
instances of the fluctuations and changes in the spatial
and political structure of the urban landscapes of Rome
over two millennia and New York over three and a half
centuries. Selected information from historical and
contemporary maps of both Rome and New York was
redrawn at the same scale and reproduced on
transparent plates, which can be examined individually or
as overlays in any combination or sequence the viewer
desires. The project was inspired by Cubist painting and
the seminal essay by Robert Slutsky and Colin Rowe on
literal and phenomenal transparency in art and
2
architecture. The two cities can be studied diachronically
or synchronically, individually or analogously. By
manipulating the plates in literally hundreds of possible
combinations, the reader may recombine past and
present, existing and demolished, seen and hidden. The
overlays show plans at street level as well as under and
above ground, exploring the city in cross section and in
three dimensions. Manipulating the plates introduces the
fourth dimension of time.
Transparent Cities offers an alternative way of
seeing and imagining the city, one that reflects rather
than suppresses the dynamic and heterogeneous space
Kevin Lynch found missing in contemporary city models
and which was so evident in my observations of the
changing urban landscape around me. Modelling the city
as transparent does not fix one layer or interpretation
over another. By not preferring any authoritative map,
moment in time or urban idea, the transparencies reveal
the coexistence of a multiplicity of spatial ideas within
cities. By depicting cities in the process of becoming,
rather than in a static, final or fixed state of completion,
transparent modelling can be used for understanding
and designing the emerging city. It is a tool and
methodology that reflects the contemporary city’s
impermanence and diversity.
The plates of Transparent Cities contain fragmentary
and partial tracings from selected archival maps from the
rich cartographic histories of Rome and New York. While
the plates are literally transparent – reproduced on
acetate – transparency is explored more in the sense of
Gregory Kepes’s idea of overlapping Cubist space.
57
–[ d.7
National Capital
19th-Century Fabric
Rails, Parks and Cemetaries
Modern Institutions
20th-Century Fabric
Christian Capital
Medieval Fabric
Disabitato
Churches
Renaissance and Baroque Streets
Imperial Capital
Walls and Aqueducts
Topography
Ancient Monuments
Ancient Roads
58
If one sees two or more figures partly overlapping
one another, and each of them claims for itself the
common, overlapped part, then one is confronted
with a contradiction of spatial dimensions. To
resolve this contradiction, one must assume the
presence of a new optical quality. The figures are
endowed with transparency: that is, they are able
to interpenetrate without an optical destruction of
each other. Transparency, however, implies more
than an optical characteristic; it implies a broader
spatial order. Transparency means a simultaneous
perception of different spatial locations. Space not
3
only recedes but fluctuates in a continuous activity.
d.8 ]–
Matrix of the digital archive and
Matrix of the digital archive
archaeological analysis of
and archaeological analysis
Rome’s urban design elements
of New York’s urban design
from top to bottom: Imperial,
elements from top to bottom:
Christian and the National
Financial, Industrial and
Capital. All maps are oriented
Mercantile Capitalism, 1996.
with north to the top, 1996.
Financial Capitalism
Subways
Zoning Districts
High-Rise Office Buildings
Highways and Urban Renewal
59
Industrial Capitalism
Early Grids
1811 Grid
Landmarks, Parks and Bridges
Piers, Ferries and Railroads
Mercantile Capitalism
New Amsterdam
Topography
Farms
British Army Headquarters
By overlaying transparent maps of Rome, the
ruptures and discontinuities in the landscapes,
institutions and spatial practices of the Imperial,
Christian and National Capitals can be mapped as marked
by different regimes of power in different ways during
different eras. In New York, the city is not a political
capital, and its space is more the result of the ‘creative’
destruction of capitalist development and fuelled by ideas
of progress and modernity. According to Marshall
Berman, capitalism and modernity are always marked by
the search for continuity in a landscape of constant
4
upheaval. An overlay of maps reveals the transformation
to the logics of Mercantile, Industrial and Financial
Capital. New York City’s economic cycles of boom and
bust demonstrate the creative destruction of capitalism
as notions of progress and modernity continually push
spatial transformations according to new social, political
and technological conditions.
In 1985 I also started to teach architecture at New
Jersey Institute of Technology in Newark. Students
accompanied me to Rome during the summer, sketching
in the field, and working on urban architectural design
projects in the New York area. We worked with the
organisation Architects/Designers/Planners for Social
Responsibility in the spring semester of 1990, on an
urban design project for resolving the conflict between
housing and community garden advocates in the Lower
East Side of Manhattan. The studio used the transparent
modelling method, the lessons of the spatial palimpsest
of Rome and a collaborative working technique to
develop a project where a rapidly changing New York
5
neighbourhood could have both houses and gardens.
–[ d.9
Digital model of Baroque over
Imperial Rome showing the
shift of the centre of the city
from the twin peaks of the
Capitoline Hill seen in the
centre of the map to the trident
of Piazza del Popolo to the
north and the Vatican enclave
to the north-east.
64
1893–1901: Forma Urbis Romae
Rodolfo Lanciani (1845–1929) was the chief
archaeologist of Rome, who excavated many monuments
of the Forum, including the House of Vestals. His
monumental atlas, Forma Urbis Romae (1893–1901)
mapped four million square metres of the unearthed
ancient city, previously unknown, on 46 plates at 1:1000
12
scale. Not just a resource for the study of the ancient
city, it was meant to be used as a basis for the
organisation of modern development and a blueprint for
new construction. The vast amount of new knowledge and
physical remains of antiquity uncovered in the wake of
rapid redevelopment and modernisation of the city
prompted Lanciani to promote his atlas as an
archaeological urban design model for the new Rome.
Lanciani’s atlas distinguishes ruptures or moments of
epochal change in the history of the city with three
colours: the Imperial City until the fall of the empire is in
black, the papal city until the 1870 liberation of Rome in
red, and the expansion and redevelopment schemes of
Lanciani’s own time – the emerging National Capital in
blue. For us we will refer to the three disjunctive periods
in Rome’s history as the Imperial Capital, Christian
Capital and National Capital. However, Rome’s Definitive
Regulatory Plan of June 1871 called for two new
boulevards: Via Nazionale near the new train terminal
and Via Cavour near the Vatican which disregarded
Lanciani’s discoveries and recommendations. Developers
from northern Italy, England, Germany and Austria
quickly constructed new neighbourhoods in these areas.
The design competition for the nationalist monument to
Vittorio Emanuele II which now towers over and turning
its back on the Imperial Fora was held in 1884.
Between 1870 and 1885 – the first 15 years Rome
served as national capital – 1150 acres were developed,
140 kilometres of new roads were constructed, new
neighbourhoods containing 95,000 new rooms in 3000
new buildings were built, and 81 million cubic metres of
dirt excavated. As a consequence many antiquities and
much new scholarship came to light along with four
square kilometres of the ancient city. Lanciani conceived
of his map as a guide to builders who needed to record
the superimposition of previous buildings to act like a
geological map – the soil of Rome is the soil of
13
archaeology.
For Lanciani, nothing was more banal and
disharmonious than the new quarters that replaced the
ancient villas of the disabitato as the population doubled
in 15 years due to frenzied real-estate speculation.
Lanciani blames Rome’s aristocracy for selling the old
estates: ‘To our great names our misfortune … a
disgraced race discovered they could make a little of
14
what their ancestors had built and maintained.’
Everyone joined a race to destroy the quickest. The atlas,
intended to be used as instrument of conscience for
democratic dialogue, failed, for ‘ignorance is great ally of
15
controlling power and land owners’.
65
Model of the new
Model of 20th-century
neighbourhoods which
developments over the Imperial
developed after 1871
City no longer contained by the
beyond the medieval city, yet
Aurelian Walls.
mostly within the 3rd-century
Aurelian Walls.
66
d.10 ]–
67
78
18th-c. key in Italian
8th-c. inscription in Latin
8th-c. figures carved
in stone
16th-c. figures atop
Farnese Villa gate
18th-c. figures
drawn by Piranesi
18th-c. figures
etched in copper
Piranesi’s etchings of the Roman Forum (1760).
Fragments of ancient ruins are juxtaposed with
Renaissance landmarks and scenes from everyday
life. The triumphal Arch of Titus is in the foreground to
the right, while the grand entry to the Farnese Orchards
can be seen to the left. Alessandro Farnese, Pope Paul
III (1468–1549) built the gardens on top of the Palatine
Assembling New Urban Design Models
Deleuze outlines three different spatial realms which
encircle any archaeological statement in Foucault’s
writing. In digital modelling for urban design, these imply
different ways in which urban design is practised through
the interaction of actors in specific environments
involved in what Arjun Appadurai has called ‘the social
25
production of locality’. Locus does not just emanate from
the ‘genus’ of a place, as suggested by Christian NorbergSchulz and Aldo Rossi (see the following chapter), but from
the continuous work of social actors. Similarly, mapping is
not the literal act of colonial surveying that Thongchai has
critiqued in Thailand, but is much more strategic. There
must be a careful analysis and critical positioning of urban
design practice within different kinds of spatial and
representational production.
We will conclude this chapter on archaeology by
considering three types of space which can be generated
from the ruptures in our digital archives. Rather than
through the seduction of walk-through simulation
discussed in the Introduction, archaeological digital
modelling can result in more critical urban design
practices. New forms of archaeological modelling can
focus on the disruptive nature of urban design as a tool to
locate interventions within and between the disjunctive
global flows which mark the contemporary city. The three
kinds of space that can be generated between the layers
of digital archaeological models are collateral,
correlative and complementary space.
Collateral Space
Collateral space is ‘an associate or adjacent domain
formed from other statements that are part of the same
26
group’. Grahame Shane has called such spatial
formation the creation of urban enclaves, bounded areas
which comprise special districts based on a common
collective imagination of a civic body or group of urban
27
citizens. Collateral space defines the group and the
group defines the space and must necessarily exclude
others outside the boundary of the enclave. Ordering and
coding through spatial position, time and significance is
important in the collateral space of enclaves. This is how
urban design becomes a statement of the power of a
certain group’s discourse – it moves from description of a
cultural norm to the prescription of a bounded spatial
logic. This book will compare models of the collateral
space created in three specific urban localities: the
Roman Forum (Chapter 2), Manhattan’s skyscraper
business districts (Chapter 4), and Bangkok’sCentral
Shopping District (Chapter 6). For digital modelling for
urban design, collateral space introduces the construction
of digital archives to carefully analyse new construction
in relation to existing built or natural conditions, in order
to examine what in war is called collateral damage – the
unintended consequences of military action.
79
Hill to legitimise his authority and the Church’s through
its collateral relation to the monuments of the Forum.
Compare this view with Piranesi’s second etching of the
Arch analysed in Chapter 5. Renaissance and
Baroque construction exerted collateral damage as
well; the Forum became a marble quarry for the new
landmarks of the city.
90
According to James Packer, the scientific discipline of
archaeology in Rome grew out of the desire to consecrate
contemporary power through a direct connection to
4
history. Packer acknowledges that the contemporary
appearance of Rome’s monuments as isolated and
preserved fragments of antiquity is ‘… a comparatively
recent phenomenon, an effect of the first tentative
5
“scientific” excavations of the early 19th century’. Just
two hundred years before the rushed efforts to excavate
the ruins of the remains of the World Trade Center,
archaeologists began the slow, painstaking process of
removing centuries of rubble, fill and debris from the
Roman Forum, thereby dissecting and diluting the
collapsed collateral space of Christian and Pagan Rome.
Archaeology as a scientific field of knowledge begins
with the earliest efforts to clean and restore the relics of
Roman antiquity in 1801, when Pope Pius VII
commissioned Carlo Fea and Antonio Canova to inspect
and maintain the ruins of antiquity. This new practice
introduced by the papacy was later inherited by secular
political figures from Italy and around Europe looking to
legitimise their political authority. Shortly after Pius’s
first archaeological efforts, French troops invaded Rome
and Napoleon annexed the city in 1809. Napoleon, eager
to associate his new empire with that of Rome, allocated
huge funds for the excavation and repair of antiquities in
6
the ‘free and imperial city’ of Rome, but much of the
portable remains were looted and, together with the
spoils from the Egyptian campaign of 1798–1801,
embellished the ‘Musée Napoléon’ at the Louvre in Paris.
The first archaeological digs in
91
the first decades of the 19th
century began to uncover small
areas around Trajan’s Column
and some monuments in the
Forum such as the Arch of
Septimius Severus
(excavations shown in red).
–[ d.11
92
94
d.12 ]–
Aldo Rossi quotes the Comte De Tournon’s
programme for restoration work in the Roman Forum
undertaken during Napoleon I’s occupation. ‘The
restoration of these monuments consists above all in
freeing them from the earth that covers their lower parts,
connecting them to one another, and finally rendering
7
access easy and pleasurable.’ Rossi focuses on the
activity of embellishment rather than the looting of the
Forum to assert the fundamental role of situated urban
artefacts in creating the architecture of the city based on
urban locus rather than relational context. However,
Napoleon I’s wartime looting and Napoleon III and Baron
Haussmann’s creation of triumphal monuments in Paris
point to an architecture not based on the situated
collateral space locus, but on appropriation and the
correlative space of linkage – physically between modern
monuments and by association with their historical
antecedents, and the creation of mass urban spectacles
such as grand parades and international exhibitions.
The re-imagination of ‘Roma Capitale’ was behind the
vast demolitions of the Fascist regime between 1932 and
1943. On 21 April 1924, Mussolini outlined his plans to
modernise the capital and to ‘liberate the antiquities’
from the ‘unsightly’ medieval fabric. In October 1932, the
Via dei Imperiali, now called the Via dei Fori Imperiali,
was inaugurated. By 1978 pollution and car vibrations
had taken their toll even on the protected areas of the
vast archaeological park in the centre of the city. A
project, yet to be realised, was inaugurated to close the
Via dei Fori Imperiali and remove Via Consolazione in
1980. This slow progress in reclaiming the space of
archaeology from Mussolini’s modern city of the car is
now accompanied by the continued progress on Rome’s
underground metropolitan transit system.
After 1814, the papacy continued excavations and
restorations on their own, including the reconstruction of
the Arch of Titus, the east gate to the Forum. However,
Rome changed very little until 2 October 1870, when the
newly formed Italian state inherited a provincial city
from the popes. After that date, archaeology in Rome –
the capital of the new Republic of Italy – became a
politically charged urban problem tied to discourses on
national identity and urban redevelopment. Archaeology
became a critical political instrument as well as a physical
impediment in ‘the massive building campaigns which
transformed Rome from a sleepy papal town into a
8
bustling late nineteenth century metropolis’.
In 1870, Rome became the
93
National Capital of Italy.
Archaeological excavations
went hand in hand with new
road construction and
expansion of the city. In this
view we can see the
excavations of the Republican
Forum, which uprooted the
centuries-old trees that
bisected the Forum.
In 1932, Mussolini
inaugurated the Via dei
Imperiali, connecting his
headquarters at Palazzo
Venezia to the Coliseum and
beyond. The medieval fabric
was demolished to make way
for his tree-lined boulevard.
95
Physical model showing the
embedded layers of the
Basilica of San Clemente, an
11th-century church built
within the shrunken footprint
of an 8th-century church,
which itself was built on top of
the house of Roman Consul
and martyr Titus Flavius
Clemens (1990).
108
The great shift in the centre of Rome from the Forum
to the bend of the Tiber River followed the siege of AD
537–8 when the aqueducts were cut during the Gothic War,
resulting in the abandonment of the great baths, and the
drying of the fountains and reservoirs. Although the Tiber
periodically flooded this area, the reduced population
relied on the lifeline of the river for provisions – agricultural
20
products, floating flour mills, fish and water supply.
In medieval Rome, the hills no longer counted,
except where they carried outlying clusters – on
the Caelian, the Esquiline, and the Aventine. The
abitato moved into the unhealthy low land, the
città bassa near the river, (over the ruins of) the
ancient show area (the military Campus Martius or
Field of Mars dedicated to the god of war). Ancient
Rome had grown from the settlements on its hills
and it remained centered on the Forum, the
Capitoline, and the Palatine. Medieval Rome was
21
anchored to the Tiber.
The growth and importance of the suburb at that
time was probably tied to the Frangipani’s
occupation of the Coliseum, [sic] the slope of the
Palatine, since the late eleventh century. Around
the church of S. Maria Nova the cluster of housing
swelled and extended both in front of the church
and southward up the slope of the Palatine along
a path ascending to the church of S. Maria in
Pallara, now S. Sebastiano alla Polveriera. Two
streets, one across the Roman Forums and another
passing by the Imperial Fora, linked the area to
the edge of the abitato along the north cliff of the
Capitoline Hill and on the south stretch of the
25
Corso. Access [to this suburb] was defended by a
tower built against the Arch of Titus, known as the
turris cartulari.26
Higher quarters of the city suffered the most; the hills
were abandoned and the Campus Martius at the bend of
the Tiber became the only place in the city with a ready
water supply until Pope Sixtus V built the Acqua Felice
aqueduct in 1587. The infrastructure to supply water
for a large population was no longer adequate after the
22
6th century.
Spreading east behind the Capitoline Hill was the
disabitato – the vast uninhabited part of the medieval city
contained within the ancient Aurelian Walls. The Forum
became a threshold and crossroads between the
inhabited and uninhabited areas of the city. In AD 608,
the last monument was erected in the Forum – the
Column of Phocas – and by the end of the 7th century, ‘A
worshiper raising his eyes toward the apse of the Church
of SS Cosmos and Camarius could behold at the same
time the great mosaic figure of the Saviour and a group
23
of the twin founders of the city sucking the wolf’. In AD
630, Pope Honorius I removed the gilt-bronze tiles from
the Temple of Venus and Rome at the Forum and in AD 663
Emperor Costante II removed bronze tiles from the
24
Pantheon for the roof of St Peter’s, according to Lanciani.
From the 9th century on, the east end of the Forum
around the location of the Arch of Titus became a
fortified suburb close to the abitato – the compact
inhabited quarter of the city at the bend in the Tiber
River. Centered on the church of S Maria Nova, built
around 855 atop the ruins of the Temple of Venus and
Rome, Richard Krautheimer discovers from 10th-century
leases, houses and workspaces for coppersmiths,
blacksmiths, wheelwrights, cobblers, masons, and many
lime burners – given the abundance of marble from the
Forum’s ruins. There was even a ‘banker’s crossroads’
near the Coliseum serving pilgrims on their way from the
abitato to the Lateran.
109
Krautheimer’s research reveals much of the social
activity of the Forum during the Middle Ages: the lime
burners and craftsmen intersecting with the clerics,
travellers and pilgrims at this crossroads between the
inhabited and uninhabited parts of the city.
Churches: The New Urban Artefacts
Christianity was born at the periphery of the Roman
Empire in the province of Judea, and slowly occupied
peripheral places in the Imperial city of Rome. While
Constantine (272–337), the first Christian Emperor, built
large Roman-style basilicas in four opposite corners
outside the city at St Peter’s, Santa Maria Maggiore, St
John’s in the Lateran and St Paul outside the Walls, most
early churches occupied ordinary houses in the city. The
architecture of these churches reflects the vicissitudes
endured by the city itself. A short circuit around the
periphery of the Forum still reveals the character of
these buildings as artefacts of the medieval city.
Sectional drawing showing the
layers of the Basilica of San
Clemente. The 11th-century nave
and one side aisle fit within the
width of the 8th-century nave
and the courtyard of the Roman
house (1989).
110
San Clemente is entered from the side door off the
road to the Lateran. A few stairs descend into the side of
a dark basilica. The proportions seem strange, but the top
of a column and archway poke out of the floor of the far
wall, giving an indication of something below. Fortunately
a door in this wall leads to a small office where a friendly
monk indicates a stair leading down. Below the floor of
the church is another basilica, wider than the one above.
The space is a strange amalgamation of columns from the
earlier basilica and foundations for the new walls and
columns above. There are two semicircular apses as well,
and you can squeeze between the curving walls, like
through a Richard Serra sculpture, and find yet another
stair down. This subterranean level is the Roman house in
which the church was first inaugurated as a titular church
in the 4th century.
Towering on a hill over both San Clemente and the
Coliseum is the church and convent dedicated to the four
crowned saints. The complex still has the aspect of a
fortified retreat outside the city. A brick tower looms
over the huge doors of the front gate which leads to a
square atrium. A small window on the side is open, and a
nun agrees to open the next set of doors which leads to a
second courtyard. The side walls of this courtyard contain
a colonnade of an earlier church and a third doorway
leads to the basilica itself. It is a shallow, tall space with
an enormous apse. Both San Clemente and Santi Quattro
Coronati were splendidly rebuilt in the 12th century
within the larger ruins of 4th-century basilicas. While San
Clemente shrank and reorganised five metres above the
earlier church, the church of the four crowned saints
shrank laterally within its older shell.
111
–[ d.13
112
1300–1944: Urban Design as Representation and
Destruction
The rusticated Renaissance retaining wall of the Orti
Farnesiani leads to a suburban retreat built by
Alessandro Farnese on the top of the Palatine hill within
the ruins of Augustus’s former palace. The first botanical
orchards of the world, the Farnesiani Orchards were
designed in 1535 by Jacopo Barozzi da Vignola. The 15th
century brought a renewed interest in the antiquities of
Rome through the activity of both aristocratic families
and foreign visitors documenting its ancient artefacts and
disseminating visual representations and material
fragments from Rome around Europe.
134
d.14 ]–
The red tone indicates the
disabitato, the uninhabited
part of the city consisting of
isolated farms, monasteries
and convents, including the
Papal enclave at the Lateran.
Three Urban Design Genealogies
Genealogical Modelling for Urban Design begins with an
analysis of temporal planes in order to understand the
descent and emergence of urban design practices in
different places at different moments of time. Our
genealogical time planes will form the basis of creating
new digital models in which layered spatial and temporal
information can be cross-referenced. We begin with a
simple comparison of three genealogies of urban design:
Rome and the Master Plan, New York and the Central
Business District, and lastly Bangkok and Life-style.
Eugene Holland has written: ‘Genealogy is based on the
premise that historical institutions and other features of
social organization evolve not smoothly and continuously,
gradually developing their potential through time, but
discontinuously, and must be understood in terms of
difference rather than continuity as one social
formation appropriates and abruptly reconfigures older
institution or revives various features of extant social
organization by selectively recombining them to suit its
17
own purposes.’
The Forum underwent a major facelift during the
papacy of Alexander VII between 1655 and 1667. In its
ruined state it had been mostly used as pasture land for
sheep and cows, and even served as a bi-weekly cattle
27
market. Alexander moved the market, levelled the
surface and planted four rows of trees serving as a wide
carriageway with two shaded sidewalks. This
beautification and greening programme provided the
elegant travellers between city and suburbs with a
shaded promenade for their coaches, and common folk on
foot could take in the cool evening air. ‘Thus the Forum
not only regained dignity but also became a suburban
28
public green, part of the town, yet reaching out.’
Archaeological model showing
the Christian churches built
above the Fora over the
garbage and landfill that began
to accumulate following the
termination of municipal
services in the 4th century.
The goal of the genealogical technique of constructing
temporal planes, therefore, is to understand the
18
production of urban difference over time. Cities evolve
through continual change. The production of difference is
the result of the exertion of various external and internal
forces: natural, environmental, political, social, economic
and psychological. The production of difference, the
result of emergent and self-organising principles, must
be strategically supported, sorted and redirected rather
than suppressed, separated and controlled through the
practice of urban design. Digital genealogical modelling
for urban design will give us a new understanding of
these multiple forces and how they are continually
reshaping urban environments, social space and
individual psyches.
113
Exploding our archaeological
models of the Forum on time
planes reveals two distinct
construction periods: the
Papal and Imperial Capitals,
interrupted by a millennium of
retrenchment.
Rome: A Genealogy of the Master Plan
According to Sigfried Giedion, Sixtus V climbed the same
streets of Rome that the pilgrims had to follow. This
bodily experience of distance and topography led, for
Giedion, not only to a physical destination but to the
conception of a plan for the city that was not drawn on
paper, but within the bones of the pope himself. In March
1588, he opened the new road by walking with his
cardinals all the way from the Coliseum to the Lateran
19
Palace. Many modern architects and planners in
America drew inspiration from Giedion at Harvard, as a
means to heroically justify the will of a single individual in
shaping the city, and it is therefore following Sixtus V up
the hills of Rome that we can trace the birth of the Master
Plan in urban design.
In Design of Cities (1976) and the series of
documentary films Understanding Cities, Edmund Bacon
(1910–2005) makes the claim that a single powerful idea
can create an urban design. Clips from his films show his
accomplishments as Executive Director of the
Philadelphia City Planning Commission (1949–70) in
relation to the development of Rome under Sixtus V. He in
fact shows a younger avatar of himself wilfully walking
through a gushing fountain to maintain the singularity of
his destination along the central axis of Benjamin
Franklin Parkway. His book begins with a quote from
Daniel Burnham, ‘… a noble logical diagram once recorded
will never die; long after we are gone it will be a living
20
thing asserting itself with ever-growing insistency’.
135
–[ d.15
Chapter 3
Genealogy
Online fly-through of
Manhattan Timeformations,
www.skyscraper.org/timefor
mations (2000).
122
The fly-through animation glides up Broadway from
Lower to Midtown Manhattan. The ‘canyon of heroes’ of
the financial district is familiar, with the Art Deco
towers of Wall Street looming on the skyline. However,
the buildings do not sit on the ground, but are floating in
an empty void, with the ground of the island of
Manhattan deep below. The on-line view travels along a
temporal plane – 1950 – within a 3-D computer model
where time is literally given a dimension. In the x/y/z
Cartesian space of a 3-D modelling environment, time is
here measured along the z-axis where one year equals
100 feet. Post-Second World War glass towers loom
overhead, while the Art Deco limestone spires of Wall
Street emerge from below. The fly-through not only
travels through space up Broadway, but along a
temporal plane within the gap in construction between
the Great Depression of the 1930s and the post-war
1
building boom which began in the 1960s.
Graph of the number of high-rise office buildings
constructed in Manhattan between 1890 and
1990. The lower line is Lower Manhattan, the middle
line is Midtown Manhattan and the top line is the
total number. Three economic peaks are evident –
the stock market boom in the late 1920s, the postwar boom in New York as a corporate headquarters
peaking in the late 1960s and the ‘Bonfire of the
Vanities’ that followed the computerisation of the
workplace in the 1980s. Two valleys of economic
busts are also evident: the long lull from the Great
Depression in 1929 to the end of the Second World
War and the precipitous decline during the oil shock
of the mid-1970s (hand drawing, 1994).
d.16 ]–
The transition from an archaeological to a
genealogical modelling moves from an understanding of
the discipline of urban design as a situated subject of
historical knowledge, towards understanding the
generation of urban design practice in relation to a larger
discursive field within which urban actors and agents
2
constitute themselves as subjects interacting in space. In
the last chapters of this book, Schizoanalytical Modelling
for Urban Design, we will learn to imagine urban designs
in relation to internal, psychological forces as well as
outside social and environmental conditions.
Schizoanalysis will help us to understand how urban
subjects constitute themselves as social agents – in other
words, how we see and perceive ourselves in relation to
others in a mediated, urbanising and globalising world.
123
The first construction boom in
3-D models of high-rise office
Midtown Manhattan was
buildings built before the
scattered along Broadway
Second World War in
and travelled up 5th Avenue.
Midtown. Buildings in yellow
Cross-town armatures were
were built before the 1916
developing already along
set-back law.
42nd and 57th Streets.
124
Foucault traces his development of a genealogical
approach to Darwin’s influence on Nietzsche: we must
understand our place in an external world structured by
3
chance, accident and succession. Genealogical Modelling
for Urban Design will not employ genealogy as lines of
family descent, but in the sense Foucault employs – as a
way to map the emergence of spatial patterns in time.
The genealogical approach examines urban design
deploying different models, technologies and tools
distributed in space, ordered in time and composed in
space-time. We will now examine the city as shaped by
the constant exertion and resistance of force by urban
actors and agents relating to linkages and relations of
people, institutions and flows across space and time,
which encompass global as well as local imaginations. We
have seen how urban design distributes forces in space
by enclosing, controlling, arranging and placing in series.
Now we will examine how urban design orders time by
subdividing temporal increments, programming action,
and directing gestures of everyday life. Finally, in the last
section we will examine urban design composition as
4
experienced in space-time blocks.
125
How have the Central
Business Districts of Lower
and Midtown Manhattan
emerged over time?
Manhattan Timeformations is
a genealogical modelling of
urban design as a
bureaucratic rather than
master planning discipline.
132
Emergence, for Foucault, is ‘the moment of arising. It
stands as the principle and the singular law of an
apparition. As it is wrong to search for descent in an
uninterrupted continuity, we should avoid thinking of
emergence as the final term of a historical development.
… Emergence is always produced through the generation
of forces and the analysis of emergence “must delineate
this interaction, the struggle these forces wage against
13
each other or against adverse circumstances”.’ For
Shane, heterotopias are the elements of change in the
city. They house all exceptions in the dominant city
model, and are therefore key triggers to the emergence
14
of new urban design models.
The aim of an analysis of emergence is to capture
15
forces at the moment of their eruption. Urban design
must be analysed as a destructive as well as constructive
force which radically alters environmental and social
relations. Genealogical modelling will examine descent
and emergence in the sometimes bloody succession of
emperors and popes in Rome or kings in Siam, but also in
the ‘creative destruction’ of the capitalist city struggling
with the contesting agendas of different urban actors in
16
participatory democracies. We can also translate the
emergence of new urban design models as a struggle or
conflict between spatial entrenched norms and new
technologies, flows and images. Emergence is analysed in
relation to larger environmental forces, in localised social
interactions with others and in our internalised battles
with ourselves.
133
–[ d.17
Manhattan Timeformations timeline looking
west, showing Lower Manhattan on the left and
Midtown on the right. The timeline divides into
three building booms: pre- and post-Second
World War periods, and one following the
introduction of electronic trading in the 1980s.
We will look at three zoning laws that shaped
the skyline during those building booms: the
1916 Set Back Law, the 1961 Plaza Bonus and
the 1982 Special Midtown District.
142
New York: A Genealogy of the Central Business District
In spite of periodic calls for Master Planning, New York
City directs urban design decisions through zoning rather
than through a Master Plan. The instrument of zoning was
instituted with the Zoning Resolution of 1916 in reaction
to both the growth of manufacturing uses in residential
areas and the arrival of the skyscraper. Land-use
restrictions were instituted separating manufacturing
from commercial and residential use, and set-back laws
required high rises to step back according to a prescribed
sky plane angle to allow light to hit the streets of the city.
The zoning resolution has been constantly amended, but
it was only in 1961, with the radical changes that
suburbanisation and the automobile brought to the city,
that a complete revision was enacted. The Zoning
Resolution of 1961 ‘coordinated use and bulk
regulations, incorporated parking requirements and
29
emphasized the creation of open space’. The other
invention of this period is incentive zoning giving added
floor space to encourage the construction of public
plazas. Politically contested, the zoning resolution was
passed only when an agreement was made to down-zone
much of the outer boroughs of the city and concentrate
density in Manhattan.
143
1916 Set Back Law legislated
that all buildings must step
back behind a sky plane to
allow light to the streets.
Before the law, buildings
could rise straight from the
sidewalk. The law dictated the
slender towers that made
Manhattan’s skyline famous.
144
d.18 ]–
A timeline of the descent and emergence of
Manhattan’s two high-rise business districts – Lower and
Midtown Manhattan – reveals the boom-and-bust cycles
of the real estate market, but also the way architecture,
technology, planning and urban design respond to the
rhythms of capitalism. After steel-frame construction and
the elevator were introduced in the late 19th century, the
new form of high-rise office buildings emerged along
Broadway – the main commercial thoroughfare of the
30
city. The boom of construction and the shock of the
effect of these new structures which rose to unlimited
height up from the canyon-like narrow streets of the city,
resulted in the creation of the first New York City Zoning
Resolution of 1916, which dictated an inclined sky-plane,
behind which all building must be set back.
This new bureaucratic regulation was an exertion of
governmental authority towards an assumed public good:
the availability of sunlight and fresh air on the streets of
the city. The zoning resolution was well timed, because a
building boom ensued with the rise of the stock market of
the ‘roaring ’20s’. The towering new stone ziggurats
grouped along Wall Street and contained within the old
Dutch walled city of the 1630s, marked the first
clustering of these new buildings in a distinct enclave and
imprinted a new image of the modern city on the public’s
consciousness. The image of the skyline of Lower
Manhattan, featured in countless photographs and movies,
as we have seen, was the one representational trope that
all the schemes for the redesign of Ground Zero repeated.
The effects of the stock market crash of 1929 and the
Great Depression ended this construction boom.
The Great Depression was followed by the Second
World War, and high-rise office building construction in
New York did not resume until the 1950s. Although the
pre-war building codes and zoning resolution persisted,
new technologies – such as light steel framing, glass
curtain walls and air conditioning – produced strange
hybrid architecture of new construction technologies and
old zoning laws distinctive to Manhattan: the glass
wedding cake. Some exceptional architects and
corporate clients broke the mould of this awkward crossbreeding of pre-war urban planning regulations and the
goals of modern architecture. Gordon Bunshaft’s Lever
House (1952) and Mies van der Rohe’s Seagram building
(1958) both created privately owned, yet publicly
accessible plazas and simple cubic building forms to
build a purer expression of modern architecture within
31
the zoning regulations.
145
New York: Here and Now,
New York: Here and Now,
sequence 1 depicts a time lapse
digital installation at the World
view of the growth of the Lower
Financial Center, 2002.
Manhattan Financial District
showing the successive landfill,
infrastructure and skyscraper
construction as a layered map. The
pace of the animation adjusts to the
speeds of various periods of time.
1978–2008: A Schizoanalysis of Trade
Seven months prior to the opening of the mass spectacle
of the Innovative Design Study, nine artists were invited
by the Lower Manhattan Cultural Council and the World
Financial Center Arts & Events Program to participate in
an Artist Residency at the World Financial Center. This
residency was part of the process of restoration and
reoccupation of Lower Manhattan which culminated in
the reopening of the Winter Garden with an exhibition of
the art works, developed during the residency, in
September 2002 at the one-year anniversary of the
terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center. My own
digital installation New York: Here and Now in the upper
level of the Winter Garden looking over both the void of
Ground Zero and down across the new giant palm trees
towards the Hudson River, provides the basis for an
argument about the rich potential of digital technologies
in supporting a polyvocal urban design practice.
Battery Park City (BPC) was constructed on landfill at
the mouth of the Hudson River estuary on earth
excavated for the basement parking levels of the World
Trade Center. Ground Zero straddles three rail transit
lines and sits within a concrete bathtub holding back the
Hudson River estuary and the landfill under BPC. As soon
as emergency efforts were completed, and the red-zone
that police established around Lower Manhattan was
slowly reduced to the immediate perimeter of Ground
Zero, visitors began arriving to visit the site as if
participating in a sacred pilgrimage. The images of the
towers’ collapse were broadcast and mediated repeatedly
into a global collective consciousness. Millions of tourists,
visitors and mourners still circle the site’s perimeter,
attentive to every minor change in this large hole despite
efforts to screen most direct views of the site.
214
215
The installation was shown
on a horizontally displayed
plasma screen within an
elliptical Plexiglas frame
encouraging viewers to orbit
the animation. In sequence 2,
the layered plan view rotates
to reveal a timeline of the
Lower Manhattan skyline.
216
BPC’s Winter Garden is a huge glass-roofed room
dominated by a grove of giant palm trees. Windows
overlook the Hudson River to the west, and, from a
second-level mezzanine, Ground Zero to the east. The
digital animation New York: Here and Now was displayed
horizontally on a flat plasma screen surrounded by an
elliptical transparent frame. The colour of the frame and
the background of the animation were Caribbean blue – a
nod to the giant palms and climate change predictions.
The installation was visible during the exhibition of the
Innovative Design Studies, and offered a hypnotic space
of reflection and relief from the grand designs and virtual
simulations offered below. The intention of the
installation was not just to provide thoughtful art for the
thousands of visitors who now included the Winter
Garden and World Financial Center as part of their
promenade around Ground Zero, but also to create a
contemplative moment in the working day of the
thousands of employees who witnessed the events of
September 11 and had only recently returned to their
offices at the site of horrific trauma.
From a distance the plasma screen table looks like a
blue reflecting pool with small colourful tropical fish
swimming across the screen with the giant palm trees in
the background. An approaching viewer discovers that
the screen in fact is displaying a map of Lower Manhattan
animated with layers to illustrate the development of the
Financial District over time. When finished loading, the
layered map rotates to reveal 3-D models of Lower
Manhattan’s high-rise office buildings arrayed along
vertical time planes. The tropical fish are in fact
miniature skyscrapers moving across the screen. The
rotation completes a 360-degree loop revealing the
history and geology of the area from above and below.
The view from below is washed by the Hudson River
Estuary in which all these monumental yet fragile
buildings submerge, float and then fly.
217
–[ d.19
218
d.20 ]–
In sequence 3, the timeline
flips to a view from below the
model, as if one were going
underwater. While the first
sequence showed the
successive landfills in Lower
Manhattan, this sequence
suggests a water-submerged
future for the island.
The installation refers to navigational maps of the
world’s oceans which are incised into the marble floor of
the Burgerzaal in Amsterdam. This hall was the meeting
place of the first modern-world capitalists, where they
could discuss financial deals and shipping routes while
walking on the giant map of the globe and pinpoint
locations of the East and West Indies Corporations’
outposts. Similarly, in the Winter Garden of the World
Financial Center, the employees of Merrill Lynch and
American Express would have the orbit of their usual
trajectories through the commercial complex of the
World Financial Center diverted by the gravitational pull
of the elliptical disc. For a moment in their working day,
financiers can engage in this illusive and hypnotic work as
a moment of reflection of their place among other
participants in recreating Lower Manhattan as a world
financial centre, and over time grow to understand its
reference to the concrete-lined void in the city just
outside the installation. For the ellipse also directs views
to the giant windows overlooking Ground Zero, and
creates a larger context for the discussions of rebuilding
on the site. In addition to all the actors who have already
played a part in the discussion – the families of the
victims, the Port Authority, Silverstein Properties, the
architects and the neighbourhood – the installation also
shows the Hudson estuary and New York Bay as a major
actor on the site, given sea-level rise and the predictions
of flooding from storm surge in the near future.
From the opening in September 2002 to the end of
January 2003, all the art works engaged issues of public
space, viewing, nature, ruin, renewal, memory and life.
New York: Here and Now served as a modest orientation
device overlooking the open wound of Ground Zero, as
witness not only to the reopening of this vital node of New
York’s financial industry, but also to the dawn of a new
era for urban design. As introduced in the Prelude, the
Critical Art Ensemble (CAE) promotes a digital cultural
resistance to authoritarian cultural production.
Combining Crick and Watson’s discovery of DNA and
Claude Shannon’s invention enabling the transmission of
digitally coded information over wires at Bell Labs,
recombinant theatre and digital resistance utilise
advances in molecular biology and communication
technology not as specialised knowledge, but as the
‘foundation of a new cosmology – a new way of
understanding, ordering, valuing and performing in the
23
world’. Was Piranesi’s recombination of experiences
and drawings from the Forum, in etchings distributed
around the world, not a form of recombinant theatre and
mechanically reproduced resistance through the
technology of print? Capitalism is primarily a digital
political-economy, much as the medieval economy was
primarily analogic. Digital aesthetics, for CAE, ‘is a
process of copying – a process that offers dominant
culture minimal material for recuperation by
recycling the same images, actions and sounds into
24
radical discourse’.
219
–[ d.21
Chapter 5
Schizoanalysis
Twin escalators ascend to the
mezzanine level of Siam
Central Interchange Station of
the Bangkok Transit System
(BTS) Skytrain. A bridge leads
directly from the station to
Siam Center, to the left.
198
d.22 ]–
The twin escalators glide silently up from opposite sides
of King Rama I Road, rising three storeys to the
passenger mezzanine of the Siam Central Interchange
Station where the two lines of the Bangkok Transit
Systems (BTS) Skytrain meet. The escalators bring
passengers up from the hot and crowded street, under
the massive concrete viaduct where the lines torque, to
converge two levels above. Arriving at the crowded
mezzanine before the electronic entry, there is a
profusion of small shops and advertisements. A call on
your cell phone tells you that your friends are waiting by
the fountain in the square in front of Siam Paragon.
Descending half a flight of stairs leads you through the
giant glass wall of Siam Center, where your bags are
checked by security guards. Another stair to the right
leads down again to the second-level plaza of Paragon.
The crowd has swelled in anticipation of the grand
opening of Siam Paragon. A rock band is performing in
front of the giant glimmering blue aluminium Christmas
tree sponsored by Visa cards. Cell phones are recording
digital photographs of the event broadcast live on TV.
Grand openings of new or renovated malls in Bangkok
are usually timed for the beginning of December when
the King’s birthday can be honoured and the stores
readied for Christmas and New Year holidays. February
brings sale banners emblazoned in red to celebrate both
the lunar Chinese New Year and Valentine’s Day. April
brings Songkran, the Thai New Year timed with the
beginning of the rainy season. The rains stop in October,
when the Queen’s birthday can be celebrated, and in
November small votive boats made from banana leaves
and containing offerings and a candle are floated
downstream at Loy Krathong.
While Bangkok ignored decades of calls for a Master
Plan, and has yet to create a Central Business District, in
the decade following the 1997 economic crisis a Central
Shopping District emerged along the two-kilometre
stretch of Rama I Road under the BTS interchange.
Bangkok residents were amazed at the cosmopolitan
space created around the privately owned public spaces
on Crown Bureau and Chulalongkorn University property.
While we have traced the genealogy of the Master Plan to
Pope Sixtus V’s Rome, and the zoning of the Central
Business Districts in Manhattan, as well as the
emergence of the central shopping district of Bangkok, in
this final section on Schizoanalytical Modelling for Urban
Design we will look at the immersive space of each city's
time geography.
Schizoanalysis, while initially a difficult term in
relation to its reference to the psychological ailment of
schizophrenia, is in fact a call for a more creative,
subversive and playful response to capitalism by its
inventors – philosopher Gilles Deleuze and psychologist
Félix Guattari. The provocation in subtitling their two
books Anti Oedipus and A Thousand Plateaus ‘Capitalism
and Schizophrenia’, is that capitalism is by its nature a
schizophrenic system that substitutes psychological
repression for creative desire. Guattari developed
schizoanalysis as a tool to uncover the repressive aspects
of capitalism in order to create social experiments to
recreate human relations with Nature by unleashing the
creative capacity of desire. In urban design, a
schizoanalytical approach splits our analytical framework
into a comprehensive multi-layered and multidimensional analysis of cities, as well as an immersive
and embedded understanding of the psychological
dimensions of the multi-layered and multi-dimensional
1
urban space of late capitalism.
Rather than focusing on the descent and emergence
of urban design practices as outlined in the second
section with the exploration of genealogical modelling,
we now analyse the spatial and temporal capacities and
restraints on individual social behaviour in the global city.
Our schizoanalytical models will take us back to the
Forum in Rome, Ground Zero in Manhattan and Rama I
Road in Bangkok, utilising the time geography of Torsten
Hägerstrand as a guide. Hägerstrand examines human
migration and flows based on three limitations or
constraints. Capability includes the limits of human
movement based on physical or biological factors, but
also includes the technological means which increase
human mobility such as cars and skytrains. Coupling
refers to the need to interact with other people. Finally,
authority considers the constraints on movement
2
controlled by other people or institutions.
199
Street section in front of Siam
View of Siam Paragon and
Paragon. A broad terrace of
Siam Center from the lower
fountains and coconut palm trees
platform of the Skytrain at
descends from Paragon’s main
Siam Central Interchange.
plaza to the taxi drop-off from
Rama I Road. The Skytrain
mezzanine can be seen on the
right leading to a pedestrian
bridge connecting to the mall in
the background.
200
Movement will not be considered only in relation to
the physical, social and authority constraints, but also in
relation to the city as an archive of stratified knowledge.
The world is made up of superimposed surfaces,
archives or strata. The world is thus knowledge.
But strata crossed by a central fissure that
separates on the one hand the visual scenes, and
on the other the sound curves: the articulable and
the visible on each stratum, the two irreducible
forms of knowledge, Light and Language, two vast
environments of exteriority where visibilities and
statements are respectively deposited. So we are
caught in a double movement. We immerse
ourselves from stratum to stratum, from band to
band; we cross the surfaces, scenes and curves; we
follow the fissure, in order to reach an interior of
the world. But at the same time we try to climb
above the strata in order to reach an outside, an
atmospheric element, a ‘non-stratified substance’
that would be capable of explaining how the two
forms of knowledge can embrace and intertwine
on each stratum, form one edge of the fissure to
the other. If not, then how could the two halves of
the archive communicate, how could statements
3
explain scenes, or scenes illustrate statements?
The spatial archive of archaeology and the temporal
diagram of genealogy together form a basis for a third
analytical technique in digital modelling for urban design:
schizoanalysis. While archaeological modelling situated
urban design knowledge within the collateral space of
strata, and genealogical modelling diagrammed the
correlative space created by exertion of forces of various
urban actors and agents over time, schizoanalytical
modelling will analyse the complementary space of the
222
Thaksinomics led to a growth rate for the Thai
economy that increased from 1.9 per cent in 2001 to 6.5
29
per cent in 2003. The wider availability of credit and
government stimulus produced for the first time in
Thailand a mass-consumer society completely at odds
with the dictates of the Sufficiency Economy. Thaksin
was the first Thai Prime Minister to complete a full term,
and was re-elected by an overwhelming mandate of the
rural poor in 2005. It was during those years that the
emergence of Bangkok’s central shopping district became
both a symbol of Thaksinomics and its basis in consumer
spending, and the site of Thaksin’s ultimate political
demise. Almost immediately after Thaksin’s re-election,
his consolidation of power and signs of corruption
brought the Bangkok middle class to the front door of
Parliament House, the great square at the end of
Ratchadamnoen Road.
After months of growing unrest, the protesters
gathered in Rama I Road, in the shadow of the Skytrain,
and brought Bangkok’s CSD to a halt, forcing Thaksin to
resign. Thaksin regained power as caretaker Prime
Minister, but on 19 September 2006, a coup d’état placed
Surayud Chulanont as Premier with a mandate to
institute the Sufficiency philosophy. Elections in
December 2007 replaced the interim government with
the People’s Power Party led by Samak Sundaravej based
on a platform which allied itself with Thaksin and the
banned ‘Thai love Thai’ political party.
Schizoanalysis primarily examines human desire
released by capitalist consumerism. Today’s dense and
complex urban contexts continually present divergent
choices rather than unitary directions. Schizoanalysis in
urban design leads to the production of difference and
diversity rather than singularities and uniformity based
on the polyvocal nature of contemporary society. Desire is
seen as a positive force rather than a lack or a need.
Desire sets the psyche in motion to make new
connections and trajectories – in other words to actively
create new urban design models. However, according to
Eugene Holland, desire gets tricked by representations
and the critical task of schizoanalysis is to destroy and
6
critique the power of representation in all its forms.
Guattari defines the analytical aim of schizoanalysis
as a shift away from prescribed ways of thinking within
disciplinary structures of representation, by instead
‘fashioning new coordinates for reading and for “bringing
to life” hitherto unknown representations and
7
propositions’. Urban design, as we have seen in our
archaeological and genealogical analyses, is a system of
representation – it makes knowledge, power and the
exertion of social forces concrete over time. What
happens when the world explodes with multiple and
conflicting signs, languages and images? Robert Venturi,
Denise Scott Brown and Steven Izenour, with their
students from Yale, developed a revolutionary method of
analysing such a world by exploring the Las Vegas strip in
1972 as an assemblage of enunciation. In the decades
since they published their work, Las Vegas has become an
urban design model for much of the urbanising world.
Through an analysis of the space, scale and speed of the
strip in section through serial photography and analytical
diagrams, Venturi, Scott Brown, Izenour and their
students developed a basis for a schizoanalytical
approach for urban design.
disjunctive flows which comprise our rapidly urbanising
and globalising world. Schizoanalytical modelling cuts
multiple sections through the layered archaeological and
genealogical time frames to evaluate the disjunctive
space of global flows of information, people, material and
media. While we referred to Aldo Rossi’s theories of the
city through archaeological modelling, and Grahame
Shane’s theories of recombinant urbanism with
genealogical models, Robert Venturi, Denise Scott Brown
and Steven Izenour’s Learning from Las Vegas will assist
us in developing a schizoanalytical model for urban
design based on the role urban design plays in situating
4
symbolic language in space. Since its publication, the
new Las Vegas has become a destination not just for
gamblers, but on the new Grand Tour for public officials
as well as architects, urban designers and their developer
clients from Dubai to Shanghai.
For psychoanalyst and activist Félix Guattari, the
schizoanalytical project is both modest, because it just
requires observation of the here and now, and also broad,
in that it has the potential for becoming a discipline for
reading other systems of modelling. Guattari sees
schizoanalysis not as a general model, but as a tool for
deciphering the way various fields or disciplines
5
construct models. Schizoanalysis is therefore presented,
not just as a way to revolutionise his field of
psychoanalysis, but as a meta-model for examining the
everyday world around us. Meta-modelling – a kind of
model that exists to look above and beyond specific
disciplinary models – brings us back to a re-examination
of Kevin Lynch’s different definitions of modelling
outlined in the Prelude of this book. Can urban design
look beyond the limits of any particular discipline and
construct a way of understanding how urban space is
generated through multiple forces and flows acting at
different speeds and intensities?
Spectacular Feedback
Bangkok’s CSD is not just a shopping district, but a
symbol of all the conflicts inherent in the global city of
disjunctive flows. In the following chapter, we will
present a schizoanalytical model of Bangkok’s central
shopping district as a final example of digital modelling
for urban design. While urban design has traditionally
prioritised the physical context of an urban site,
schizoanalysis looks at contextualisation in a deeper
sense by considering the micro-politics of subjective
meaning. There is never any correct interpretation of an
urban context, and schizoanalysis uncovers the multiple
assemblages of codes and meanings which constitute an
urban site.
Schizoanalysis is located within the various
disjunctive flows which pass through any urban context.
These include the ecosystem fluxes of water, materials,
nutrients and organisms, but also the mechanical flows
which convey these materials as well as people,
information and ideas through cities. The informational
and media flows which constitute the semiotic flux of
contemporary life are accompanied by a continual sound
and visual track which complements the material and
human flows. It is the intersections and interstices
between these flows which constitute the object of
schizoanalytical modelling. Human perception and social
organisation occurs also at the intersection of these
flows, and schizoanalytical modelling can begin to
capture the relationship between human subjectivity and
the mechanics of flows. Urban design captures the
transformational capacity of redirecting these flows in
relation to human agency and social life.
152
Félix Guattari, ‘Schizoanalysis’, translated by Mohamed Zayani, The Yale
Journal of Criticism, 11.2, 1998.
John Corbett, Torsten Hägerstrand: Time Geography, Center for Spatially
Integrated Social Science, http://www.csiss.org/classics/content/29
Gilles Deleuze, Foucault, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press,
1986, pp 120–1.
Robert Venturi, Denise Scott Brown and Steven Izenour, Learning from
Las Vegas, Cambridge: MIT Press, 1972.
Guattari, p 433.
Eugene Holland, Deleuze and Guattari’s Anti-Oedipus: Introduction to
Schizoanalysis, London: Routledge, 1999, pp 54–7.
Guattari, p 433.
Ibid, pp 338/404.
Ibid, pp 277/329.
Ibid, p 435.
Steward Pickett and Mary Cadenasso, ‘Meaning, Models and Metaphor
of Patch Dynamics’, Designing Patch Dynamics, edited by Brian McGrath
et al, New York Columbia University Books on Architecture, 2008, pp
18–31.
Marguerite Yourcenar, The Dark Brain of Piranesi and Other Essays,
New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1980, p 98.
Richard Krautheimer, Rome: Profile of a City, 312–1308, Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1980, pp 317–19.
Yourcenar, pp 88 and 93.
Ibid, p 95.
Sergei Eisenstein, ‘Montage and Architecture’, Assemblage 10,
Cambridge: MIT Press, Dec 1989, pp 110–31.
Yourcenar, p 92.
Ibid, p 101.
Ibid, p 102.
Rodolfo Lanciani, The Destruction of Ancient Rome, New York:
Macmillan, 1901, p 206.
Yourcenar, p 98.
Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism &
Schizophrenia Vol 2, translated by Brian Massumi, Minneapolis:
University of Minnesota Press, 1987, pp 111–48.
Critical Art Ensemble, Digital Resistance: Explorations in Tactical Media,
Brooklyn: Autonomedia, 2001, p 83.
Ibid, p 85.
Thai Embassy, News Division, Department of Information, 23 April 2007,
http://www.thaiembassy.be/pdf/sufficiency_economy.pdf
Ibid, http://www.thaiembassy.be/images/stories/sufficiency_economy/
sufficiency_economy.pdf, p 6.
http://www.thaksinomics.com/
Pasuk Phongpaichit and Chris Baker, Thailand’s Boom and Bust, Chiang
Mai: Silkworm Books, 1998.
http://www.thaksinomics.com/
For Guattari, ‘the task of Schizoanalysis is that of
learning what a subject’s desiring-machines are, how
they work, with what syntheses, what bursts of energy,
what constituent misfires, with what flows, what chains,
and what becomings in each case. This positive task
cannot be separated from indispensable destructions, the
destruction of … the structures and representations that
8
prevent the machine from functioning.’ Ultimately, the
revolutionary transformation and redirection of this vast
reservoir of human psychic energy for Guattari is a new
environmentalism, creating a ‘new earth’. ‘A revolution
may occur only after capitalist super-exploitation of
resources has so severely impaired or even reversed its
ability to continue developing productive forces and
energies that some other mode of social relation to the
9
earth shows visible signs of doing better.’
There is no consistent schizoanalytical protocol for
urban design, but only constant re-evaluation of urban
mutations and assemblages at various scales, created
through effects of environmental, social and
psychological feedback. This feedback can take positive
and negative forms. For Guattari, negative feedback
leads to a simple re-equilibrium, while positive feedback
engages splitting processes, such as disturbance or
10
catastrophes. Guattari’s distinguishing between
equilibrium and disturbance ecologies mirrors
contemporary urban ecosystem science. As ecologists
Steward Pickett and Mary Cadenasso have demonstrated,
11
disequilibrium is the ‘natural’ state of ecosystems.
Pickett and Cadenasso are disturbance ecologists, and
their theories provide a radically different view of nature,
one in which equilibrium is just one state in an ecosystem
of constant dynamism and flux. For them, the city is a
network of patches in which human movement is just one
of many types of flows.
201
2005
2000
1995
1990
1985
1980
1975
1970
1965
1960
–[ d.23
226
Commuters head to the centre
Morning delivery of crushed
of Bangkok on the San Saeb
ice for Siam Center at Soi
Canal ferry.
Kasemsan 1.
The early call to prayer drifts with the morning fog on the
Saen Saeb Canal. A taxi boat’s engine idles for a few
moments while picking up commuting passengers. As the
boat takes off, its wake splashes into the tiny lanes which
wind to the mosque. Across the canal, the monks from
Wat Pathum Wanaram make their morning rounds
through the Buddhist monastery community that lines
the small soi – or alley – that connects the canal to the
broad Rama I Road. People sit quietly meditating on the
cool floor of the temple. The first Skytrain of the morning
crosses the canal, a slowly moving arch of light turns over
Pathumwan Intersection before pulling into Siam Central
Station. The sound of train wheels on a steel track barely
filters through the thick temple walls. Traffic is stopped
at Pathumwan Intersection for a moment to allow
Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn to leave Sra Pathum
Palace to perform her Royal duties.
The icemakers on the narrow Soi Kasemsan 1 have
ground and bagged the blocks of ice which have been
stored in the ground floor of the shop house all night,
cooling the workers in their dormitory above. As they
have for four decades, they load their bicycle samlors to
deliver crushed ice for cool refreshment to the vendors
diagonally across in the shopping centre Siam Square.
The snack vendors have gathered in front of Siam
Paragon Mall, where they are allowed to sell freshly
prepared food, in small plastic bags wound tightly with
rubber bands, to the workers who will serve the
customers arriving after 10am, among them university
students coming for a coffee and doughnut before
heading off to class. This is morning in Bangkok
Simultopia, as the great arenas of globalisation, the huge
malls of Bangkok’s central shopping district, prepare to
open again for the hundreds of thousands of daily
visitors, alongside diverse local activities from earlier
times which still persist.
Simultopia
Simultopia is a purposely ambiguous term coined to give
meaning to the complex experience of place in late
capitalist global cities. While -topia means place, simulimplies both the Modernist dream of simultaneity – the
ability to understand multiple actions in one place – and
Post-Modern theories of simulation and the simulacra,
which refer to copies without an original. Simultopia,
therefore, describes the mediated experience of
globalisation which includes both that of speed,
movement, transparency and simultaneity which
captivated historical Modernist aesthetics, and revisionist
notions of the phenomenology of place which grew in
reaction to ‘placelessness’ of Modernist technological
1
space. The term resonates critically in two directions,
towards regressive utopian Modernisms which still
imagine heroic possibilities of human physical
overachievement, and theories of place which are
inadequate in describing the mediated experiential
possibilities of contemporary environments, societies and
psyches. In Bangkok it is used to describe the coexistence
of extremely localised environments along canals and
alleyways (sois), juxtaposed with the huge commercial
spaces of globalisation.
In this sense, simultopia resonates between
2
Baudrillard’s concept of the simulacra and the vast
knowledge embedded in Bangkok’s Theravada Buddhist
scriptures and practices. The Traibumikatha, Thailand’s
Theravada Buddhist canon, describes three worlds – one
formless, one comprising form but no sensation, and
finally the world of form and sensation – divided into 34
3
levels of existence. For eight centuries, Siam has
constructed symbolic urban realms embodying modes of
behaviour which interpret this cosmological model in
architectural details, ritual space as well as city planning
and design. Simultopia also dreams of inventing new
paradigms for city production, ones which neither
transcend nor simulate place, but inhabit space as
different layers of reality. Furthermore, simultopia
embraces a philosophy of the new and the now, to
understand a world of changing perceptions and
experience, rather than symbolically fixed
representations and signs of place.
Through careful self-examination, the philosopher
Henri Bergson found himself split into two individuals,
one an actor in his role, the automaton, and the other an
independent spectator, free and real, who observes the
4
other like on a stage. For Bergson, time and memory are
not inside us, but it is the interiority that we are in, in
which we move, live and change. The actual and the
virtual, physical and mental, present and past are
inseparable ongoing coexistences. Theravada Buddhist
meditation practice, likewise, enables the attainment of
such perception by the development of a separate
consciousness which surveys sensory-motor stimulations
from a floating, detached, non-reacting vantage point.
This practice is most ideally developed in isolation – the
most learned priests in the ancient capitals in Siam were
located in the forest monasteries. In modern Thailand,
wandering ascetic monks still seek enlightenment in the
forests; equipped only with a tent-like umbrella they live
off the land and offerings from villagers. Wat Pathum
Wanaram, now surrounded by the forest of signs of
Bangkok’s Central Shopping District, was originally a
forest meditation retreat, outside the royal city of
Bangkok and accessible only by canal. Even today temple
monks with offering bowls make their rounds in the small
streets leading to Rama I Road, and cross Pathumwan
Intersection before the malls open.
227
Blocks of ice are delivered
every night under the red
neon light of a short-stay
motel. The ice workers sleep
in cool comfort above the
refrigerated shop house
228
d.24 ]–
Radical contemporary Buddhism now interprets the
Traibumikatha’s super-mundane realms as psychological
5
states in the here and now. The repeating cycles of
human existence based on suffering, death, karma,
merit-making and rebirth can be understood best
through meditation practices which still the body and
mind in order to bring attention to reality as constant flux
and change. Contemporary ecological thinking has also
been radicalised through new open, non-equilibrium,
disturbance models. Rather than seeing ecologies as
closed systems in balance, ecosystem science today
conceives of the world as comprised of an open
6
impermanent system of patches in constant flux. The
global context in which both contemporary Buddhism and
disturbance ecology are imagined has radically shifted as
well. For the first time in human history, the majority of
people are urban dwellers. Nature can no longer be
conceived as the wild ‘other’ of the city, isolated from
human disturbance, and cities can no longer be conceived
as closed human systems outside Nature.
Bangkok Simultopia revisits the mediated human
ecosystem which comprises the large commercial blocks
surrounding Wat Pathum Wanaram. This conjunction of
historical space and time is an architectural expression of
Bangkok’s current collective psyche at a time of social,
political and economic uncertainty. Félix Guattari has said
that schizoanalysis is setting all objects in relation to
7
connectivity, disjunctive and conjunctive value. While
Grahame Shane8 has examined the connective
architecture of urban armatures, here in addition to the
connective value of urban design, its disjunctive and
conjunctive value will be analysed in Bangkok central
shopping district as a schizoanalytical model of
globalisation. We will employ digital modelling to cut
through the spatial and temporal compression within this
corner of contemporary Bangkok – a collapse of histories,
geographies and cultures. As Foucault reminds us:
History becomes ‘effective’ to the degree that it
introduces discontinuity into our very being – as it
divides our emotions, dramatizes our instincts,
multiplies our body and sets it against itself.
‘Effective’ history deprives the self of the
reassuring stability of life and nature, and it will
not permit itself to be transported by a voiceless
obstinacy toward a millennial ending. It will uproot
its traditional foundations and relentlessly disrupt
its pretended continuity. This is because
knowledge is not made for understanding; it is
9
made for cutting.
229
Section through National
Stadium Station with bridge to
MBK Center on the right.
230
Pathumwan Intersection
We begin our digital cutting at the National Stadium
Station, the terminal station of the Bangkok Transit
System’s (BTS) Skytrain Silom Line. The broad concrete
platform completely covers congested Rama I Road – the
most direct connection to the heart of Bangkok – and
after crossing the three city moats to the west, ends at
the gates of the Grand Palace. But the concrete viaduct of
the BTS Skytrain terminates abruptly here, and you have
to contend with a multitude of road-based vehicular
options to travel to the historical centre of the city, unless
you know about the hidden municipal canal boat service
tucked at the end of the narrow sois that line Rama I
Road. Travelling eastward, however, has become quite
easy with Bangkok’s first mass transit system. The Silom
Line travels east for two kilometres before turning south
past Lumphini Park, and snaking along the business
districts of Silom and Sathorn Roads, before terminating
at the Thaksin Bridge pier, where the Chao Phraya
express boat provides another way to the palace and
temple enclaves of Rattanakosin Island.
The station platform looks over the old National
Stadium and the green oasis of Chulalongkorn University
to the south, and the short, crowded sois of shop houses,
guest houses, bungalows and street vendors which end at
the Saen Saeb Canal. More than just a transit stop,
National Stadium Station is the beginning of a
schizoanalytical journey through the heart of Bangkok
Simultopia. This chapter will travel by cutting through the
layered space of the multi-level armature, as the Silom
Line transfers to the Sukhumvit Line at Siam Central
Station, before coming to a rest at Chitlom Station and
Central Department Store.
Just south of National Stadium Station, across the
street from Soi Kasemsan, is MBK Center, one of the
largest shopping malls in Asia. Two thousand micro
stores and services, a hundred eating places and a large
entertainment complex consisting of a cinema city,
karaoke complex and bowling alleys extend south from
Pathumwan Intersection. Locals and tourists come here
because it is a multi-level souk – prices are negotiable
and brand products are reproduced at a fraction of their
original prices. The east end of National Stadium Station’s
mezzanine extends to a bridge leading to MBK through
the Tokyu Department Store. MBK Center’s website
boasts that 150,000 customers, including 30,000 tourists,
circulate through eight floors of the 330-foot-long mall
every day. The complex also contains an office building
and the Pathumwan Princess Hotel above, as well as a
4000-space car parking deck. The mall’s exterior was
renovated in 2000, in celebration of both the new
millennium and the opening of the Skytrain. It is the
success of MBK’s direct connection and resurfacing that
led other businesses to follow suit along the entire length
of the BTS, creating one continuous interconnected
multi-level shopping armature.
231
Hawkers spread out their
goods on the BTS mezzanine
outside National Stadium
Station platform after the malls
close. Central World Plaza is
the lit tower in the
background, and two steel
bridges to MBK Center can be
seen in the foreground and
middle ground.
Events plaza located
between Siam Discovery and
Siam Center.
232
The giant concrete National Stadium Station
mezzanine extends across Pathumwan Intersection, and
two semicircular steel bridges lead to curving stairways
descending to the four corners of the intersection. The
bridge at the south-west corner has a second stair which
climbs up to provide direct access to the third floor of
MBK. After MBK closes, the raised mezzanine platform is
filled with hawkers, entertainers and people just enjoying
the cool evening breeze. Food vendors, taxi, motorcycle
and tuk-tuk drivers strategically congregate in shifts at
the points where the transit system stairs touch the
ground. A journey along the Skytrain not only
demonstrates how developers have reorganised their
large commercial spaces around the new infrastructure
of the city, but how the micro economic and informal
sectors adapt to these new urban flows as well.
Diagonally opposite Pathumwan Intersection from
MBK Center, the north-east corner of the semicircular
bridge from the National Stadium Station mezzanine
extension provides direct access through the shiny
aluminium facade of Siam Discovery Center. The bridge
leads to a glittering six-storey atrium, consisting of
overlapping circular walkways. Siam Discovery Center
opened in 1997, just as the Thai economy collapsed,
initiating a financial crisis across East Asia. However, it
was positioned to serve a more sophisticated and mature
clientele than the bargain hunters at MBK. Riding the
exterior glass elevator you ascend from the plaza entry
level, past the pedestrian bridge level, above the Skytrain
mezzanine, lower track, and finally above the upper
tracks to the ‘gold class’ cinemas on top. Above the
cinemas sits a 36-storey office tower.
233
Section through Pathumwan
Intersection with Siam
Discovery Center on the left.
–[ d.25
236
Siam Central Interchange Station
Straddling Rama I Road between Siam Center and Siam
Square is the giant Siam Central Interchange Station
connecting the two BTS Skytrain lines. While all the other
stations along the Skytrain face inward towards parallel
tracks, here two platform levels face outward – both north
and south – towards the city. Both Siam Center and Siam
Square responded to this greater public exposure with
new glass walls, billboards and media screens facing the
BTS. The north platforms faced the lush gardens of the old
Intercontinental Hotel, which stretched to the Saen Saeb
Canal to the north, the Sra Pathum Palace to the west and
the Buddhist monastery and temple complex, Wat Pathum
Wanaram, to the east. Twin escalators lead directly up to
the station mezzanine from Rama I Road, and a broad
raised covered plaza and grand staircase runs the entire
length of Siam Center. With the Skytrain viaduct above,
the entire effect between the two shopping centres is of
an outdoor living room for the city, usually filled with
traffic, although for a few days before the 2006 coup it
was the site of massive political demonstrations.
The grand opening of Bangkok’s glittering new
upscale shopping mall, Siam Paragon, was broadcast
throughout the kingdom in December 2005. The mall
replaced the verdant Siam Intercontinental Hotel, torn
down in 2002 on Crown Property Bureau land next to the
royal gardens of Sra Pathum Palace, just west of Wat
Pathum Wanaram. The grand entrance to the mall,
according to its website, is a faceted glass ‘jewel’ meant
to glitter like diamonds in the day and glow with the
colours of gems – from ruby, sapphire and emerald to
topaz – in the evening. Inside Siam Paragon are luxury
car showrooms, a food court, fountains and the largest
aquarium in South-East Asia – Siam Ocean World. The
mall as jewel has nine different ‘facets’: Luxury, Fashion,
Lifestyle, Leisure, Technology, Living, Divine Dining, as
well as Education and Exploration. The 300,000-squaremetre mall expects to draw, like MBK, 100,000
visitors a day.
Siam Paragon (left) secondlevel plaza provides a stage for
the passengers awaiting trains
on the two platforms at Siam
Central Interchange (right).
d.26 ]–
The faceted jewel-like entry to
Siam Paragon (right) faces a
raised plaza with direct
access to Siam Central
Interchange Station (centre).
237
–[ d.27