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Volumes

- Volume 1: Aach to Apocalyptic

Existing articles to date

A

- Aach

- Aachen

- Aargau

- Aaron

- Abba Mari ben Moses ben Joseph don Astruc

- Abraham ben Isaac Hayyot

- Abraham ben Isaac ben Jehiel of Pisa

- Arbues, Pedro

- Atonement, Day of

B

- Baer, Issachar ben Solomon

- Bessels, Emil

C

- Coen, Jan Pieterszoon

D

- Daggatun

E

- Ettlinger, Jacob

F

G

- Geldern, Simon von

- Goldfaden, Abraham

- Gottlober, Abraham Baer

H

- Haas, Robert

- Held, Anna

I

K

- Kol Nidre

L

- Levin, Rahel

M

- Müller, Joel

N

- Nazir

O

R

- Rosenthal, Joseph

S

- Spiegel, Frederick S.

T

- Tuchmann, Jules

U

V

- Vogel, Julius

X

- Xanten

Y

This work is in the public domain in the United States because it was published before January 1, 1929.

The longest-living author of this work died in 1939, so this work is in the public domain in countries and areas where the copyright term is the author's life plus 84 years or less. This work may be in the public domain in countries and areas with longer native copyright terms that apply the rule of the shorter term to foreign works.

AACH: A small town in the circle of Constance, Baden, Germany, at one time belonging to the landgraviate of Nellenburg. The first mention of Jews in Aach is found in a document of the year 1518, in which the Jews of Geisingen are accused of having murdered a Christian child. In another document, of the year 1522, reference is made to a debt due to a Jewish tradesman of Aach from an inhabitant of Beuren. In the archives of Carlsruhe there are three documents dealing especially with the Jews of Aach during the last half of the sixteenth century. Every ten years the Jews of Nellenburg were required to renew their permits of residence in the landgraviate. The first document shows that between the years 1560 and 1570 only five Jewish families received such permits; and it is expressly stated that they were then entitled to all the rights enjoyed by the other citizens of Aach; but no Jew was allowed to harbor more than five strangers in his house. The arrival of any Jewish visitor had to be announced to the Landvogt and burgomaster; but no such stranger was allowed to trade with the people of Aach. The second document is an edict of Emperor Ferdinand I., dated Aug. 1, 1559, which deals with the laws regarding usury. The third document, dated at Innsbruck, Oct. 10, 1583, renews the right of residence for six Jewish families of Aach. The provisions of this act are much more severe than those included in the document relating to the period between the years 1560 and 1570, referred to above. The renewal of residence was granted for five years only; Jews were forbidden to deal in agricultural products, and they were no longer allowed to chant in the synagogue. This difference in the treatment of the Jews of Aach was due to the attitude of Emperor Rudolph II. The landgraviate of Nellenburg was sold in 1645 to Austria, and has belonged to Baden since 1810.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Löwenstein, in Zeit. für die Gesch. der Juden in Deutschland, ii. 383-388, iii. 74-77.

G.

AACHEN: See AIX-LA-CHAPELLE

AARGAU: A canton in northern Switzerland, formerly the only one in which Jews were permitted to live. The two townships Endingen and Lengnau, situated in the district of Baden and about three miles apart, formed for several centuries the Swiss ghetto. In the seventeenth century, or probably at an earlier period, when the Jews were banished from the confederation, several Jewish families were collected here under special protection as "Schirmund Schutzjuden." They were, however, forbidden to buy land or to own houses, and they were not permitted to live under the same roof with Christians.

The gulf separating them from the Christians was further widened in 1671, when a special oath was formulated for all Jews who appeared in the court of justice (see OATH, JEWS'). The Jews were   Renewals

of Charter. also heavily taxed. The authorities, who renewed their charter every sixteen years, received pay for protection. The provost and the district clerk and his secretary received "recognition money" and "settlement dues"; and whenever the Jews passed through a locality in the canton they paid a polltax. In 1712, when the Jews at Lengnau were pillaged by the country people, the former had their charter renewed for sixteen years, and again, at its recurrent expiration, in 1728, 1744, and 1760—on the last occasion even in spite of the subprovost's urgent demands that they be banished.

The renewal of the charter to the Jews in 1760 was granted only upon the express condition that "they should not multiply nor allow marriages between poor persons, and that all brides from without should bring   Emancipa-

tion

Movement. with them a dowry of at least 500 gulden"; but there was the further restriction that "they could neither acquire houses, nor practise usury, nor buy estates, nor discount notes, without the permission of the authorities." In 1792 a condition was added forbidding Christian and Jew to live under the same roof; but this was the last time that the "Hebrews," as the Swiss were accustomed to call the Jews, had to renew the charter. Influenced by the results of the Revolution in France, several broad-minded Swiss statesmen gave their attention to the improvement of the precarious position of the Jews, who had increased from thirty-five to one hundred and forty-seven families during the interval between the years 1702-92. In the year 1799 all special tolls and imposts were abolished, and in 1802 the polltax was also abrogated. On Sept. 21 of the same year, during the French occupation, a riot broke out at Endingen and Lengnau; the Jews' dwellings were sacked, and they lost nearly all their possessions in spite of General Ney's attempts to protect them. Yet this check could not stem the tide of Jewish emancipation. By a law of May 5, 1809, the right of citizenship was granted to Jews, and they were permitted to engage in trade and agriculture. The right of settlement, however, still remained restricted to Endingen and Lengnau until May 7, 1846, when they were allowed to settle in any portion of the canton of Aargau. Ten years later (Sept. 24, 1856) the federal council voted them equal political rights with other Swiss citizens in that canton, as well as entire freedom of commerce; but the opposition of the Christian population prevented the decision from being generally generally carried out.

In 1860 the government of Aargau seriously considered a bill granting full enfranchisement to the Jews, the intention being to given them suffrage in all communal and cantonal rights  Enfran-

chisement

Considered., and to constitute the communities of Endingen and Lengnau autonomous villages. This bill was strenuously opposed by the Christian population, and led to serious disorders which threatened Jewish property. Notwithstanding the violent opposition of the Ultramontane party through its press, the government bill was carried May 15, 1862, by a vote of 113 to 2. This law should have become operative on July 1 of that year; but the dissatisfaction having become general throughout the canton, the law was repealed by a referendum. Jewish emancipation now became a federal affair, and was submitted for decision to the federal council. The federal authorities in July, 1863, granted the Swiss Jews the fullest rights of citizens, a result due largely to the efforts of the Swiss Jewish "Kulturverein" (Culture Society), founded in I862 and dissolved after an existence of twenty years. Full civil equality was obtained only when they received the formal rights of citizenship, which had long been withheld from in their own communities of Endingen and Lengnau. A resolution of the "Grosse Rath" of Aargau, May 15, 1877, granted citizens' rights to the members of the Jewish communities of those places, giving them charters under the names of New Endingen and New Lengnau. The prohibition against the Jewish mode of slaughtering, which by a plebiscitum became the law of the canton (see SWITZERLAND), bore especially hard on the Jewish communities of Aargau.

The civil, intellectual, and religious life of the Jews in Aargau differed little from that in other countries. For a long time the Swiss Jews were not allowed to bury their dead in Swiss soil. Their burial-place was an island in the Rhine near Coblenz (Switzerland)  Religious

and

General

Progress., which is still called Judenäule, or JEWS' ISLE, bought for that purpose from the community of Waldshut, in Baden. It was only about the middle of the eighteenth century that they received permission to acquire a joint cemetery situated between Endingen and Lengnau, which has been in use ever since. The first synagogue was erected at Lengnau in 1755, it being the first on Swiss soil after the general expulsion; and nine years later the congregation of Endingen had the satisfaction of assembling in their own house of worship. After a lapse of ninety years beautiful synagogues were erected in both communities. In 1810 considerable funds were collected for the maintenance of communal schools, which were put on an equal footing with those of the Christians in 1835 and subsidized by the government.

Originally one rabbi served both communities. The first one mentioned Loeb Pinschow. is buried with his wife on Jews' Isle. He was succeeded by Jacob ben Isserle Schvaich. Toward the end of the eighteenth century Raphael Ris, surnamed Raphael Hagenthal.  Dissen-

sions. was appointed rabbi of the two communities. He died in 1818, and was succeeded by Isaac Luntschütz, surnamed Isaac of Westhofen, who held the office but one year. His successor was Raphael Ris' son, Abraham Ris, previously rabbi at Mühringen. After a lapse of three years a conflict arose between the two communities, which was settled by the government's appointing Abraham Ris rabbi for Endingen only and Volf Dreifus for Lengnau. The subsequent appointment of Leopold Wyler as rabbi of Endingen gave rise to grave dissensions in the community, which culminated in his retirement from office. The government issued a decree in 1852, regulating the appointment and the duties of the rabbis, and in 1854 Julius Fürst was elected rabbi of Endingen. hut resigned three years later. After the death of Dreifus the two communities reunited; and at the close of 1801 the government appointed M. KAYSERLING to the rabbinical office, which he held until 1870.

Besides that of Endingen and Lengnau, there exists in the canton Aargau a Jewish community at Baden with about 2,000 persons, who have a rabbi and a school. A few families live at Aarau and Bremgarten. In 1875 there were 1,368 Jews at Aargau (Engelbert). Since the right of free movement has been accorded to them, Jews have settled in several cantons of the Swiss Confederation.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: J. C. Ulrich, Sammlung Jüd. Gesch. in der Schweiz, pp. 266 et seq.; the same, Eidgenössische Abschiede, viii. 477 et seq.; the same, Argovia, ii. 153 et seq.; ibid. iv. 133 et seq.; F. A. Stöcker, Die Verhältnisse der Juden im Aargau, Aarau, 1861.; the same, Die Judenfrage vor dem Grossen Rathe des Kantons Aargau, Aarau, 1862; Kayserling, Die Emancipation im Aargau, in Monatsschrift, xii. 412 et seq; ibid. 441-454; the same, Die Judeninsel und der Schiffbruch bei Koblenz, Ein Gedenkblatt, Baden, 1872; Rauricia Illustrirte Blätter für das Volk, 1861, Nos. 48 et seq.; Grätz, Gesch. d. Juden, vii. 365 et seq.

M. K.

AARON.— Biblical Data: One of two brothers who play a unique part in the history of the Hebrew people. He was the elder son of Amran and Jochebed of the tribe of Levi; MOSES, the other son, being three years younger, and MIRIAM, their sister, several years older (Ex. ii. 4). Aaron was the great-grandson of Levi (Ex. vi. 16-20) and represented the priestly functions of his tribe. While Moses was receiving his education at the Egyptian court and during his exile among the Midianites, Aaron and his sister remained with their kinsmen in the eastern border-land of Egypt. Here he gained a name for eloquent and persuasive speech; so that when the time came for the demand upon PHARAOH to release Israel from captivity, Aaron became his brother’s nabi, or spokesman, to his own people (Ex. iv. 16) and, after their unwillingness to hear, to Pharaoh himself (Ex. vii. 9)

Aaron’s function included the duties of speaker and implied personal dealings with the court on   His

Function. behalf of Moses, who was always the central moving figure. The part played by Aaron in the events that preceded the Exodus was, therefore, ministerial, and not directive. He shared the miraculous powers of Moses, and performed "signs" before his people which impressed them with a belief in the reality of the divine mission of the brothers (Ex. iv. 15, 16). At the command of Moses he stretched out his rod in order to bring on the first three plagues (Ex. vii. 19, Ex. viii. 1, 12). In the infliction of the remaining plagues he appears to have acted merely as the attendant of Moses, whose outstretched rod drew the divine wrath upon Pharaoh and his subjects (Ex. ix. 23, Ex. x. 13, 22). The potency of Aaron’s rod had already been demonstrated by its victory over the rods of the Egyptian magicians, which it swallowed after all the rods alike had been turned into serpents (Ex. vii. 9 et seq.). During the journey in the wilderness Aaron is not always prominent or active; and he sometimes appears guilty of rebellious or treasonable conduct. At the battle with Amalek he is chosen with Hur to support the hand of Moses that held the "rod of God" (Ex. xvii. 9 et seq.). When the revelation was given to Moses at Sinai, he headed the elders of Israel who accompanied Moses on the way to the summit. Joshua, however was admitted with his leader to the very presence of the Lord, while Aaron and Hur remained below to look after the people (Ex. xxiv. 9-14). It was during the prolonged absence of Moses that Aaron yielded to the clamors of the people, and made a golden calf as a visible image of the divinity who had delivered them from Egypt (Ex. xxxii. 1-6). At the intercession of Moses, Aaron was saved from the plague which smote the people (Deut. ix. 20; Ex. xxxii. 35), although it was Aaron’s tribe of Levi that the work of punitive vengeance was committed (Ex. xxxii. 26 et seq.).   Becomes

Priest of

Israel. At the time when the tribe of Levi was set apart for priestly service. Aaron was anointed and consecrated to the priesthood, arrayed in the robes of his office, and instructed in its manifold duties (Ex. xxviii. and xxix.). On the very day of his consecration his sons, Nadab and Abihu, were consumed by fire form the Lord for having offered incense in an unlawful manner (Lev. x.). This stroke Aaron bore in silence.

From the time of the sojourn at Sinai, where he became the anointed priest of Israel, Aaron ceased to be the minister of Moses, his place being taken by Joshua. He is mentioned in association with Miriam in a jealous complaint against the exclusive claims of Moses as the Lord's prophet. The presumption of the murmurers was rebuked, and Miriam was smitten with leprosy. Aaron entrated Moses to intercede for her, at the same time confessing the sin and folly that prompted the uprising. Aaron himself was not struck with the plague on account of sacerdotal immunity; and Miriam, after seven days' quarantine, was healed and restored to favor (Num. xii.). It is noteworthy that the prophet Micah (vi. 4) mentions Moses, Aaron, and Miriam as the leaders of Israel after the Exodus (a judgment wholly in accord with the tenor of the narratives). In the present instance it is made clear by the express words of the oracle (Num. xii. 6-8) that Moses was unique amoing men as the one whom the Lord spoke face to face. The failure to recognize or concede this prerogative of their brother was the sin of Miriam and Aaron. The validity of the exclusive priesthood of the family of Aaron was attested after the ill-fated rebellion of KORAH,   Rebellion of Korah.   who was a first cousin of Aaron. When the earth had opened and swallowed up the leaders of the insurgents (Num. vxi. 25-35), ELEAZAR, the son of Aaron, was commissioned to take charge of the censers of the dead priests. And when the plague had broken out among the people who had sympathized with the rebels, Aaron, at the command of Moses, took his censer and stood between the living and the dead till the plague was stayed (Num. xvii. 1-15, xvi. 36-50, A.V.). Another memorable transaction followed. Each of the tribal princes of Israel took a rod and wrote his name upon it, and the twelve rods were laid up over night in the tent of meeting. On the morrow Aaron's rod was found to have budded and blossomed and borne ripe almonds (Num. xvii. 8; see AARON'S ROD). The miracle proved merely the prerogative of the tribe of Levi; but now a formal distinction was made in perpetuity between the family of Aaron and the other Levites. While the Levites (and only Levites) were to be devoted to sacred services, the special charge of sanctuary and the altar was committed to the Aaronites alone (Num. xviii. 1-7). The scene of this enactment is unknown, nore is the time mentioned.

Aaron, like Moses, was not permitted to enter Canaan with the successful invaders. The reason alleged is that the two brothers showed impatience at Meribah (Kadesh) in the last year of the desert pilgrimage (Num. xx. 12, 13), when they, or rather, Moses, brought water out of a rock to quench the thirst of the people. The action was construed as displaying a want in deference to the Lord, since they had been commanded to speak to the rock, whereas Moses struck it with the wonder-working rod (Num. xx. 7-11). Of the death of Aaron we have two accounts.   Death.   The principal one gives a detailed statement to the effect that, soon after the above incident, Aaron, with his son Eleazar and Moses, ascended MOUNT HOR. There Moses stripped him (Aaron) of his priestly garments, and transferred them to Aleazar. Aaron died on the summit of the mountain, and the people mourned for him thirty days (Num. xx. 22-29; compare xxxiii. 38, 39). The other account is found in Deut. x. 6, where Moses is reported as saying that Aaron died at MOSERA. and was buried there. Mosera is not on Mount Hor, since the itinerary in Num. xxxiii. 31-37 records seven stages between Moseroth (Mosera) and Mount Hor.

J. F. McC.

——In Apocryphal and Rabbinical Literature: The older prophets and prophetical writers beheld in their priests the representatives of a religious form inferior to the prophetic truth;  Typical

Significa-

tion. men without the spirit of God and lacking the will-power requisite to resist the multitude in its idolatrous proclivities. Thus Aaron, the typical priest, ranks far below Moses; he is but his mouthpiece, and the executor of the will of God revealed through Moses, although it is pointed (Sifra, Wa-yiḳra, i.) that it is said fifteen times in the Pentateuch that "the Lord spoke to Moses and Aaron." Under the influence of the priesthood which shaped the destinies of the nation under Persian rule, a different ideal of the priest was formed, as is learned from Mal. ii. 4-7; and the prevailing tendency was to place Aaron on a footing equal with Moses. "At times Aaron, and at other times Moses, is mentioned first in scripture—this is to show that they were of equal rank," says Mekilta ; and Ecclesiasticus (Sirach), xlv. 6-24, expressly infers this when introducing in his record of renowned men the glowing description of Aaron’s ministration. According to Tan. (ed. Buber, ii. 12), Aaron’s activity as a prophet began earlier than that of Moses. The writer of the Testaments of the Patriarchs, however, hesitates to rank Moses the faithful, "him that speaks with God as with a father," as equal to Aaron (Testament of Levi, viii. 17). The rabbis are still more emphatic in their praise of Aaron’s virtues. This Hillel, who in Herod’s time saw before him mainly a degenerate class of priests, selfish and quarrelsome, held Aaron of old up as a mirrow, saying:   Moses and

Aaron

Compared. "Be of the disciples of Aaron, loving peace and pursuing peace; love your fellow creatures and draw them nigh unto the Law!" (Abot, i. 12). This is further illustrated by the tradition preserved in Abot de-R. N. xii. Sanh. 6b, and elsewhere, according to which Aaron was an ideal priest of the people, far more beloved for his kindly ways than was Moses. While Moses was stern and uncompromising, brooking no wrong, Aaron went about as peacemaker, reconciling man and wife when he saw them estranged, or a man with his neighbor when they quarreled, and winning evil-doers back into the right way by his friendly intercourse. The mourning of the people at Aaron's death was greater, therefore, than at that of Moses; for whereas, when Aaron died the whole house of Israel wept, including the women (Num. xx. 29), Moses was bewailed by "the sons of Israel" only (Deut. xxxiv. 8). Even in the making of the Golden Calf the rabbis find extenuating circumstances for Aaron (Sanh. 7a). His fortitude and silent submission to the will of God on the loss of his two sons are referred to as an excellent example to men how to glorify God in the midst of great affliction (Zeb. 115b; Josephus, "Ant." iii. 8, § 7). Especially significant are the words represented as being spoken by God after the princes of the Twelve Tribes had brought their dedication offerings into the newly reared Tabernacle: "Say to thy brother Aaron: Greater than the gifts of the princes is thy gift; for thou art called upon to kindle the light, and, while the sacrifices shall last only as long as the Temple lasts, thy light of the Law shall last forever" (Tan., ed. Buber, (Hebrew characters). 6).

In fulfilment of the promise of peaceful life, symbolized by the pouring of oil upon his head (Lev. R. x., Midr. Teh. cxxxiii. 1), Aaron's death, as described in the Haggadah, was of a wonderful tranquillity.   Death of Aaron.   Accompanied by Moses, his brother, and by Eleazar, his son, Aaron went to the summit of Mount Hor, where the rock suddenly opened before him and a beautiful care lit by a lamp presented itself to his view. "Take off thy priestly rainient and place it upon thy sun Eleazar!" said Moses; "and then follow me. Aaron did as commanded; and they entered the cave, where was prepared a bed around which angels stood. “Go lie down upon thy bed, my brother," Moses continued: and Aaron obeyed without a murmur. Then his soul departed as if by a kiss from God. The cave closed behind Moses as he left; and he went down the hill with Eleazar, with garments rent, and crying: "Alas, Aaron, my brother! thou, the pillar of supplication of Israel!" When the Israelites cried in bewilderment, "Where is Aaron?" angels were seen carrying Aaron's bier through the air. A voice was then heard saying: "The law of truth was in his mouth, and iniquity was not found on his lips: he walked with me in righteousness, and brought many back from sin" (Mal. ii. 6, 7). He died, according to Seder 'Olam R. ix., R. H. 2. 3a, and Josephus, "Ant." iv. 4. § 7, on the first of Ab. Josephus says also that "he died while the multitude looked upon him." The pillar of cloud which proceeded in front of Israel's camp disappeared at Aaron's death (see Seder 'Olam, ix. and R. H. 2b-3a). The seeming contradiction between Num. xx. 22 et seq. and Deut. x. 6 is solved by the rabbis in the following manner: Aaron's death on Mount Hor was marked by the defeat of the people in a war with the king of Arad, in consequence of which the Israelites fled, marching seven stations backward to Mosera, where they performed the rites of mourning for Aaron; wherefore it is said: "There [at Mosera] died Aaron." See Mek., Beshallaḥ, Wayassa', i.; Tan., Huḳḳat, 18; Yer. Soṭah, i. 17c, and Targ. Yer. Num. and Deut, on the abovementioned passages.

The rabbis also dwell with special laudation on the brotherly sentiment which united Aaron and Moses. When the latter was appointed ruler and Aaron high priest, neither betrayed any jealousy; instead they rejoiced in one another's greatness. When Moses at first declined to go to Pharaoh, saying: "O my Lord, send, I pray thee, by the hand of him whom thou wilt send" (Ex. iv. 13), he was unwilling to deprive Aaron, his brother, of the high position the latter had held for so many years; but the Lord reassured him, saying: "Behold, when he seeth thee, he will be glad in his heart" (Ex. iv. 14). Indeed, Aaron was to find his reward, says Simon ben Yoḥai; for that heart which had leaped with joy over his younger brother's rise to glory greater than his was decorated with the Urim and Thummim, which were to "be upon Aaron's heart when he goeth in before the Lord" (Cant. R. i. 10). Moses and Aaron met in gladness of heart, kissing each other as true brothers (Ex. iv. 27 compare Song os Songs, viii. 1), and of them it is written: "Behold how good and howpleasant [it is] for brethren to dwell together in unity!" (Ps. cxxxiii. 1). Of them it is said (Ps. lxxxv. 10): "Mercy and truth are met together; righteousness and peace have kissed [each other]"; for Moses stood for righteousness, accorindg to Deut. xxxiii. 21, and Aaron for peace, according to Mal. ii. 6. Again, mercy was personified in Aaron, according to Deut. xxxiii. 8, and truth in Moses, according to Num. xii. 7 (Tan., Shemot, ed. Buber, 24-26).

When Moses poured the oil of anointment upon the head of Aaron, Aaron modestly shrank back and said: "Who knows whether I have no cast some blemish upon this sacred oil so as to forfeit this high office." Then the Holy Spirit spake the words: "Behold the precious ointment upon the head, that ran down upon the beard of Aaron, that even went down to the skirts of his garment, is as pure as the dew of Hermon" (Ps. cxxxiii. 2, 3, Heb.; Sifra, Shemini, Millium; Tan., Korah, ed. Buber, 14).

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Num. R. xix,; Lev. R. x.; Midr. Peṭirat Aharon in Jellinek's Bet ha-Midrash, i. 91-95; Yalḳ. Num. 764; Baring-Gould, Legends of Old Testament Characters; Chronicles of Jerahmeel, ed. M. Gaster, pp. cxi. 130-133; B. Beer, in Wertheimer's Jahrb., 1855; Hamburger, Der Geist der Haggada, pp. 1-8; the same, Realencyklopädie für Bibel und Talmud, s.v.

K.

——Critical View: It has always been found difficult to construct a complete and consistent biographical story from the Biblical details as outlined above. According to most modern critics, the difficulties arise from the fact that these details come from different sources, and that these sources themselves are of different dates and represent separate stages in the development of the Hebrew religion and ritual. The Jahvistic document (usually cited as J) and the Elohistic (E) are held to have proceeded from the ninth or eighth century B.C.; while the Deuteronomic (D) reflects the time of Josiah, and the priestly document (P) the periods of the Exile and the Return. The genealogy (Ex. vi.) belongs to the priestly source (distinguished as P), while the details are about evenly divided between P and J (Jahvist) and E (Elohist) narratives, and one account of Aaron’s death appears in the Deuteronomic source. It is found that what concerns Aaron’s consecration to the priesthood and the acts of himself and his family in that office, as well as his relations to the tribe of Levi, proceed from the priestly source (P). This embraces most of what is said on these topics in Exodus (xxv.-xl.), Leviticus, and Numbers. Now it is claimed that for historical purposes a sharp dividing-line must be drawn between P (which has for its aim to describe the rise and progress of Aaronic priesthood) and the earlier document. The explanation of the distinction takes account of the fact that Moses and Aaron represent the genius and the mission of Israel as no other men do; the one being the great lawgiver and prophet, the other the first and typical high priest. Together they thus represent the moral and religious functions which Israel had to fulfil. With this idea in mind, the later Biblical writers treated the character and work of the two men representatively, so that they present not only a historical, but an idealized, Moses and Aaron. It is, moreover, significant that, leaving P aside, a fairly consistent biography may be made out, and this must be adhered to in the main; for P throughout is constructive and idealistic, using its narrative to indicate how the postexilian priestly system must have grown up to its ideal completeness in the course of Israel’s history. Much has been theorized by some critics, tending to show that Aaron the priest was a figment devised to give validity to the sacerdotal order. Even, however, if some interpolations in the documents earlier than P, due to priestly hands, be assumed, there remains a substantial historical basis of fact for the career of Aaron as the assistant and spokesman of Moses, as the deputy of his brother during the desert wanderings, and as the chief priest of his people. Among other considerations, a guaranty for the soundness of the tradition in the record of personal actions is afforded by the fact that what is disadvantageous to Aaron is told as well as what is favorable, and that he is shown, especially in the affair of the calf-worship, to have been influenced by the moral and spiritual limitations of his age and environment. See also PRIESTS, PRIESTHOOD, etc.

J. F. McC.

ABBA MARI BEN MOSES BEN JOSEPH DON ASTRUC (En Astruc) OF LUNEL (Graetz and other have incorrectly En Duran): Leader of the opposition to the rationalism of the Maimonists in the Montpellier controversy of 1303–1306, born at Lunel—hence his name. Yarhi (from Yerah = Moon = Lune). Defender of Law and Tradition.   He was a descendant of Meshullam ben Jacob of Lunel, one of whose live sons was Joseph, the grandfather of Abba Mari, who, like his son Moses, be father of Abba Mari, was highly respected for both his rabbinical learning and his general erudition. Abba Mali moved to Montpellier, where, to his chagrin, he found the study of rabbinical lore greatly neglected by the young, who devoted all of their time and zeal to science and philosophy. The rationalistic method pursued by the new school of Maimonlsls (including Levi ben .Mini ham ben Ilayyim of Villefriniche, near the town of Perpignan, and Jacob Anatolil especially provoked his indignation; for the sermons preached and Ihe woiks publisheil bv them seemed to resolve the entire Scriptures into allegory and threatened to undermine the Jewish faith and the observance of the Law and tradition. He was not without some philosophical training. He mentions even with reverence the name Maimonides, whose work he possessed and studied: but he was more inclined toward the mysticism of Naḥmanides. Above all. he was a thorough believer in revelation and in a divine providence, and was a sincere, law-observing follower of rabbinical Judaism. He would not allow Aristotle," the searcher after God among the heathen," to be ranked with Moses.

Abba Mari possessed considerable Talmudic knowledge and some poetical talent but his zeal for the Law made him an agitator and a per.secutor of all the advocates of liberal thought. lieing himself without suliicient authority, he appealed in a number of letters, afterward iiublished under the title of "Minhal Kenaol " (Jealousy Offering). to Soi.oMox hex Adkkt of Barcelona, the nmsl intluential rabbi of the lime, to use his powerful authority to check the source of evil by hurling his analheiiia against both the study of philosophy and the allegorical Opponent of Rationalism.   interpretations of the Bible, which did away with all belief in miracles. Ben .dret, while reluctant to interfere in the alTairsof other congreaccord with .bba ]Mari as to the danger of the new rationalistic systems, and advised him to organize the coiiserv:itive forces in defense of the Law. Abba Mari, through Ben .Vdrct's aid, obtained allies eager to take up his caii.se. among

gations,

whom was in perfect

were Don Bonafoux Vidal of Barcelona and

Don Crescas Vidal, then in I'erpignan. proposition of the latter to prohibit, under penalty of excommunication, the study of philosophy and any of the sciences exce|it medicine, by one under thirty years of age, met with thea|ii)rovalof Ben .Vdret. Accordingly. Ben Adrct adilressed to the congregation of .Moiitpelli<T a letter, signed by fifteen other rabbis, iirojiosing to issue a decree pronouncing the anathema against all those who should pursue the study of pliijosophy and science before due niatnrily in agi' and in rabliinical knowledge. On a Sabbath in September, i:i(l4. the letter was to be read before the congregation, when Jacob ilal.iir Don I'rotiat Tibbon, the I'eiiowned astronomical and rnathem.ilieal writer, entered his protest against such unlawful interference by the Barcelona rabbis, and a schism ensued. Twellty-eiglil members signed Abba Mari's letter of approval the others, under Tibbon's leadersliiii, addressed another letlir to Ben Adret, rebuking him and his colleagues for condemning a whole community without knowledge of the local conditions. Finally, Ihe agitation for and against the liberal ideas brought about a schism in the entire Jewish population in southern France and Spain.

Encouraged, however, by letters signed by the rabbis of Argentiere and Lunel. and particularly by the support of Kalonymus ben Todros, the nasi of Narbonne, and of the eminent Talniudist .Vsheri of Toledo, Ben Adret issued a decree, signed by thirty three rabbis of Barcelona, excommunicating those who should, within the next fifty years. study physics or metaphysics before their thirtieth year of age (basing his action on Ihe jirinciple laid down by iSlaimonidis. "^loreh," i. 34), and had Ihi- order promulgated in Ihe synagogue on Sabbath, July 20, When this heresy decree, to be made elTeelI'.W't. ive, was forwarded to other congregations for approval, Ihe friiiids of libenil Ihonghl. under the leadership of the Tibbonites. issued a counter ban, and the conflict threatened to assume a serious character, as blind party zeal (this time on the liberal side) did not shrink from asking the civil powers to intervene. But an unlooked for calamity brought the warfare to an end. The expulsion of the Jews from Fnuue by Philip IV. ("the Fair"), in lIUMi. caused the Jews of Monlpellier to take refuu't'. partly in Provenee. partly in INrpijrnan and jiartly in MaConsei|nently. .Vliha Mari removed first to jorca. Aries, and. within the same year. to Perpiirnan. where he finally settled and disappeared from public view. There he published his correspondence with Ben Adret and his colleagues.

Abba Mari collected the correspondence and added to each letter a few explanatory notes. Of this collection, calli'il "Minḥat Ḳenaot," there are several manuscript copies extant nanielv. at Oxford (Neubauer. "Cat. Bodl. Ilclir. MSS.", Nos. 2182 and 2221); Paris, Bibl. Nat. No. !l7(i; (iiinzburs l.ibr.. St. Petersburfr; His Works.   Parma: Hanispite Monteliore Collesre Library (formerly Halberstam, No. 192); and Turin. Some of these (Oxford, No. 2221. and Paris, Bibl. Nat.) are mere fragments. The |)rinled edition (Presburj;. 18:3S). prepared by M. L. Hislichis, contains: (1) Preface: (~)a treatise of eiirhti'cn chajiters on the inoorporeality of God (J^) correspondence (4) a treatise, called "Sefer ha-Yarhi." included also in letter 58; sitU') (lid deeper problems which agitated Judaism, the question of the relation of religion to the philosophy of the age. which neither the zeal of the fanatic nor the bold attitude of the libenil-minded couUI solve in any fixed dogmatic form or by any anathema, as the indei>endent spirit of the congregations refusi-d to accord to the nibbis the power jiossessed by the Church of dictating to the jieoplc what they shoidd believe or respect. At the close of the work are added several eidogies written by Abba Mari on Ben Adret (who died 13101. an<l on Don Vidal. Solomon of Perpignan. and Don Bonet Crescus of Lunel. BiKLiouiiArnv:

(ieiger. Zii(. f))r JIUUmIii- TlirnUnjir, v. R2; ff. p. 4ii ; Ilenau. /jO litthlnns Franritin, pp. <U7(iroas, (iitUin Jiulairii, pp. 2s<i, :!:il. 4ilii; lilein. In liny lit. Juivi.1, 1SS2, pp. lft3-207: I'erles. Sahniui hrli .ilimlidin tint Adereih uiul Kfiue Schriftiii^ pp. J')-;)-l; (inlt/, (U'ltt'li. (Icr Juden, 111. 27-50, Brcslau. isiSJ.

Zmiz, Z. illl.'i;

a defense of "The Guide and its author by SliemTob Pal<iuera (Gratz, "Gesch. d. Judeu." v"ii. 173). As the three cardinal doctrines of Judaism. Al)ba "

That of the recofrnition of God's JIari accent nates: existence and of llis absolute sovereiiinly, eternity, unity, and incorporeality, as taujrht in revelaticm, os])ei-i;illy in the Decalotruc; (0) that of the world's creation by Ilimout of nothing, as evidenced particularly by the Sabbath (:i) that of the special jirovidence of God, as manifested in the Biblical miracles. In the preface. Abba Mari explains his object in collectinj; the correspondence; and in the treatise which follows he shows that the study of philosojihy. useful in itself as a help toward the acquisition of the knowlcdire of God. r<'i|ujrcs sireat caution, lest we be misled by the Aristotelian i)hilosoph_v or its false inter]iretation, as rejfanls the ])rinciplesof nrntio cr iiihilo and divine individual providence, Jl'D'lS iinJCn. The maiHiscripIs include twelve letters which are not includeil in the jirinted edition of "Minhat Keiiaot." The corres])onilence refers mainly to the iiroposed restriction of the sttnly of the Aristotelian jihilosnCasually, other theoloiiical tiueslions are <lis]ihy. Kor example, letters Nos. 1. Ti. S contain a cussed. discussion on the question, whether the use of a piece of metal with the figure of a lion, as a talisman, is permitted by Jewish law for medicinal purposes, or is prohibited as idolatrous.

Contents of In letter No. 131. Abba Mari mourns the Minhat the death of Ben Adret. and in letter No. 132 he sends words of sympathy Kenaot. to the congregation of Perpignan. on the death of Don Solomon Vidal and Hal)bi MeLetter 33 contains the statement of Abba shullam. Mari that two letters which he desired to insert could not be discovered by him. MS. Ramsgate. No. 5','. has the s;ime statement, but also the two letters In the "Sefer hamissing in the jn-inted copies. Yarhi Abba Mari refers to the great caution shown by tiie rabbis of old as regards the teaching of the mysteries of philosophy, and reconunended by men like the Hai (Jaoii. ^laiinnnides. and Kiml.u. A responsuni of Abba Mari on a ritual question is contained in MS. Kamsgate. No. 136 and Zunz (" Literatnrgesfh. der Synag. Poesie der Juden," p. 498) mentions a kimih composed by Abba JIari. The "jMinhat Kenaot" is instructive reading for the historian because it throws much light upon the

M. F.—K.

M,

ABRAHAM BEN ISAAC HAYYOT: Commentator; lived in the seventeenth century. He is the author of "Holek Tamim" (He Who Walks Perfect), explaining the laws of the Pentateuch after the fourfold method of interpretation known as פרד״ס, that is, perush ("literal explanation"), remez ("allegorical"), derush ("homiletical"), and sod ("mystical") (Cracow, 1684).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

- Michael, Or ha-Hayyim, No. 14.

ABRAHAM BEN ISAAC BEN JEHIEL OF PISA: Grandson of the famous philanthropist, JEHIEL OF PISA, whose charity did much to alleviate the sufferings of the Spanish exiles in 1492. Abraham wasa worthy member of that distinguished family. He died, according to the report of Gedaliah ibn Yahyah, in 1654, in the prime of manhood. Michael is mistaken in thinking him to be identical with that Abraham Ben Isaac of Pisa from whose pen a responsum exists in the collection of Menahem Azariah da Fano, who died in 1620.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

- Michael, Or ha-Hayyim, No. 144.

ARBUES, PEDRO: Spanish canon and inquisitor; called by certain Jews "the creature and darling of Torquemada"; born about 1441 at Epila, Aragon (hence sometimes styled "master of Epila"); died Sept. 17, 1485. He was appointed canon of Saragossa in 1474; and ten years later Torquemada appointed him and the Dominican Gaspar Juglar inquisitors for the province of Aragon. The zeal exhibited by Torquemada in his religious persecutions was emulated by Arbues, who in the first month of his office held two autos da fé, at which several Marranos were executed, and others were condemned to penance and loss of property. Though no record of further trials exists, he must have continued to be active in persecution, as the Marranos were so enraged that his assassination was determined upon. The offer of enormous sums to Ferdinand and Isabella to induce them to limit the activity of the Inquisition and the confiscation of property had been fruitless, and, after consultation with newly converted Jews—some of whom were men of high rank, like Gabriel Sanchez, the king's treasurer —the extreme step was taken by two wealthy Marranos, Juan de la Abadia and Juan Esperandeu, with the hired help of an assassin, the latter's French servant, Vidal, probably a Jew. Abadia's incentive was doubtless the execution of his sister and the condemnation of his father by the Inquisition. An attempt to enter Arbues' bedchamber failed; but the design was accomplished while he was attending mass. Two days later he died from his wounds.

The retaliation on the Marranos, not all of whom were implicated, was awful. Vidal and Esperandeu were cruelly put to death; and Abadia made an attempt at suicide while awaiting his auto da fé. On Arbues' death, popular belief invested him with miraculous power. A Jewess saved herself from death by proving that from Catholic zeal she had dipped her handkerchief in his blood. His canonization by Pius IX. (1867) aroused protests not only from Jews, but from Christians. The general sentiment against the act is illustrated by the well-known charcoal drawing of Kaulbach, "Peter Arbues Burning a Heretic Family." Arbues is represented as old and decrepit, and taking fiendish delight in the sufferings of his victims, who are probably Marranos.

Bibliography:

- H. C. Lea, Publications of the American Hist. Assh. December, 1888;

- Chapters from the Religious History of Spain, pp. 374 et seq.;

- Dublin Univ. Mag. 1874, lxxxiv. 334 et seq.

In Bible, Talmud, and Liturgy:

The term , "Yom Kippur," is late rabbinic. The Biblical laws relating to it are found in Lev. xvi. (ceremonies); ib. xxiii. 26-32 (list of holidays); ib. xxv. 9 (ushering in the jubilee); Num. xxix. 7-11 (sacrifices).

Ceremonies According to Bible and Mishnah.

The Day of Atonement, according to Biblical tradition, is one in the cycle of holidays instituted by Moses. It occurs on the tenth day of the seventh month, and is distinguished by abstaining thereon from food ("afflicting one's soul"; compare Isa. Iviii. 3, 5) and by an elaborate ceremonial. The details of the ritual, in accordance with rabbinical interpretation (Sifra and Rashi on Lev. xvi.; Mishnah and Gemara Yoma; "Yad" Hil. 'Abodat Yom ha-Kippurim; Asheri), proceed about as follows: In the early morning the high priest, in his robes of office (described Ex. xxviii., xxxix.), offered the daily morning sacrifice (Num. xxix. 11; Ex. xxix. 38 et seq.) and performed the ordinary morning rite of dressing the lamps, which was accompanied by an offering of incense (Ex. xxx. 7). Next in order was the festival sacrifice of a bullock and seven lambs (Num. xxix. 7 et seq.). Then began the peculiar ceremonies of atonement, for which the high priest put on special vestments of linen (Lev. xvi. 4). With his hands placed on the head of a bullock (contributed from his own means), he made confession of his own sins and of those of his nearer household (verse 6, see Rashi). The two goats contributed by the people (verse 5) were placed before him, being designated by lot, the one for a sinoffering "for the Lord," and the other to be sent away into the wilderness "for Azazel" (verses 7-10). Once more the high priest made confession over his own bullock, for himself and his wider household—his brother priests (verse 11a). After killing the animal (verse 11b) and receiving its blood into a vessel, he took a censer full of live coals from the altar of burnt offering (Ex. xxvii. 1-8) and two handfuls of fine incense into the sacred recess behind the curtain, the Holy of Holies; there he placed the incense on the coals, the cloud of incense enveloping the so-called "mercy-seat" (verse 12 et seq.), and offered a short prayer (Yoma v. 1). He returned for the vessel containing the blood of the bullock and reentered, sprinkling some of it with his finger eight times between the staves of the Ark (verse 14; Ex. xxv. 13-15). He then left the sacred compartment to kill the people's goat (marked "for the Lord"); with its blood he reentered the Holy of Holies, there to perform the same number of sprinklings in the same place (verse 15).

Process of Purification.

By these rites the most holy place was rendered free from all impurities attaching to it through the intentional or unintentional entrance of unclean persons into the sanctuary (verse 16, see Rashi; Num. xix. 13, see Rashi). By sprinkling the bullock's blood and similarly that of the goat eight times against the curtain, the entrance to the Holy of Holies was purified (verse 16b, see Rashi). No one was permitted to remain in the sanctuary while the high priest officiated in the Holy of Holies (verse 17). The high priest then mixed the blood of the bullock and goat, and put some of it on the four corners of the altar of incense (Ex. xxx. 1-10); he furthermore sprinkled some of it with his finger seven times on the surface of the altar, cleaned of its coal and ashes (verse 18 et seq.), while the remainder was poured out at the base of the altar outside (Lev. iv. 7). The live goat was now brought forward. The high priest laid his hand upon its head and confessed "all the iniquities of the Israelites, and all their transgressions, even all their sins," which were thus placed upon the goat's head. Laden with the people's sins, the animal was sent away into the wilderness (verses 20-22). The high priest then took those portions that belonged on the altar out of the bodies of the bullock and the goat, and placed them temporarily in a vessel; the carcasses of the animals were sent away "to the place where the ashes are thrown out" (Lev. iv. 12) and burned there (verse 27; Yoma vi. 7). Clothed in his ordinary robes, the high priest offered another goat for a sin-offering (Num. xxix. 11), and two rams for a burnt offering, one of which was contributed by himself (verse 24). The altar portions of the bullock and goat were now burned on the altar (verse 25; Yoma l.c.; see Bertinoro), and the daily evening sacrifice was offered (Num. xxix. 11; Ex. xxix. 41). Once more the linen garments were put on, for the high priest again repaired to the Holy of Holies in order to remove thence the censer; the sacred vestments were then deposited in the sanctuary. In his ordinary robes, the high priest closed the service with the evening rite of lighting the lamps, which was accompanied by an offering of incense (Ex. xxx. 8; Yoma vii. 4).

Talmudical Amplifications.

(see image) Day of Atonement—German Rite(From Picart, 1723.)In the Mishnah the ceremonial is further enriched by elements having no Scriptural basis. Thus, before removing his linen garments for the first time, the high priest read to the people portions from the Pentateuch relating to the Day of Atonement (Yoma vii. 1). The Mishnah reproduces the exact wording of the three confessions (iii. 8, iv. 2, vi. 2); it states also that as often as the high priest uttered the divine name (Tetragrammaton), the assembled multitudes outside, while prostrating themselves, responded: "Blessed be the name of the glory of His kingdom for ever and ever" (vi. 2). Much is also said about the preparations which the high priest was to undergo during the week preceding the fast-day, and the night previous to the great day in particular; especially how he was to guard against pollution (i. 1-7). So great, according to the Mishnah (vii. 4), was the dread that some mishap might befall the high priest while officiating in the Holy of Holies, that at the conclusion of the service he was escorted home and congratulated by his friends, whom in turn the priest was wont to entertain in the evening at a feast. Mirth was indulged in by the people in general; the young men and maidens enjoyed themselves by dancing in the vineyards (Ta'anit iv. 8).

Place in Post-Exilic Judaism.

The Day of Atonement is the keystone of the sacrificial system of post-exilic Judaism. In the belief that the great national misfortunes of the past were due to the people's sins, the Jews of post-exilic times strove to bring on the Messianic period of redemption by strictly and minutely guarding against all manner of sin. The land being defiled by the sin of the people, the pollution must be removed lest the Divine Presence withdraw from among them. Hence the sacrificial system with its sinand guilt-offerings. While provision was made for the expiation of the wrong-doings of individuals by private offerings, the public sacrifices atoned for the sins of the community. Especially dangerous seemed the errors unwittingly committed (Ps. xix. 13). On the Day of Atonement such sins as may not have been covered by the various private and public expiatory sacrifices were to be disposed of by a general ceremony of expiation. In this elaborate ceremonial, as described, the ordinary rites of the sin-offering are to be discerned in an intensified form. In every sacrifice there is the idea of substitution; the victim takes the place of the human sinner. The laying of hands upon the victim's head is an ordinary rite by which the substitution and the transfer of sins are effected; on the Day of Atonement the animal laden with the people's sins was sent abroad (compare the similar rite on the recovery of a leper, Lev. xiv. 7; see Azazel). The sprinkling of the blood is essential to all sin-offerings. By dipping his finger in the victim's blood and applying it to a sacred object like the altar, the priest reestablishes the union between the people that he represents and the Deity.

Place in Rabbinic Judaism.

In rabbinic Judaism the Day of Atonement completes the penitential period of ten days ( ) that begins with New-Year's Day, the season of repentance and prayer; for though prayerful humiliation be acceptable at all times, it is peculiarly potent at that time (R. H. 18a; Maimonides, "Yad," Teshubah, ii. 6). It is customary to rise early (commencing a few days before New-Year); the morning service is preceded by litanies and petitions of forgiveness (, "seliḥot") which, on the Day of Atonement, are woven into the liturgy (Shulḥan 'Aruk, Oraḥ Ḥayyim, 581; Zunz, "S. P." 76 et seq.). New-Year's and Atonement days are days of serious meditation (, "awful days," Zunz, "S. P." 82, note). The former is the annual day of judgment (), when all creatures pass in review before the searching eye of Omniscience (R. H. i. 2). According to the Targum, the day of the heavenly session in Job i. 6 et seq. was no other than the first of the year (, resh shatta; see also Zohar Ex. 32b, ed. Wilna, 1882). Accordingly, the Divine Judge receives on that day the report of Satan, arch-fiend and accuser in heaven; the other angels, it is presumed, are friendly to the accused, and plead their cause before the august tribunal. The sounds of the "shofar" are intended to confuse Satan (R. H. 16b). There is, indeed, in heaven a book wherein the deeds of every human being are minutely entered (Abot ii. 1, iii. 16; a book of record, "book of remembrance," is alluded to, Mal. iii. 16). Three books are opened on the first day of the year, says the Talmud (R. H. 16b); one for the thoroughly wicked, another for the thoroughly pious, and the third for the large intermediate class. The fate of the thoroughly wicked and the thoroughly pious is determined on the spot; the destiny of the intermediate class is suspended until the Day of Atonement, when the fate of every man is sealed (R. H. 16a). In the liturgical piece "Unetanneh Toḳef," ascribed to R. Amnon Of Mayence (Zunz, "Literaturgesch." p. 107), a still weirder scene is unfolded:

"God, seated on His throne to judge the world, at the same time Judge, Pleader, Expert, and Witness, openeth the Book of Records; it is read, every man's signature being found therein. The great trumpet is sounded; a still, small voice is heard; the angels shudder, saying, this is the day of judgment: for His very ministers are not pure before God. As a shepherd mustereth his flock, causing them to pass under his rod, so doth God cause every living soul to pass before Him to fix the limit of every creature's life and to foreordain its destiny. On New-Year's Day the decree is written; on the Day of Atonement it is sealed who shall live and who are to die, etc. But penitence, prayer, and charity may avert the evil decree."

All depends on whether a man's merits outweigh the demerits put to his account (Maimonides, "Yad," Teshubah, iii. 3). It is therefore desirable to multiply good deeds before the final account on the Day of Atonement (ib. iii. 4). Those that are found worthy are entered in the Book of Life (Ex. xxxii. 32; Isa. iv. 3; Ps. lxix. 29 [A. V. 28]; Dan. xii. 1; see Charles, "Book of Enoch," pp. 131-133). Hence the prayer: "Enter us in the Book of Life" (, "inscribe us"; but , "seal us," that is, "seal our fate"—in the closing prayer on the Day of Atonement). Hence also the formula of salutation on New-Year's Eve: "May you be inscribed [in the Book of Life] for a happy year." In letters written between New-Year and the Day of Atonement, the writer usually concludes by wishing the recipient that God may seal his fate for happiness (). Thus, in late Judaism, features that were originally peculiar to New-Year's Day were transferred to the Day of Atonement. The belief that on the first day of the year the destiny of all human beings was fixed was also that of the Assyrians. Marduk is said to come at the beginning of the year ("rish shatti") and decide the fate of one's life (Schrader, "K. B." iii., second div., 14 et seq.).

Rabbinic Aspects of Atonement.

(see image) Day of Atonement Before Metz, 1870, as Observed by the Jewish Soldiers in the German Army.The Day of Atonement survived the cessation of the sacrificial cult (in the year 70). "Though no sacrifices be offered, the day in itself effects atonement" (Sifra, Emor, xiv.). Yet both Sifra and the Mishnah teach that the day avails nothing unless repentance be coupled with it (Yoma viii. 8). Repentance was the indispensable condition for all the various means of atonement. Repentance must unquestionably accompany a guiltor sin-offering (Lev. v. 5; Maimonides, "Yad," Teshubah, i. 1). Penitent confession was a requisite for expiation through capital or corporal punishment (Sanh. vi. 2; Maimonides, ib.). "The Day of Atonement absolves from sins against God, but not from sins against a fellow man unless the pardon of the offended person be secured" (Yoma viii. 9). Hence the custom of terminating on the eve of the fastday all feuds and disputes (Yoma 87a; Maimonides, ib.ii.9 et seq.). Even the souls of the dead are included in the community of those pardoned on the Day of Atonement. It is customary for children to have public mention made in the synagogue of their departed parents, and to make charitable gifts on behalf of their souls (Shulḥan 'Aruk, Oraḥ Ḥayyim, 621, 6). But no amount of charity will avail the soul of a wicked man (Ṭure Zahab to Shulḥan 'Aruk, Yoreh De'ah, 249, note 5).

The Liturgy.

The service in the synagogue opens in the evening with the Kol Nidre. The devotions during the day are continuous from morning until evening. Much prominence is given to the liturgical pieces in which the Temple ceremonial is recounted ('Abodah service; Zunz, "Literaturgesch." pp. 27 et seq., 64 et seq.). Ibn Gabirol's ("Crown of Royalty") skilfully deals with the problem of sin: it is appended to the Sephardic liturgy for the evening service, and is also read by the more devout in the Ashkenazic synagogues. In the center of the older liturgy is the confession of sins. "For we are not so bold of face and stiff-necked as to say to Thee, We are righteous and have not sinned; but, of a truth, we are sinners. . . . May it be Thy will that I sin no more; be pleased to purge away my past sins, according to Thy great mercy, only not through severe chastisements." The traditional melodies with their plaintive tones endeavor to give expression alike to the individual's awe before the uncertainties of fate and to a people's moan for its departed glories. On the Day of Atonement the pious Jew becomes forgetful of the flesh and its wants, and, banishing hatred, ill-feeling, and all ignoble thoughts, seeks to be occupied exclusively with things spiritual. However rigorously the rabbinical law may insist on the outward manifestation of contrition, the corrective is provided for in the lessons from the Prophets (Isa. lviii.; Jonah; see Ta'anit ii. 1), which teach that the true fast-day in which God delights is a spirit of devotion, kindliness, and penitence. The serious character impressed upon the day from the time of its institution has been preserved to the present day. No matter how much else has fallen into desuetude, so strong is its hold upon the Jewish conscience that no Jew, unless he have cut himself entirely loose from the synagogue, will fail to observe the Day of Atonement by resting from his daily pursuits and attending service in the synagogue. With a few exceptions, the service even of the Reformed synagogue is continuous through the day. (see image) Jews Confessing Their Sins in the Prayer "Ashamnu" in a New York (East Side) Synagogue.(From a photograph by Mandelkern.)

Analysis of Sources.

— Critical View:

The Pentateuchal references to the Day of Atonement cited in the preceding belong to the Priestly Code, but by no means to one and the same stratum. Lev. xvi., which is entirely devoted to the subject of the fast-day, is apparently composite in origin, as is shown by the incongruity at the beginning: "Aaron shall not enter the Holy of Holies at all times" (verse 2); he may, however, it may be inferred, go in at stated intervals. But the immediate sequel (verses 3 et seq.) rather says: With such and such ceremonies Aaron may go in; only toward the end (verses 29-34) reference is made to the annual celebration of a Day of Atonement. The rabbinical interpretation is obviously harmonistic (see Rashi on verses 2 et seq.); yet there are dissenting voices (see Lev. R., § 21; Ex. R., § 38) which maintain that, while entering the Holy of Holies is obligatory on the Day of Atonement, the high priest may go in at all times provided he carry out the ceremonies prescribed. Observe also the repetitions in verses 6 and 11a; hence the duplicated confession in the Mishnah,verses 29a and 34a.

Analysis of Lev. xvi.

According to the analysis of Benzinger (in Stade's "Zeitschrift," 1889, pp. 65-89), the chapter is made up of three distinct strata: (1) verses 1-4, 6, 12, 13, 34b (omitting several glosses), dealing with the manner (no matter what the occasion) of Aaron's entering the Holy of Holies; (2) verses 29b-34a, a law very much like that of Lev. xxiii. 26 et seq., prescribing the annual observance of a day of fasting and rest, on which the sanctuary and the people are to be purified, presumably by such simple rites of atonement as those carried out on the occasion of the dedication of the tabernacle (Lev. ix.; the Day of Atonement is thus an annual occasion of rededication); (3) verses 5, 7-10, 14-28, of later date than (2), ordaining a more elaborate ceremonial. With (3) goes Ex. xxx. 10. Lev. xxv. 9b is probably a gloss (the surrounding text mainly belongs to H). No mention is made of the Day of Atonement in the older codes, J, E, and D (Ex. xxiii. 14-17; xxiv. 18, 22 et seq.; Deut. xvi. 1-17).

History of the Institution.

The beginnings of the institution may in the critical view be sought for in Ezekiel. In addition to the festivals of Passover and Tabernacles, the prophet ordains two days in the year on which the sanctuary may be cleansed, by the sprinkling of a bullock's blood, from all impurities occasioned through inadvertence: the first day of the first month, and the first day of the seventh (so read with LXX; Ezek. xlv. 18-20); that is, with the beginning of both the civil (in the spring) and the ecclesiastical year (in autumn). It appears (from Lev. xxv. 9; Ezek. xl. 1) that the new-year was then made to begin with the tenth day of the month. In the Pentateuchal legislation the second alone of Ezekiel's Days of Atonement is kept; it is at the same time transferred to the tenth day of the month, while the first day is made into New-Year's Day, the two days changing places. From the simple rites prescribed by the prophet of the Exile to the elaborate ceremonial of the latest strata in P, there is, however, a lengthy process. Stated days of fasting, mentioned for the first time by Zechariah (vii. 1-5), clearly refer to the anniversaries of national calamities (the murder of Gedaliah took place in the seventh month; Jer. xli. 1). No other regular day of fasting was known to the prophet; otherwise he would have mentioned it when he reiterated the indifference of the old prophets to outward ceremonial. Even when Ezra comes to Palestine in the year 444, a day of fasting is observed, not on the tenth but on the twenty-fourth of the seventh month, and by no means according to the ceremonial of Lev. xvi. (Neh. ix. 1). The law of Ezra may have contained the simpler prescription of Lev. xxiii. 26 et seq., and the corresponding stratum in chapter xvi.; the day was certainly not considered then of the importance that it assumed in the times subsequent to Ezra. See also Liturgy, Sin.

Bibliography:

Yoma: Mishnah, Talmud, and Asheri; Maimonides, , and ;

Ṭur and Shulḥan 'Aruk, Oraḥ Ḥayyim, §§ 602-624;

Nowack, Hebr. Archäologie, 1894, ii. 183-194;

Driver, Leviticus, English translation and notes, in S. B. O. T.;

Jastrow, in American Journal of Theology, 1898, i. 312 et seq.;

B. Wechsler, Zur Geschichte der Versöhnungsfeier, in Geiger's Jüd. Zeit. 1863, pp. 113-125;

S. Adler, in Stade's Zeitschrift, ii. 178 et seq., 272.

BAER, ISSACHAR BEN SOLOMON: Biblical and rabbinical commentator; died at Wilna in 1807. He was the brother of Elijah b. Solomon, the Wilna gaon, and like him was distinguished for simplicity and lucidity in commenting on Biblical and rabbinical topics. Besides Bible and Talmud, Baer studied mathematics and geography. His commentary on the Pentateuch, the manuscript of which was burned a few years ago, followed a double method: explaining first the simple, literal meaning of the text, like Rashi, Ibn Ezra, and Nahmanides; secondly, giving to it a philosophical and sometimes a mystical interpretation. He left also a commentary on the Talmud and Shulhan 'Aruk.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

- Fuenn, Kiryah Neëmanah, p. 201.

- I. H. Lewin, 'Aliyot Eliyahu, ed. 1889. p. 40.

- compare also Keneset Yisrael, i. 46, part Orot Me-Ofel, where a work, Mine Targima (on foreign terms in Talmud), is ascribed to him, the manuscript of which is in possession of Dr. Berliner.

BESSELS, EMIL: German–American Arctic explorer and naturalist; born at Heidelberg June 2, 1847; died at Stuttgart March 30, 1888. At the university of his native place he studied medicine and zoology. In 1869, under the encouragement of Petermann of Gotha, he made his first journey to the Arctic ocean, during which he traced the influence of the Gulf Stream to the east of Spitzbergen. In 1870 he joined the German army as a military surgeon, and received public commendation from the grand duke of Baden for his services. A year later he volunteered to go as a surgeon and naturalist with the Hall expedition, which sailed on the "Polaris" from the Brooklyn (N. Y.) navy-yard. Nothing of moment took place until the ship reached 82° 9' north latitude, when Captain Hall, who had been on a short hunting expedition, returned to the ship, partook of a cup of coffee, and shortly after became violently ill (Oct. 24, 1871). Bessels treated him; but the patient several times disregarded the physician's advice. About Nov. 2 Hall showed signs of insanity, refusing to partake of food, and having the idea that he was being poisoned. He died Nov. 8, 1871.

Upon the return of the members of the expedition in 1873, after numerous mishaps and disasters, Morton, second mate of the "Polaris," brought a charge of murder against Bessels, alleging that the latter had administered morphine instead of quinine to Captain Hall. The secretary of the navy directed an inquiry, which was conducted by Surgeon-General of the Army J. K. Barnes and Surgeon-General of the Navy J. Beale, who reported "that Captain Hall died from natural causes—viz., apoplexy—and that the treatment of the case by Dr. Bessels was the best practicable under the circumstances."

Bessels, after this, spent some years at the Smithsonian Institution, Washington, in preparing for publication the scientific results of the voyage, the most striking of which was the proof of the insularity of Greenland deduced from tidal observations. His most important work was "Scientific Results of the United States Exploring Expedition Steamer 'Polaris,'" Washington, 1876. He published numerous papers on general natural-history subjects (see "Royal Society Catalogue of Scientific Papers," vii. 164; ix. 229, 230). Later Bessels joined an ethnological voyage on the U. S. S. "Saranac" to the northwest coast of America; but the vessel was wrecked in Seymour Narrows, B. C.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

- Rear-Admiral C. H. Davis, U. S. N., Narrative of the North Polar Expedition, U. S. Ship Polaris, Capt. Charles Francis Hall Commanding, Washington, 1876;

- W. H. Dall, in Bulletin of the Philosophical Society of Washington, xi. 465 et seq.;

- New York Times, Oct. 18, 1873, p. 1, col. 3;

- New York Herald, Oct. 1, p. 6, cols. 4–5;

- ib. Oct. 5, p. 5, cols. 1–4;

- Brockhaus, Konversations-Lexikon, s.v.

COEN, JAN PIETERSZOON: Governor-general of Java, and founder of the Dutch colonial system; born at Hoorn, Holland, Jan. 8, 1587; died in 1629. He gained his early commercial experience with the firm of Piscatori in Rome, went to India on a commercial exploration in 1607, and made a second voyage with two ships in 1612. He was appointed director-general of the Indian trade in 1613. As governor-general of Java, he destroyed (1619) the native town of Jacatra, and founded Batavia, the capital of the Dutch East Indies. He died childless in 1629, and his large possessions went for the benefit of orphans in his native town of Hoorn, subject to a bequest in favor of members of his family, which seems to have been some time later successfully claimed.

Coen is said to have been of Jewish descent. The biographies, while printing voluminous details of his career as governor-general, are singularly reticent in regard to his parentage. The name or occupation of his father is not found, though one would have expected these facts to be recorded of so eminent a man. Perhaps as a convert he endeavored to conceal them. His portrait in Valentyn's "History of Java" and in Müller's "Golden Age" might well be that of a Jew. Abbing's "History of Hoorn" gives chiefly negative evidence on the subject of Coen's Jewish connection. The question of his extraction must be left undecided.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

- International Cyclopedia;

- A. Winkler Prins, Geïllustreerde Encyclopedie;

- Jew. Chron. Oct. 20, 1899, p. 21.

DAGGATUN: Nomad tribe of Jewish origin living in the neighborhood of Tementit, in the oasis of Tuat in the Moroccan Sahara. An account of the Daggatun was first given by R. Mordecai Abi Sarur of Akka (Morocco), who in 1857 journeyed through the Sahara to Timbuctu, and whose account of his travels was published in the "Bulletin de la Société de Géographie" (Dec., 1895; see "Bulletin All. Isr." ii. 42, 1880; "La Grand Encyclopédie," xxiii. 254; Meakin, "Land of the Moors," p.17). According to R. Mordecai, the Daggatun live in tents and resemble the Berber Tuaregs, among whom they live, in language, religion, and general customs. They are fairer in complexion than the generality of African Jews, and are still conscious of their origin. They are subject to the Tuaregs, who do not intermarry with them. R. Mordecai is authority for the statement that their settlement in the Sahara dates from the end of the seventh century, when 'Abd al-Malik ascended the throne and pushed his conquests as far as Morocco. At Tementit he tried to convert the inhabitants to Islam; and as the Jews offered great resistance he exiled them to the desert of Ajaj, as he did also the Tuaregs, who had only partially accepted Islam. Cut off from any connection with their brethren, these Jews in the Sahara gradually lost their Jewish practises and became nominally Mohammedans.

These statements of R. Mordecai evidently rest upon some foundation. The Arabs driven to Ajaj are to be identified with the Mechagra mentioned by Erwin de Bary ("Ghat et les Tuareg de l'Ain," p. 181), among whom a few Jews are said still to dwell. V. J. Horowitz ("Morokko," p. 58, Leipsic 1887) also speaks of many free tribes in the desert regions who are Jews by race, but who have gradually thrown off Jewish customs and have apparently accepted Islam. Among these tribes, he says, are the Daggatun, numbering several thousands and scattered over several oases in the Sahara, even as far as the River Dialiva or Niger. He says, also, that they are very warlike and in constant conflict with the Tuaregs. According to Horowitz, the Mechagra mentioned above are also to be reckoned as one of these Jewish tribes.

Jews Among Berbers.

There seems to be little doubt that Jewish blood has largely been mixed with that of the Berbers living in the Moroccan and Algerian Sahara. In fact, the Berbers are said to have been at one time Jews ("Jew. Quart. Rev." iv. 375); according to another tradition they are descended from the Philistines driven out of Canaan (Basset, "Nedromah," p. 13). There is a tradition that Moses was buried in Tlemçen, and the presence of a large number of Jews in that part of Africa is attested, not only by the many sacred places and shrines bearing Biblical names which are holy to the Mohammedans as well as to the Jews, but also by the presence there of a large number of Jewish sagas, which Basset has collected in the work cited above. L. Ruin ("Origines Berbers," p. 406) says: "Certain Berber tribes were for a long time of the Jewish religion, especially in Amès; and to-day, even, we see among the Hanensha of Sukahras (Algeria) a semi-nomad tribe of Israelites devoted entirely to agriculture" (see "Rev. Arch. de Constantine," 1867, p. 102). In addition, it may be noticed that Jews are to be found in the Berber "kşurs" all along southern Morocco and in the adjacent Sahara. Thus, at Outat near Tafilet there is a mellah with about 500 Jews (Horowitz, l.c. p. 202); and at Figuig, a mellah with 100 Jews (ib. p. 204). Going farther south from Tafilet to Tuat, there is a large community of Jews in the oasis of Alhamada; and at Tementit, a two weeks' journey from Tafilet, the 6,000 or 8,000 inhabitants are said to be descendants of Jews converted to Islam (ib. p. 205). Even much farther to the west, in the province of Sus, there is Ogulmin with 3,000 inhabitants, of whom 100 are said to be Jews. Detailed information in regard to the Daggatun (whose name may perhaps be derived from the Arabic "tughatun" = infidels) is still wanting. Rohlf ("Reise Durch Marokko," p. 144) found no professing Jews in the whole oasis of Tuat; those who lived there in former times having all been either converted or exterminated by the Mohammedans. He notes, however, that their descendants have preserved the Jewish characteristic aptitude for trade.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

- I. Loeb, Les Daggatouns, Paris, 1880:

- H. S. Morais, The Daggatoun, Philadelphia, 1882.

ETTLINGER, JACOB:

German rabbi and author, and one of the leaders of modern Orthodoxy; born at Carlsruhe March 17, 1798; died at Altona Dec. 7, 1871. He received his early education from his father Aaron, who was "Klausrabbiner" at Carlsruhe, continuing his studies under Abraham Bing at Würzburg, where he also attended the university. He was thus among the earliest German rabbis who possessed academic training. In 1826 he was appointed "Kreisrabbiner" of Ladenburg, with his seat in Mannheim, where he was at the same time chief prebendary ("Klausprimator"). This position he held until he was called as chief rabbi to Altona, where he officiated from 1836 until his death. In this position he became one of the most prominent representatives of German Orthodoxy, which stood for the union of secular learning with strict adherence to the tenets and practises of traditional Judaism. A typical story is reported by Abraham Geiger, who formed Ettlinger's acquaintance as a student in 1829. At a school examination a teacher said that Joseph's brothers had acted in an unbrotherly fashion, whereupon Ettlinger rebuked him indignantly for speaking ill of "the twelve tribes of Israel" (Abraham Geiger, "Leben in Briefen," p. 17, Berlin, 1878). His views can be judged from his first work, "Bikkure Ya'aḳob," in the preface of which he says that he chose this title because it had the numerical value of Jacob and Rachel, who are mystically represented in the law of the Sukkah, with which the book deals. A similar belief in the doctrines of the Cabala is expressed in a sermon in which he urged early burial, because as long as the body remains unburied the evil spirits ("ḥiẓonim") have power over it ("Allg. Zeit. des Jud." 1845, p. 193). In his will he left the request that the four capital punishments should be performed symbolically on his body.

Ettlinger became one of the strongest opponents of the Reform movement, and headed the protest of the one hundred and seventy-three rabbis against the Brunswick Conference of 1844 (See Conferences, Rabbinical). In the following year he established the first organ of Orthodox Judaism, "Der Zionswächter, Organ zur Wahrung der Interessen des Gesetzestreuen Judenthums," with a Hebrew supplement, "Shomer Ẓiyyon ha-Ne'eman," edited by S. J. Enoch. His school was attended by a great many students preparing for the ministry, and many of them became leaders of Orthodoxy. Samson Raphael Hirsch was his disciple in Mannheim, and Israel Hildesheimer in Altona. Four of his sons-in-law became prominent Orthodox rabbis-Isaacsohn of Rotterdam, Solomon Cohn of Schwerin, Freymann of Ostrowo, and M. L. Bamberger of Kissingen. He was the last German rabbi who acted as civil judge. Much against his will the Danish government, to which Altona then belonged, abolished this right of the Altona rabbi in 1863. The purity of his character and the sincerity of his religious views were acknowledged even by his opponents. He provided in his will that nobody should call him "ẓaddiḳ" (righteous), and that the inscription on his tombstone should contain merely the titles of his works and a statement of the number of years during which he was rabbi of Altona. The congregation obtained permission from the government to bury him in the old cemetery of Altona, which had been closed a year before.

His published works are: "Bikkure Ya'aḳob," on the laws of Sukkot, Altona, 1836 (2d ed. with the addition of "Tosefot Bikkurim," ib. 1858); "'Aruk la-Ner," glosses on various Talmudic treatises (onYebamot, Altona, 1850; on Makkot and Keritot, ib. 1855; on Sukkah, ib. 1858; on Niddah, ib. 1864; on Rosh ha-Shanah and Sanhedrin, Warsaw, 1873); "Binyan Ẓiyyon," responsa, Altona, 1868; "She'elot u-Teshubot Binyan Ẓiyyon ha-Ḥadashot," Wilna, 1874 (a continuation of the preceding); "Minḥat 'Ani," homilies, Altona, 1874. He published various sermons in German, among them "Antrittsrede, Gehalten in der Grossen Synagoge zu Altona," Altona, 1836; "Rede beim Trauergottesdienst beim Ableben Friedrich III," ib., 1840; and numerous articles in the "Zionswächter," a collection of which was published by L. M. Bamberger under the title "Abhandlungen und Reden," Schildberg, 1899.

Bibliography:

Ha-Maggid, 1870, p. 118, and 1871, pp. 379, 386;

Der Israelit, pp. 940-943 et seq., Mayence, 1871.

GELDERN, SIMON VON: Traveler and author; born 1720; died 1774. He was the great-uncle of Heine, who describes him in his "Memoirs" as an adventurer and Utopian dreamer. The appellation "Oriental" was given him because of his long journeys in Oriental countries. He spent many years in the maritime cities in the north of Africa and in the Moroccan states, there learning the trade of armorer, which he carried on with success. Von Geldern made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, and during an ecstasy of prayer, while upon Mount Moriah, he had a vision. Subsequently he was chosen by an independent tribe of Bedouins on one of the oases of the North-African desert as their leader or sheik, and thus became the captain of a band of marauders. He next visited the European courts, and subsequently took refuge in England to escape the consequences of the discovery of his too gallant relations with a lady of high birth. He pretended to have a secret knowledge of the Cabala, and issued a pamphlet in French verse entitled "Moïse sur Mont Horeb," probably having reference to the above-mentioned vision.

Bibliography:

BIBLIOGRAPHY

- Memoirs of Heinrich Heine, ed. Evans, pp. 167-172.

- Kaufmann, Aus Heinrich Heine's Ahnensaal, 1896.

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Abrabam Goldfaden.

GOLDFADEN, ABRAHAM B. HAYYIM LIPPE: Hebrew and Yiddish poet and founder of the Yiddish drama; born at Starokonstantinov, Russia, July 13, 1840. He graduated from the rabbinical school of Jitomir in 1866. For nine years he taught in government schools, first at Simferopol and afterward at Odessa, and in 1875 went to Lemberg, where he founded "Yisrolik," a humorous weekly in Yiddish which circulated mostly in Russia, but ceased to exist six months later, when its entrance to that country was prohibited. Goldfaden then went to Czernowitz, where he established the "Bukowiner Israelitisches Volksblatt," which also had only a brief existence.

While on a visit to Jassy, Rumania, in 1876, his initial dramatic creation, "The Recruits," was put upon the first regularly organized modern Yiddish stage. It was entirely his own creation, for he himself built the stage, painted the decorations, wrote the piece, composed the music, and instructed the actors. In 1878, when he already had a tolerably good troupe of actors, and a repertoire of fourteen pieces from his own pen, he carried his enterprise into Russia and at first established himself in the Maryinski Theater in Odessa. He conducted several very successful tours through Russia until it was forbidden by the government to continue Yiddish theaters (1883). Alter a few years in Rumania and Galicia he revived his theater in Warsaw for a short time, but in a German guise. In 1887 he went to New York, where he founded the "New Yorker Illustrirte Zeitung," the first Yiddish illustrated periodical, and was also for some time connected with the Rumanian Opera-House of that city. He returned to Europe in 1889, and lived mostly in Paris. Since 1903 he has resided in New York.

Goldfaden's Hebrew poetry, most of which is contained in his "Zizim u-Perahim" (Jitomir, 1865), possesses considerable merit, but it has been eclipsed by his Yiddish poetry, which, for strength of expression and for depth of true Jewish feeling, remains unrivaled. He is the most Jewish of all the Yiddish poets, and his songs, especially those contained in his popular plays, are sung by the Yiddish-speaking masses in all parts of the world. His earliest collection of Yiddish songs, "Das Yüdele," has been reprinted many times since its first appearance in 1866. But his fame rests on his dramatic productions, which number about twenty-five. The best of them, "Shulamit" and "Bar Kochba," are considered the most popular dramatic works in Yiddish. Of the others, "Shmendrik," "Die Kishufmacherin," "Die Zewei Kune Lemels," and "Dr. Almasada" deserve special mention. Most of them were reprinted many times, both in Russia and in the United States, and "Shulamit" was played with considerable success in Polish, German, and Hungarian translations.

Bibliography: Sefer Zikkaron, p. 18, Warsaw, 1390; Ha-Meliẕ, No. 153; Eisenstein, The Father of the Jewish Stage, in Jewish Comment, Nov. 1, 1901 ; Hapgood, Spirit of the Ghetto, pp. U9 et seq.. New York, 1902; Wiernik, Abraham, Goldfaden, In Minikes' Hebrew Holiday Papers, vol. iv., No. 33; Jew. Chron. Oct. 13, 1899.

J. P. Wi.

GOTTLOBER, ABRAHAM BAER (pseudonyms, Abag and Mahalalel): Russian-Hebrew poet and author; born at Starokonstantinov, Volhynia,

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Abraham Baer Gottlober.

Jan. 14, 1811; died at Byelostok April 13, 1899. His father was a cantor who sympathized with the progressive movement, and young Gottlober was educated in that spirit to the extent of receiving instruction in Biblical and modern Hebrew as an addition to the usual Talmudical studies. At the age of fourteen he married the daughter of a wealthy "Hasid " in Chernigov, and settled there. When his inclination for secular knowledge became known, his father-in-law, on the advice of a Hasidic rabbi, caused the young couple to be divorced, and Gottlober, who had joined the Hasidim after his marriage, now became their bitter enemy. He married again, but found his second wife unbearable and soon divorced her. In 1830 he married for the third time and settled in Kremenetz, where he formed a lasting acquaintance with Isaac Bar Lewinsohn.

Gottlober traveled and taught from 1836 to 1851, when he went to Jitomir and passed the teachers' examinations at the rabbinical school. After teaching for three years at a government school for Jewish boys in Kamenetz-Podolsk, he was transferred to a similar position in his native city, where he remained for about eleven years. In 1865 he became a teacher in the rabbinical school in Jitomir, and remained there until it was closed by the government in 1873. He then settled in Dubno with his son-in-law, Bornstein, who was the official rabbi of that town. Thence he removed to Kovno, and subsequently to Byelostok, where the aged poet, who in later years had become blind, ended his days in poverty and neglect.

Gottlober was a prolific writer and one of the foremost of Neo-Hebrew poets. The first collection of his poems, which was entitled "Pirhe ha-Abib," appeared in Yozefov in 1836. A second collection, entitled "Ha-Nizanim" (Wilna, 1850), was followed by "'Anaf 'Ez Abot," three poems, on the death of Emperor Nicholas I., on the peace of 1856, and on the coronation of Alexander II., respectively (ib. 1858). Soon afterward he visited Austria, where he published "Shir ha-Shirim," a translation of a Passover sermon delivered by Adolph Jellinek (Lemberg, 1861), and "Mi-Mizrayim," a translation of Ludwig August Frankl's account of his travels in the Orient, with an appendi.K by Max Lctteris (Vienna, 1863). His next important work was the "Bikkoret le-Toledot ha-Kara'im, " a critical investigation of the history of the Karaites, with notes by Abraham Firkovich (Wilna, 1865). In the same year were published his " Yerushalaj'im," a translation of Mendelssohn's "Jerusalem," with an introduction, and his allegorical drama "Tif'eret li-Bene Binah" (Jitomir, 1867), modeled after Moses Hayyim Luzzatto's "La-Yesharim Tehillah." His "Iggeret Za'ar Ba'ale Hayyim" {lb. 1868) is a polemic against Kovner's critical

Traveling and Teaching.

His Works.

work "Heker Dabar." His " Toledot ha-Kabbalah weha-Hasidut" {ib. 1869), which purports to be a history of Cabala and of Hasidism, is only a diatribe against Cabala in which the history of Hasidism is scarcely mentioned. He also wrote several short Hebrew novels, and translated Lessing's "Nathan der Weise," to which he added a biography of the author (Vienna, 1874).

Gottlober was the founder and editor of the Hebrew monthly "Ha-Boker Or," to which some of the best contemporary writers contributed poems, articles, and stories. It had an interrupted exisience of about seven years, first appearing in Lemberg (1876-1879) and then in Warsaw (1880-81), in which place also the last five numbers were issued in 1885-86. His most important contribution to tins magazine was undoubtedly his autobiography "Zikronot mi-Yeme Ne'urai," containing much material for the culture-history of the Jews of Russia, which was reprinted in book form at Warsaw, 1880-81. The last collection of his poems is entitled "Kol Shire Mahalalel," 3 vols., Warsaw, 1890.

Like Levinsohn, Gordon, and other leaders of the progressive movement, Gottlober wrote in Yiddish for the masses. Among his works in that dialect are: "Das Lied vun'm Kugel," Odessa, 1863; "Der Seim," Jitomir, 1869; "Der Decktuch," a comedy, Warsaw, 1876; and "Der Gilgul," Warsaw, 1896. Most of these works were written a long time before the dates of their publication.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Ha-Asif, iii. 430-439; Sefer Zikkaron, p. 14, Warsaw, 1890; Aḥiasaf. 5660 (= 1900), pp. 386-3K8; Sokolov, Sefer ha-Shanah; 5660, pp. 308-3l4; Wiener, Yiddish Literature in the Nineteenth Century, Index, New York, 1899. H. R. P. Wi.

HAAS, ROBERT: German Lutheran minister; lived in the first half of the nineteenth century, in the duchy of Nassau; pastor in the villages of Grävenwiesbach, Dotzheim near Wiesbaden, Dickschied near Langenschwalbach. He was interested in Jewish affairs, and advocated the civic equality of the Jews. Among his friends was Abraham Geiger. He indorsed the rabbinical convention held at Wiesbaden in 1837. In the same year he addressed a circular letter to "all Christians in Germany" to aid in establishing a faculty of Jewish science and a Jewish seminary in a German university. He was the author of "Das Staatsbürgertum der Juden vom Standpunkt der Inneren Politik," Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1837, and of other works.

HELD, ANNA: French comedienne; born Sept. 19, 1880, in Paris; educated at Fontainebleau. Her début was made in "Miss Helyett" at the Folies Manguy, Paris, Sept. 19, 1895. Since then she has appeared in many plays, her most successful parts having been Mlle. Mars in Jean Richepin's "Mam'-selle Napoleon," and The Little Duchess in the comedy of that name, with which she made a starring tour of the United States in 1903. In 1902 she married Florenz Ziegfeld, Jr., of Chicago, Ill.

Bibliography: Private sources; in Who's Who in America, 1903, different dates for her birth and début are given.

KOL NIDRE ( = "all vows")

Prayer recited in the synagogue at the beginning of the evening service on the Day of Atonement; the name is taken from the opening words. The "Kol Nidre" has had a very eventful history, both in itself and in its influence on the legal status of the Jews. Introduced into the liturgy despite the opposition of rabbinic authorities, repeatedly attacked in the course of time by many halakists, and in the nineteenth century expunged from the prayer-book by many communities of western Europe, it has often been employed by Christians to support their assertion that the oath of a Jew can not be trusted.

Form of Prayer

Before sunset on the eve of the Day of Atonement, when the congregation has gathered in the synagogue, the Ark is opened and two rabbis, or two leading men in the community, take from it two Torah-scrolls. Then they take their places, one on each side of the ḥazzan, and the three recite in concert a formula beginning with the words , which runs as follows:

"In the tribunal of heaven and the tribunal of earth, by the permission of God—blessed be He—and by the permission of this holy congregation, we hold it lawful to pray with the transgressors."

Thereupon the cantor chants the Aramaic prayer beginning with the words "Kol Nidre," with its marvelously plaintive and touching melody, and, gradually increasing in volume from pianissimo to fortissimo, repeats three times the following words:

"All vows [], obligations, oaths, and anathemas, whether called 'ḳonam,' 'ḳonas,' or by any other name, which we may vow, or swear, or pledge, or whereby we may be bound, from this Day of Atonement until the next (whose happy coming we await), we do repent. May they be deemed absolved, forgiven, annulled, and void, and made of no effect; they shall not bind us nor have power over us. The vows shall not be reckoned vows; the obligations shall not be obligatory; nor the oaths be oaths."

The leader and the congregation then say together:

(Num. xv. 26). "And it shall be forgiven all the congregation of the children of Israel, and the stranger that sojourneth among them, seeing all the people were in ignorance"

This also is repeated three times. The ḥazzan then closes with the benediction, : "Blessed art thou, O Lord our God, King of the Universe, who hast preserved us and hast brought us to enjoy this season." In many congregations Num. xiv. 19-20 is recited before this benediction. After it the Torah-scrolls are replaced, and the customary evening service begins.

Origin

The tendency to make vows was so strong in ancient Israel that the Pentateuchal code found it necessary to protest against the excessive estimate of the religious value of such obligations (Deut. xxiii. 23). Rash and frequent vows inevitably involved in difficulties many who had made them, and thus evoked an earnest desire for dispensation from such responsibilities. This gave rise to the rite of absolution from a vow ("hattarat nedarim") which might be performed only by a scholar ("talmid ḥakam"), or an expert ("mumḥeh") on the one hand, or by a board of three laymen on the other. On account of the passionate nature of the Jews and of Orientals in general, however, and in view of their addiction to making vows, it might easily happen that these obligations would afterward be wholly forgotten and either not be kept or be violated unintentionally (see L. Löw, "Die Dispensation von Gelöbnissen," in "Gesammelte Schriften," iii. 361 et seq.). The religious consciousness, which felt oppressed at the thought of the non-fulfilment of its solemn vows, accordingly devised a general and comprehensive formula of dispensation which was repeated by the ḥazzan in the name of the assembled congregation at the beginning of the fast of Atonement. This declared that the petitioners, whowere seeking reconciliation with God, solemnly retracted in His presence all vows and oaths which they had taken during the period intervening between the previous Day of Atonement and the present one, and made them null and void from the beginning, entreating in their stead pardon and forgiveness from the Heavenly Father.

This is in accordance with the older text of the formula as it is preserved in the "Siddur" of Amram Gaon (ed. Warsaw, i. 47a) and in the "Liḳḳuṭe ha-Pardes" (p. 12b). The "Kol Nidre" was thus evidently developed from the longing for a clear conscience on the part of those seeking reconciliation with God. The date of the composition of the prayer and its author are alike unknown; but it was in existence at the geonic period.

Adoption into the Ritual

The readiness with which vows were made and the facility with which they were annulled by the scribes gave the Karaites an opportunity to attack the Rabbinites, and forced the Geonim to minimize the power of dispensation. Yehudai Gaon of Sura (760), author of the "Halakot Pesuḳot," went so far as to forbid any study whatsoever of Nedarim, the Talmudic treatise on oaths (Alfasi on Nedarim, end; L. Löw, l.c. p. 363). Thus the "Kol Nidre" was discredited in both of the Babylonian academies and was not accepted by them (S. K. Stern, in "Ḳebuẓat Ḥakamim," ed. Warnheim, 1861), as is affirmed by the geonim Naṭronai (853-856) and Hai Bar Naḥshon (889-896; Müller, "Mafteaḥ," p. 103; Cassel, "Teshubot Geonim Ḳadmonim," p. 9; Zunz, "Ritus," p. 189; Ṭur Oraḥ Ḥayyim, § 619; "Kol Bo," § 68). Amram Gaon in his "Siddur" (l.c.) calls the custom of reciting the "Kol Nidre" a foolish one ("minhag sheṭut"). According to Naṭronai, however, it was customary to recite the formula in various lands of the Jewish dispersion, and it is clear likewise from Amram's "Siddur" (ii. 37a) that the usage was wide-spread as early as his time in Spain. But the geonic practise of not reciting the "Kol Nidre" was long prevalent; it has never been adopted in the Catalonian or in the Algerian ritual (Zunz, l.c. p. 106); and there were always many congregations in lands where the Provençal and Spanish ritual was used which did not recite it ("Orḥot Ḥayyim," p. 105d; comp. also RaN to Ned. 23b, where it is said: "There are some congregations which usually recite the 'Kol Nidre' on the Day of Atonement").

"Bi-Yeshibah shel Ma'alah."

Together with the "Kol Nidre" another custom was developed, which is traced to Meïr of Rothenburg (d. 1293; "Orḥot Ḥayyim," p. 106b). This is the recital before the "Kol Nidre" of the formula mentioned beginning "Bi-yeshibah shel ma'alah," which has been translated above, and which gives permission to transgressors of the Law or to those under a ban ("'abaryanim") "to pray with the congregation" (ib.; "Kol Bo," § 68, end), or, according to another version which is now generally prevalent, to the congregation "to pray with the transgressors of the Law." To justify prayer on that day with such transgressors and with persons under a ban, a haggadic saying (Ker. 6b) was quoted to the effect that a fast-day was to be counted as lost unless "the wicked" were present (see Maḥzor Vitry, ed. Hurwitz, p. 381; Zunz, l.c. p. 96).

From Germany (Ṭur Oraḥ Ḥayyim, § 619) this custom spread to southern France, Spain, Greece, and probably to northern France, and was in time generally adopted (Shulḥan 'Aruk, Yoreh De'ah, 619, 1; Zunz, l.c. p. 96). The assertion that the "Kol Nidre" was introduced on account of the Spanish Maranos (Mandelstamm [anon.], "Horæ Talmudicæ," vol. ii.; "Reform in Judenthum," pp. 7 et seq., Berlin; comp. also "Ha-Ẓefirah," 1885, p. 361; Liebersohn, in "Ha-Meliẓ," 1868, p. 270) is incorrect, although the formula may have been used in Spain with reference to them.

The Version of Meïr ben Samuel

An important alteration in the wording of the "Kol Nidre" was made by Rashi's son-in-law, Meïr ben Samuel, who changed the original phrase "from the last Day of Atonement until this one" to "from this Day of Atonement until the next." Thus the dispensation of the "Kol Nidre" was not as formerly a posteriori and concerned with unfulfilled obligations of the past year, but a priori and having reference to vows which one might not be able to fulfil or might forget to observe during the ensuing year. Meïr ben Samuel likewise added the words "we do repent of them all" (), since, according to the Law, real repentance is a condition of dispensation. The reasons assigned for this change were that an "ex post facto" annulment of a vow was meaningless, and that, furthermore, no one might grant to himself a dispensation, which might be given only by a board of three laymen or by a competent judge ("mumḥeh"). Meïr ben Samuel cited further, in support of his arguments, Ned. 23b, which reads: "Whoever wishes all the vows he may make throughout the year to be null and void shall come at the beginning of the year and say: 'May all the vows which I shall vow be annulled.'" This change made by Meïr ben Samuel is given by Rabbenu Tam in his "Sefer ha-Yashar" (ed. Venice, 1816, § 144), although it did not emanate from him, as the old authorities incorrectly supposed (e.g., Isaac ben Moses of Vienna, "Or Zarua'," p. 126b; Aaron ha-Kohen of Lunel, "Orḥot Ḥayyim," p. 106b; RoSH to Ned. 23b and Ṭur Oraḥ Ḥayyim, § 619).

Change of Tense

It appears to have been Rabbenu Tam, however, who accounted for the alteration made by his father as already stated, and who also tried to change the perfects of the text, "which we have vowed," "have sworn," etc., to imperfects. Whether the old text was already too deeply rooted, or whether Rabbenu Tam did not correct these verbal forms consistently and grammatically, the old perfects are still retained at the beginning of the formula, although a future meaning is given to them. There has been much discussion concerning the correct reading of the formula as affecting the tenses, yet even men like Jacob Emden (see "She'elat Yabeẓ," i., No. 135) and Wolf Heidenheim (introduction to the Maḥzor, ed. Hanover, 1837) did not venture to introduce the change into the Maḥzor. Mordecai Jaffe, author of the "Lebushim,"states that he often tried to teach the ḥazzanim a more correct form of the "Kol Nidre," but that as often as they recited it in the synagogue they lapsed into the old text to which the melody of the hymn had accustomed them (Heidenheim, l.c.).

The alteration made by Meïr ben Samuel, which agreed with Isaac ibn Ghayyat's view (see Isaac ben Sheshet, Responsa, No. 394, end), was accepted in the German, northern French, and Polish rituals and in those dependent on them, but not in the Spanish, Roman, and Provençal rituals (see Zunz, "Die Ritus von Avignon," in "Allg. Zeit. des Jud." 1838, p. 303). The old version is, therefore, usually called the "Sephardic." The old and the new versions are sometimes found side by side (see Maḥzor of Aragon, Salonica, 1805). The change was bitterly opposed, especially by the Italian Isaiah di Trani (in 1250), since the old text was known to all and was in every Maḥzor ("Tanya," ed. Cremona, 1565, p. 102b), and even in the places which adopted the alteration there were always authorities who preferred the old reading and rejected the new, such as Jacob Landau ("Agur," ed. Sedilkow, 1834, p. 73b).

Language

It should be noted, furthermore, in regard to the text of the "Kol Nidre," that in the "Siddur" of Amram (l.c.) and in the Roman Maḥzor (Zunz, "Ritus," p. 96) it is wholly in Hebrew, and therefore begins "Kol Nedarim" (comp. also "Liḳḳuṭe ha-Pardes," l.c.). The determination of the time in both versions is Hebrew. The words "as it is written in the teachings of Moses, thy servant," which were said in the old form before Num. xv. 26, were canceled by Meïr of Rothenburg (Abudarham, p. 75b). In many places the "Kol Nidre" was recited once only (see Rabbenu Tam, l.c.); in others, twice, so that late comers might hear it ("Liḳḳuṭe ha-Pardes," p. 12b); in some congregations, however, it was said three times. This last usage is justified by Rabbenu Tam on the ground that there are many rabbinical formulas which are repeated thrice, such as "Ḥaluẓ ha-Na'al" in the "Ḥaliẓah" or "Muttar Lak" ("May it be permitted thee") in the absolution from a vow.

Method of Recitation

As to the manner in which the ḥazzan is to recite the "Kol Nidre," the Maḥzor Vitry (p. 388) gives the following directions: "The first time he must utter it very softly like one who hesitates to enter the palace of the king to ask a gift of him whom he fears to approach; the second time he may speak somewhat louder; and the third time more loudly still, as one who is accustomed to dwell at court and to approach his sovereign as a friend."

The number of Torah-scrolls taken out for the "Kol Nidre" varied greatly according to the different "minhagim." In some places it was one; in others, two, three, seven, or even all (see "Ḥayye Abraham," p. 47a, Leghorn, 1861). The first Torah-scroll taken out is called the "Sefer Kol Nidre." The "Kol Nidre" should be recited before sunset, since dispensation from a vow may not be granted on the Sabbath or on a feast-day, unless the vow refers to one of these days.

Use by Anti-Semites

The "Kol Nidre" has been one of the means widely used by Jewish apostates and by enemies of the Jews to cast suspicion on the trustworthiness of an oath taken by a Jew (Wagenseil, "Tela Ignea, Disputatio R. Jechielis," p. 23; Eisenmenger, "Entdecktes Judenthum," vol. ii., ch. ix., pp. 489 et seq., Königsberg, 1711; Bodenschatz, "Kirchliche Verfassung der Heutigen Juden," part ii., ch. v., § 10, Frankfort and Leipsic, 1748; Rohling, "Der Talmudjude," pp. 80 et seq., Münster, 1877); so that many legislators considered it necessary to have a special form of oath administered to Jews ("Jew's oath"), and many judges refused to allow them to take a supplementary oath, basing their objections chiefly on this prayer (Zunz, "G. S." ii. 244; comp. pp. 246, 251). As early as 1240 Jehiel of Paris was obliged to defend the "Kol Nidre" against these charges. It can not be denied that, according to the usual wording of the formula, an unscrupulous man might think that it offers a means of escape from the obligations and promises which he had assumed and made in regard to others.

Refers Only to Individual Vows

The teachers of the synagogues, however, have never failed to point out to their cobelievers that the dispensation from vows in the "Kol Nidre" refers only to those which an individual voluntarily assumes for himself alone (see RoSH to Ned. 23b) and in which no other persons or their interests are involved. In other words, the formula is restricted to those vows which concern only the relation of man to his conscience or to his Heavenly Judge (see especially Tos. to Ned. 23b). In the opinion of Jewish teachers, therefore, the object of the "Kol Nidre" in declaring oaths null and void is to give protection from divine punishment in case of violation of the vow. No vow, promise, or oath, however, which concerns another person, a court of justice, or a community is implied in the "Kol Nidre." It must be remembered, moreover, that five geonim were against while only one was in favor of reciting the prayer (Zunz, "G. V." p. 390, note a), and furthermore that even so early an authority as Saadia wished to restrict it to those vows which were extorted from the congregation in the synagogue in times of persecution ("Kol Bo," l.c.); and he declared explicitly that the "Kol Nidre" gave no absolution from oaths which an individual had taken during the year. Judah ben Barzillai, a Spanish author of the twelfth century, in his halakic work "Sefer ha-'Ittim," declares that the custom of reciting the "Kol Nidre" was unjustifiable and misleading, since many ignorant persons believe that all their vows and oaths are annulled through this formula, and consequently they take such obligations on themselves carelessly ("Orḥot Ḥayyim," p. 106a).

Jewish Opposition

For the same reason Jeroham ben Meshullam, who lived in Provence about the middle of the fourteenth century, inveighed against those fools who, trusting to the "Kol Nidre," made vows recklessly, and he declared them incapable of giving testimony ("Toledot Adam we-Ḥawwah," ed. 1808, section 14, part iii., p. 88; see Zunz, "G. V." p. 390). The Karaite Judah Hadassi, who wrote the "Eshkol ha-Kofer" at Constantinople in 1148 (see Nos. 139,140 of that work), likewise protested against the "Kol Nidre." Among other opponents of it in the Middle Ages were Yom-Ṭob ben Abraham Isbili (d. 1350) in his "Ḥiddushim"; Isaac ben Sheshet, rabbi in Saragossa (d. 1406), Responsa, No. 394 (where is also a reference to the preceding); the author of the "Kol Bo" (15th cent.); and Leon of Modena (d. 1648 [see N. S. Libowitz, "Leon Modena," p. 33, New York, 1901]). In addition, nearly all printed maḥzorim contain expositions and explanations of the "Kol Nidre" in the restricted sense mentioned above.

In the Nineteenth Century

Yielding to the numerous accusations and complaints brought against the "Kol Nidre" in the course of centuries, the rabbinical conference held at Brunswick in 1844 decided unanimously that the formula was not essential, and that the members of the convention should exert their influence toward securing its speedy abolition ("Protocolle der Ersten Rabbiner Versammlung," p. 41, Brunswick, 1844). At other times and places during the nineteenth century emphasis was frequently laid upon the fact that "in the 'Kol Nidre' only those vows and obligations are implied which are voluntarily assumed, and which are, so to speak, taken before God, thus being exclusively religious in content; but that those obligations are in no wise included which refer to other persons or to non-religious relations" ("Allg. Zeit. des Jud." 1885, p. 396). The decision of the conference was accepted by many congregations of western Europe and in all the American Reform congregations, which while retaining the melody substituted for the formula a German hymn or a Hebrew psalm, or changed the old text to the words, "May all the vows arise to thee which the sons of Israel vow unto thee, O Lord, . . . that they will return to thee with all their heart, and from this Day of Atonement until the next," etc. Naturally there were many Orthodox opponents of this innovation, among whom M. Lehmann, editor of the "Israelit," was especially prominent (see ib. 1863, Nos. 25, 38). The principal factor which preserved the great religious authority of the "Kol Nidre" well into the nineteenth century, and which continually raises up new defenders for it, is doubtless its plaintive and appealing melody, which made a deep impression even on Lenau (see his remarks in "Der Israelit," 1864, No. 40, pp. 538 et seq.) and which was the favorite melody of Moltke, who had the violinist Joachim play it for him.

Bibliography

- Joseph Aub, Die Eingangsfeier des Versöhnungstages, Mayence, 1863;

- Z. Frankel, Die Eidesleistung der Juden, pp. 84 et seq.;

- W. Heidenheim, Sefer Ḳerobot, Hanover, 1837, Introduction;

- Lampronti, Paḥad Yiẓḥaḳ, iv. 82b;

- H. L. Strack, in Herzog-Hauck, Real-Encyc. x. 653 et seq.

The Melody

Even more famous than the formula itself is the melody traditionally attached to its rendition. This is deservedly so much prized that even where Reform has abolished the recital of the Chaldaic text, the air is often preserved, either in association with some other passage—e.g., Ps. ciii. or cxxx., or a series of versicles, or a vernacular hymn such as "O Tag des Herrn, Du Nahst!" or "Gott der Liebe und der Barmherzigkeit"—or as an organ prelude to attune the mind of the congregation to the solemnity of the evening. And yet there are probably no two synagogues in which the melody is chanted note for note absolutely the same. So marked is the variation in the details of the melody that a critical examination of the variants shows an approach toward agreement in the essentials of the first strain only, with transformations of the greatest diversity in the remaining strains. These divergences, however, are not radical, and they are no more than are inherent in a composition not due to a single originator, but built up and elaborated by many in turn, and handed on by them in distinct lines of tradition, along all of which the rhapsodical method of the Ḥazzanut has been followed (see Music, Synagogal).

OPENING PHRASES

Original Elements

On a critical investigation on comparative lines, the structure of "Kol Nidre" is seen to be built upon a very simple groundwork, the melody being essentially an intermingling of simple cantillation with rich figuration. The very opening of "Kol Nidre" is what the masters of the Catholic plain-song term a "pneuma," or soul breath. Instead of announcing the opening words in a monotone or in any of the familiar declamatory phrases, some ancient ḥazzan of South Germany prefixed a long, sighing tone, falling to a lower note and rising again, as if only sighs and sobs could find utterance before the officiant could bring himself to inaugurate the dread Day of Atonement.

Reminiscences of Catholic Plain-Song

Breslaur draws attention to the similarity of these strains with the first five bars of Beethoven's C sharp minor quartet, op. 131, period 6, "adagio quasi un poco andante." An older coincidence shows the original element around which the whole of "Kol Nidre" has been built up. The pneuma given in the Sarum and Ratisbon antiphonaries (or Catholic ritual music-books) as a typical passage in the first Gregorian mode (or the notes in the natural scale running from "d" to "d" ["re" to "re"]), almost exactly outlines the figure which prevails throughout the Hebrew air, in all its variants, and reproduces one favorite strain with still closer agreement. The original pattern of these phrases seems to be the strain of melody so frequently repeated in the modern versions of "Kol Nidre" at the introduction of each clause. Such a pattern phrase, indeed, is, in the less elaborated Italian tradition (Consolo, Nos. 3 and 6 in the following transcription), repeated in its simple form five times consecutively in the first sentence of the text, and a little more elaborately four times in succession from the words "nidrana lo nidre." The northern traditions prefer at such points first to utilize its complement in the second ecclesiastical mode of the Church, which extends below as well as above the fundamental "re." The strain, in either form, must obviously date from the early medieval period, anterior to the eleventh century, when the practise and theory of the singing-school at St. Gall, by which such typical passages were evolved, influenced all music in those French and German lands where the melody of "Kol Nidre" took shape.

Thus, then, a typical phrase in the most familiar Gregorian mode, such as was daily in the ears of the Rhenish Jews, in secular as well as in ecclesiastical music, was centuries ago deemed suitable for the recitation of the Absolution of Vows, and to it was afterward prefixed an introductory intonation dependent on the taste and capacity of the officiant. Many times repeated, the figure of this central phrase was sometimes sung on a higher degree of the scale, sometimes on a lower. Then these became associated; and so gradually the middle section of the melody developed into the modern forms.

CENTRAL PHRASES

Closing Phrase from "'Alenu."

But the inspiration of a later ḥazzan was needed to shape the closing section of the melody, in which the end of the chant soars away into a bold and triumphant strain, expressing confidence and determination rather than the humble sorrow of the older ending in the minor, which still survives in the Italian tradition. Now this bold closing phrase belongs, according to the general tradition, also to 'Alenu (the words "kemishpeḥot ha-adamah"). It would be quite in accordance with the scheme of the ḥazzan's art if one such officiant transferred the "'Alenu" phrase to "Kol Nidre," with the determined aim of associating the texts themselves in the minds of his hearers. The speculation is ventured that this was done about the year 1171, when thirty-four men and seventeen women perished at the stake at Blois, chanting the "'Alenu," and when all the Rhenish Jews, as well as those of France, were bewailing the martyrdom as the encyclical of R. Tam reached their congregations.

The full transcription following differs from the version best known to the general public, that for violoncello, etc., by Max Bruch, in that it reproduces the florid vocalization of the Polish school and omits the secondary and contrasting theme quoted by Bruch from the service of quite another part of the Jewish year (see "Jewish Chronicle," London, April 1, 1904).

Bibliography

Vocal

- A. Baer, Ba'al Tefillah (Der Praktische Vorbeter), Nos. 1301, 1302a, 1302b, Göteborg, 1877, Frankfort, 1883;

- E. Breslaur, Sind Originale Synagogen und Volks-Melodien bei den Juden Geschichtlich Nachweishar? (three settings, including one by Lewandowski), Leipsic, 1898;

- F. Consolo, Libro dei Canti d'Israele, No. 346, Florence, 1892;

- M. Deutsch, Col Nidre, Text und Melodie nach der Tradition (also in his Vorbeterschule), Breslau, 1872;

- H. Kössler, Kol Nidre, nach Zahlreichen Ausgaben Kritisch Revidiert, Strasburg, 1902;

- L. Lewandowski, Kol Nidre, Hebräischer und Deutscher Text (also in his Todah we-Zimrah), Leipsic;

- J. L. Mombach, Sacred Musical Compositions, p. 198, London, 1881;

- S. Sulzer, Shir Ẓiyyon, No. 111, Vienna, 1840;

- H. Weintraub, Tempelgesänge, Leipsic, 1859;

- Jewish Chronicle, Oct. 3 and 10, 1902.

Instrumental

- Various pianoforte, organ, and especially string arrangements by M. Bruch, P. Franz, A. Garfinkel, L. Lewandowski, L. Mendelssohn, J. Rosenfeld, A. H. Russotta, F. Singer, E. D. Wagner, H. Weintraub, and G. Wöhler;

- M. Hast, Divine Service, ii. 129, London, 1879;

- S. Naumbourg, Recueil de Chants Religieux, No. 4, Paris, 1874;

and especially A. Marksohn and W. Wolf, Auswahl Alter Hebräischer Synagogal-Melodien, No. 7, Leipsic, 1875.

German writer; born at Berlin June 19, 1771; died there March 7, 1833. Her home life was uncongenial, her father, a wealthy jeweler, being a strong-willed man and ruling his family despotically. She was very intimate with Dorothea and Henriette, daughters of Moses Mendelssohn. Together with them she knew Henriette Herz, with whom she later became most intimately associated, moving in the same intellectual sphere. Rahel's home became the meeting-place of men like Schlegel, Schelling, Steffens, Schack, Schleiermacher, Alexander and Wilhelm von Humboldt, Lamotte-Fouqué, Baron Brückmann, Ludwig Tieck, Jean Paul Richter, and F. von Gentz. During a visit to Carlsbad in 1795 she was introduced to Goethe, whom she again saw in 1815, at Frankfort-on-the-Main.

After the death of her father in 1806 she lived successively in Paris, Frankfort-on-the-Main, Hamburg, Prague, and Dresden. This period was one of misfortune for Germany; Prussia was reduced to a small kingdom and her king was in exile. Secret societies were formed in every part of the country with the object of throwing off the tyranny of Napoleon; Rahel herself belonged to one of these societies. In 1814 she married, in Berlin, Karl August Varnhagen von Ense (b. Feb. 21, 1785, at Düsseldorf; d. at Berlin Oct. 10, 1858), after having been converted to Christianity. At the time of their marriage, Varnhagen, who had fought in the Austrian army against the French, belonged to the Prussian diplomatic corps, and their house at Vienna became the meeting-place of the Prussian delegates to the Vienna Congress. She accompanied her husband in 1815 to Vienna, and in 1816 to Carlsruhe, where he was Prussian representative. After 1819 she again lived in Berlin, where Varnhagen had taken up his residence after having been retired from his diplomatic position.

Though not a productive writer herself, Rahel was the center of a circle of eminent writers, scholars, and artists in the Prussian capital. A few of her essays appeared in print in "Das Morgenblatt," "Das Schweizerische Museum," and "Der Gesellschafter," and in 1830 her "Denkblätter einer Berlinerin" was published in Berlin. Her correspondence with David Veit and with Varnhagen von Ense was published in Leipsic, in 1861 and 1874-75 respectively.

Rahel always showed the greatest interest in her former coreligionists, endeavoring by word and deed to better their position, especially during the anti-Semitic outburst in Germany in 1819. On the day of her funeral Varnhagen sent a considerable sum of money to the Jewish poor of Berlin.

The poet Ludwig Robert was a brother of Rahel, and with him she corresponded extensively; her sister Rosa was married to Karl Asser.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Schmidt-Weissenfels, Rahel und Ihre Zeit, Leipsic, 1857; Mrs. Vaughan Jennings, Rahel, Her Life and Letters, London, 1876; Assing, Aus Rahels Herzensleben, ib. 1877; Kayserling, Dic Jüdischen Frauen, pp. 208 et seq., Leipsic, 1879; Varnhagen, Rahel, ein Buch des Andenkens für Ihre Freunde, Berlin, 1833; idem, Galerie von Bildnissen aus Rahel's Umgang und Briefwechsel, Leipsic, 1836; Berdrow, Rahel Varnhagen: Ein Lebens- und Zeitbild, Stuttgart, 1900.

(F. T. H.)   (S.)

S.

MÜLLER, JOEL:

German rabbi and Talmudist; born 1827 at Ungarisch-Ostra, Moravia; died at Berlin Nov. 6, 1895. He received a thorough Talmudic training and succeeded his father as rabbi of his native town. His next rabbinate was that of Leipa, Bohemia; some of the sermons which he preached there have been published—"Die Spenden der Mutterfreude" (1868) and a collection of sermons on "Bibelbilder" (1869). Later he preached in Berlin.

From Leipa Müller went to Vienna, and became teacher of religion in a "Realschule." This he resigned to become professor of Talmud at the Berlin Lehranstalt für die Wissenschaft des Judenthums.

In 1878 Müller published in Vienna an edition of the "Masseket Soferim," and in the same year "Ḥilluf Minhagim"; the latter, which is a work of great value, first appeared in the Hebrew periodical "Ha-Shaḥar." Müller's treatment of the early responsa literature was especially excellent. In 1881 his "Teshubot Ḥakme Ẓarefat we-Lotir" appeared; in 1886, "Briefe und Responsen aus der Vorgaonäischen Jüdischen Literatur"; in 1888, "Teshubot Geone Mizraḥ u-Ma'arab"; and in 1893, "Die Responsen des R. Meschullam, Sohn des R. Kalonymus." Müller's chief contribution to the responsa literature is his "Mafteaḥ" to the responsa of the Geonim—a summary of the contents of the various publications comprising the answers of the Geonim to questions submitted to them (Berlin, 1891). One of his latest works was an edition of the "Halakot Pesuḳot." After his death his edition of Saadia's halakic writings appeared as vol. ix of the "Œuvres Complètes de R. Saadia ben Iosef al-Fayyoûmî."

Müller's "Jüdische Hochschulen" (1885) and "Jüdische Moral im Nachtalmudischen Zeitalter" contain some of his sermons.

Bibliography:

Allg. Zeit. des Jud. 1895, pp. 542-543, 556-557.

A treatise of the Mishnah and the Tosefta and in both Talmuds, devoted chiefly to a discussion of the laws laid down in Num. vi. 1-21. In the Tosefta its title is Nezirut ("Nazariteship"). In most of the editions of the Mishnah this treatise is the fourth in the order Nashim, and it is divided into nine chapters, containing fifty-eight paragraphs in all.

The Different Kinds of Vows.

Ch. i.: The different kinds of vows which involve compulsory Nazariteship (§§ 1-2); Nazariteship for life, Samson's Nazariteship (comp. Judges xii. 4 et seq.), and the difference between these two kinds (§ 2); Nazariteship is calculated by days only, not by hours, and generally lasts thirty days if no definite period is given (§ 3); different expressions which make a sort of lifelong Nazariteship compulsory, although the hair may be cut once in thirty days (§ 4); peculiar indefinite expressions used in connection with the vow (§§ 5-7).

Ch. ii.: Whether vows which are expressed in a peculiar, incorrect manner are binding (§§ 1-2); cases in which a clearly expressed vow of Nazariteship is not binding (§ 3); vows made under conditions incompatible with Nazariteship (§ 4); combination of two Nazariteships, or of one with the vow to bring an additional sacrifice for a Nazarite; conditional vows (§§ 5-9).

Ch. iii.: When a Nazarite may cut his hair in case he has vowed only one term of Nazariteship, or when he has vowed two successive terms (§§ 1-2); whether a Nazarite who has become unclean on the last day of his term must recommence his Nazariteship, and the cases in which he must do so (§§ 3-4); the case of one who vows Nazariteship while in a burial-place (§ 5); Nazariteship may be observed only in the Holy Land; Helena, Queen of Adiabene, once vowed Nazariteship for seven years, and fulfilled her vow; but when she went to Palestine at the end of the seventh year, the Bet Hillel decided that she must observe her vow for another period of seven years, since the time which she had spent outside of Palestine could not be taken into account (§ 6).

Wards and Minors.

Ch. iv.: Cases in which a person utters a vow of Nazariteship and those present say, "We too"; dispensation from such vows; concerning the nullification of a wife's vows of Nazariteship by her husband (§§ 1-5); the father may make a vow of Nazariteship for his minor son, but not the mother; and in like manner the son, but not the daughter, may, in certain cases and in certain respects, succeed to the father's term of Nazariteship (§§ 6-7).

Ch. v.: Cases in which a person dedicates or vows something by mistake; Nazarites who had made their vows before the destruction of the Temple, and, on coming to Jerusalem to offer their sacrifices, had learned that the Temple had been destroyed (§ 4); conditional Nazaritic vows (§§ 5-7).

Sacrifices of Nazarites.

Ch. vi.: Things forbidden to the Nazarite; enumeration of the different things coming from the vine; cases in which a Nazarite is guilty of trespassing against the interdiction prohibiting the drinking of wine (§§ 1-2); cases in which he is guilty of trespassing against that concerning the cutting of his hair (§ 3); in what respects the interdiction against defilement by a corpse is more rigorous than those against drinking wine and cutting the hair, and in what respects the last two interdictions are more rigorous than the first (§ 5); sacrifices and cutting of the hair if the Nazarite has become unclean (§ 6); sacrifices and cutting of the hair when the Nazariteship is fulfilled; burning of the cut hair under the pot in which the flesh of thesacrifice is cooked; other regulations regarding the sacrifices by Nazarites (§§ 7-11).

Ch. vii.: The Nazarite and the high priest may not defile themselves through contact with corpses even in the case of the death of a near relative; discussion of the question whether the Nazarite or the high priest defiles himself if both together find a corpse which must be buried and no one else is there to do it (§ 1); things which defile the Nazarite, and other regulations regarding the uncleanness of a person entering the Temple (§§ 2-3).

Ch. viii.: Regulations in cases where it is doubtful whether the Nazarite has become unclean.

Ch. ix.: Unlike slaves and women, "Kutim" may not make a Nazaritic vow; in what respects Nazaritic vows of women are more rigorous than those of slaves, and vice versa (§ 1); further details regarding the defilement of a Nazarite; the examination of burial-places, and, in connection therewith, rules for the examination of a person suffering from discharges or leprosy (§§ 2-4); discussion of the question whether Samuel was a Nazarite (§ 5).

Tosefta.

The Tosefta to this treatise is divided into six chapters. Noteworthy is the story it narrates of the high priest Simon the Just, who never partook of the sacrifice offered by a Nazarite, with the exception of that offered by a handsome youth from the south, since in this case he could assume that the young man had made his vow with the best intentions and acceptably to God. When Simon asked why he had decided to clip his hair, the youth replied that on beholding his image in a pool he had become vain of his own beauty, and had therefore taken the Nazaritic vow to avoid all temptations (iv. 7).

The Babylonian Gemara, whose introductory passage explains, by a reference to the Bible (Deut. xxiv. 1; comp. Rashi ad loc., and Soṭah. 2a), why the treatise Nazir belongs to the order Nashim, contains also many interesting sentences, a few of which may be quoted here: "The forty years (II Sam. xv. 7) are reckoned from the time when the Israelites first asked for a king" (5a). "The Nazarite has sinned (Num. vi. 11) by denying himself wine; and if one who denies himself wine, which is not absolutely necessary, is deemed a sinner, one who denies himself other things which are needful for the sustenance of life is a much greater sinner" (19a). "An infringement of the Law with good intentions is better than its fulfilment without good intentions. Still one must study the Torah and observe its commandments, even though he is not in the proper mood, since he will gradually acquire thereby a sympathetic frame of mind" (23b).

ROSENTHAL, JOSEPH:

Russo-Jewish scholar; born at Suwalki, in the government of the same name in Russian Poland, Feb. 14, 1844. He began the study of the Talmud and commentaries at an early age without the aid of a teacher, and at the same time devoted himself to the study of different languages and sciences. In the nineties he settled at Warsaw, where he is now practising law.

Rosenthal began his literary career in 1866 by contributing philological articles to "Ha-Maggid." Since then he has written for such Hebrew periodicals as "Ha-Lebanon," "Ha-Karmel," "Ha-Meliẓ," and others, writing on topics of the day as well as on Jewish science. The most important of his contributions are an article on the religious system of the "Sefer Yeẓirah," in "Keneset Yisrael" (1887), and some articles in "Ha-Eshkol," a Hebrew encyclopedia (1887-88). He wrote also some responsa, one of which was published in "Dibre Mosheh" by R. Moses of Namoset; and "Derek Emunah," four essays on religious philosophy (Warsaw, 1894). Rosenthal is noted as a chess-player, and won the first prize at the Druzgenik tournament in 1885.

Bibliography:

Sefer Zikkaron, p. 106, Warsaw, 1889;

Zeitlin, Bibl. Hebr. p. 317, Leipsic, 1891-95.

SPIEGEL, FREDERICK S.: American jurist; born at Hovestadt, Westphalia, Prussia, Nov. 20, 1858. He attended the gymnasium at Paderborn, Westphalia, until his fourteenth year, when his parents emigrated to the United States, settling in Gadsden, Ala. Here he attended the Southern Institute, from which he was graduated in 1877, whereupon he took up the study of law at the College of Cincinnati, Ohio. In 1881 he was appointed chief of the bureau of statistics of the state of Ohio, and during his term of office he revised the system of compiling statistics; he also published at Columbus a year-book of the history of Ohio. Upon returning to Cincinnati he practised law and was elected a member of the Cincinnati Board of Education, serving as chairman of its German department, in which capacity he inaugurated a new method of studying the German language. In 1890 he was elected county solicitor, and was reelected in 1893. In 1896, and again in 1901, he was elected a justice of the court of common pleas of the first judicial district of the state. Spiegel has taken active interest in the affairs of the Independent Order B'nai B'rith, having served as president of its district No. 2 and as chairman of its district court, and being at present (1905) a member of the supreme court of the order. He has contributed numerous essays on legal and other topics to various journals.

TUCHMANN, JULES: French folklorist; born in Paris March 23, 1830; died there Feb. 28, 1901. Privately educated, he devoted his whole life to investigating the traces of supernaturalism in traditional beliefs. The results of some of his investigations appeared in a remarkable series of articles on "The Evil Eye" ("La Fascination") which ran through the whole ten volumes of the folk-lore journal "Melusine." While nominally devoted to this subject, however, the monograph deals with all kindred topics, as, for example, witches and witchcraft, folk-medicine, etc. It is perhaps the most thorough investigation of any single branch of folklore.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

- Melusine, x. 8, April, 1901.

VOGEL, SIR JULIUS: Agent-general in London for New Zealand; born in London Feb. 25, 1835; died there March 13, 1899. He was the son of Albert Lee Vogel, and was educated at University College School. Left an orphan, he emigrated to Australia in 1852. Disappointed with his progress at the gold-diggings, he fell back upon his literaryability and became editor and proprietor of several Victorian newspapers. He stood for Parliament in 1861, but was unsuccessful, and emigrated to Dunedin, New Zealand, where he bought a half interest in the "Otago Witness" and started the "Otago Daily Times," the first daily paper in New Zealand. In 1862 Vogel was elected to the provincial council of Otago, and four years later became the head of the provincial government, a post which he held till 1869. In 1863 he was elected a member of the New Zealand House of Representatives, and on retiring from the provincial government in 1869, he joined the Fox ministry as colonial treasurer, afterward becoming successively postmaster-general, commissioner of customs, and telegraph commissioner. The Fox ministry having been forced to resign, Vogel carried a vote of want of confidence in their successors, and in Oct., 1872, returned to power as leader in the Lower House, colonial treasurer, and postmaster-general. In 1873 Vogel became prime minister of the colony. In 1875-76 he visited England, and afterward resumed the premiership. From 1876 to 1881 he was agent-general for New Zealand in London, and in 1884 was again a member of the government of the colony. He finally gave up colonial office in 1887, from which date he resided in England. He was made C.M.G. in 1872, and K.C.M.G. in 1875, and received special permission to retain the colonial title of "Honorable" during his life. He unsuccessfully contested Penryn in 1880 as an Imperialist.

Sir Julius Vogel's principal achievement as a colonial statesman was the discovery that the savings of the mother country could, with mutual advantage, be obtained by the colonies and applied to the construction of railways and other public works. That his system of finance was on the whole successful was amply proved by the prosperous state of the Australasian colonies. Sir Julius Vogel was the author of the act by virtue of which Colonial stock has been inscribed at the Bank of England and has become a popular investment for trustees. His project of law was accepted by the imperial government to the equal benefit of all the colonies. His scheme of public borrowing for the colony of New Zealand was put into effect in 1870, and within the next ten years the colony borrowed £22,500,000 at diminishing rates of interest, the population rose from 250,000 to 500,000, the extent of land under cultivation increased from 1,000,000 to 4,000,000 acres, and the value of exports from £500,000 to £1,500,000. It is also stated that in the same ten years he introduced 100,000 immigrants and caused 1,200 miles of railway to be constructed. During a visit to England he established the existing mail service between New Zealand and San Francisco. In his first premiership he set on foot the government life-insurance system and organized the New Zealand Public Trusteeship. He was one of the first to advocate imperial federation.

Sir Julius Vogel wrote a novel entitled "Anno Domini 2000, or Woman's Destiny"; it was published in 1889, and passed through several editions. One of his sons, Frank Leon Vogel, was killed on Dec. 4, 1893, while serving with Major Wilson's force against the Matabele.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

- Jew. Chron., March 18, 1899;

- Gisborne, Hist. of New Zealand;

- G. W. Rusden, Hist. of New Zealand, vols. ii., iii.

XANTEN: Town of Rhenish Prussia, in the district of Düsseldorf. Like most Rhenish towns, Xanten had a Jewish community in early medieval times. Two massacres of Jews occurred during the First Crusade (June 1 and 27, 1096). On the latter occasion some Jews committed suicide in order to escape the fury of the Crusaders (Aronius, "Regesten," p. 89, No. 188; p. 92, No. 195). In 1187 the martyrs of Neuss were brought to Xanten to be buried by the side of those martyred in 1096 (ib. p. 144, No. 322).

Blood Ac-

cusation.

In the latter part of the nineteenth century the attention of the Jewish world was attracted to the small congregation of Xanten by a blood accusation. On June 29, 1891, John Hegemann, the five-year-old son of a local cabinetmaker, was found dead in a neighbor's barn, with his throat cut from ear to ear. Anti-Semitic agitation connected the Jewish butcher and former shohet Adolf Buschoff with this crime; and the local priest Bresser lent support to this rumor by publishing articles on ritual murder in the "Bote für Stadt und Land," of which he was the editor. The agitation in the anti-Semitic press, as well as at anti-Semitic meetings, where it was insinuated that the Jews had bribed or intimidated the authorities in order to prevent the discovery of the truth, compelled the government to arrest Buschoff and his family (Oct. 14, 1891). The evidence against the man, who had always borne a good reputation, was so flimsy, however, that he was discharged (Dec. 20). This action aroused the anti-Semites to still stronger agitation, which culminated in a heated debate in the Prussian Diet; in the course of this argument Stoecker, the ex-court chaplain, cleverly repeated the accusation of ritual murder, and hinted at Jewish influence as the cause of the failure to find the murderer (Feb. 7, 1892). Under pressure of this agitation Buschoff was rearrested (Feb. 8), and tried before a jury at Cleve (July 4-14, 1892). During this trial it was found that the accusations were based on mere hearsay, and contained absolutely impossible assertions. The prosecuting attorney himself moved for the dismissal of the charge, and the jury rendered its verdict accordingly. The real murderer was never discovered, and the possibility that the death of the child was due to an accident was not entirely disproved. The agitation had the effect of reducing the Jewish population of the city, and Buschoff himself had to leave. At present (1905) Xanten has about thirty Jews in a total population of 3,770.

Bibliography: Mittheilungen aus dem Verein zur Abwehr des Antisemitismus, 1892, Index, s.v. Xanten and Buschoff; Allg. Zeit. des Jud. 1892, Nos. 29-31; Der Prozess Buschoff, Leipsic, 1892; Nathan, Der Prozess Buschoff, Berlin, 1892; Der Prozess Xanten-Cleve, ib. 1892; Der Xantener Knabenmord vor dem Schwurgericht zu Cleve, 4-14 Juli, 1892, Berlin, 1893 (a complete stenographic record).

J.

D.

Source

- Digitalisation: Jewish Encyclopedia p. 574

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Table of Contents

Title page

Jewish Encyclopedia

Aach

Aachen

Aargau

Aaron

Abba Mari ben Moses ben Joseph don Astruc

Abraham ben Isaac Hayyot

Abraham ben Isaac ben Jehiel of Pisa

Arbues, Pedro

Atonement, Day of

Baer, Issachar ben Solomon

Bessels, Emil

Coen, Jan Pieterszoon

Daggatun

Ettlinger, Jacob

Geldern, Simon von

Goldfaden, Abraham

Gottlober, Abraham Baer

Haas, Robert

Held, Anna

Kol Nidre

Levin, Rahel

Müller, Joel

Nazir

Rosenthal, Joseph

Spiegel, Frederick S.

Tuchmann, Jules

Vogel, Julius

Xanten

About