Alexandr Lagazzi

This thesis offers a comprehensive analysis of the growth potential of factoring as a financial service in the CEE region, with a particular emphasis on its application to the logistics and freight transportation industry. The research seeks to answer two main questions: (1) whether factoring is a viable entry strategy for banks and non-banking institutions in CEE markets, and (2) what the market opportunity for factoring in the logistics sector for CEE markets is. The thesis approaches such task in three steps, each with its own focus. First, it provides an overview of the history, definition, and contemporary characteristics of factoring, only to suggest a theoretical approach from international trade theory that combines Paul Krugman’s macroeconomic and Michael Porter’s microeconomic perspectives. Second, a qualitative and quantitative analysis of the size and future value of the factoring markets in each CEE country is provided by computing both macroeconomic and microeconomic datasets, as well as a correlation analysis between factoring turnover and the country's competitiveness. Third, a cross-country comparison of the computed results throughout the CEE region provides an estimate of the market valuation of factoring for each country’s freight logistics sector, determining the thesis’ research outcomes. According to the findings of this thesis, factoring is considered a growing financial service and a viable entry strategy for the CEE markets, particularly in Romania, Estonia, Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Slovenia, Lithuania, Hungary, and Poland, and in the respective freight logistics sector of the listed economies. The annual market valuation of factoring within this sector totals nearly ten billion euros. The findings of the study provide insights into the growth potential of factoring as a financial service in the CEE region, its relevance to the logistics and transportation industry, and its essential contribution to national and international economic growth. The recommendations of the study provide a road map for future research and facilitate the expansion objectives of firms entering new markets by offering such financial services.

The objectives of this study are to provide an analysis of the relationship between Chinese FDIs and Kenya’s economic and political reality, contextualized within the framework of Dependency Theory. This research intends to highlight the possible asymmetric power dynamics, the impacts of such investments on Kenya’s path to economic development, and the potential political implications.

Foreign direct investment refers to a company (private, public, or state-owned) or individual that invests in production or business operations in a foreign country. FDIs are considered an important pillar of international trade, especially in the ever-intertwined supply chain economy. Moreover, they have the potential to bring capital, technology, and managerial expertise to the host country. However, the outcome of this influx of money and know-how can vary, usually accordingly to the shifting of bilateral trade and political relations between the two countries. On one side, FDIs have the potential to stimulate economic growth, increase employment, and raise standards of living. However, they can also cause drawbacks, such as the potential for brain drain, loss of national control over important industries, and the exploitation of the host country’s natural resources. Lastly, both countries’ bilateral relations can (and usually do) have an impact on larger-scale trade and political blocks, such as the World Trade Organization or United Nations: export-oriented countries and their political representatives know that economic capital can be used as a tool to gain political goals.
In recent years, the People’s Republic of China has emerged as one of the strongest economies and also recipients of foreign direct investment in the world. With its large and growing market, skilled labour force, and favourable investment policies, the PRC has attracted massive amounts of foreign capital. At the same time, the PRC has also become one of the world’s largest exporters, contributing to a large trade surplus towards other key global players such as the United States and countries of the European Union, especially Germany and France.

In this paper, we will explore the benefits and disadvantages of foreign direct investment in the PRC, drawing on both academic research and news sources. After briefly introducing the characteristics of the trade balance of the PRC –– as a heavily exporting country –– with the EU and the US, we will focus on inward investment flows (FDIs coming to China) and outward investment flows (FDIs coming from China), considering for both chapters the main benefits and disadvantages of such economic activity. The paper will then conclude by summarizing the implications found for future economic growth and development of China vis-à-vis the EU.

The Italian economy is, as a founding member of the EU, of unequivocal importance within both the Union and the Eurozone. Yet after the crises of 2007-2009 and subsequent economic slumps of 2012-2013, the Italian path to financial recovery has been rather stiff. With a complex and ever-changing political arena, ruled by a lengthy legislative system that still relies on perfect bicameralism to pass and approve reforms, the economic momentum needed to surpass a crisis is even often hindered by slow political reforms.
This paper aims to investigate the impact of the 2007-2009 financial crisis on the Italian economy and compare its effects with the COVID-19 crisis.
Chapter 1 summarizes the impact of the crisis on the financial sector by exploring the state of Italian finance during and after the crisis. Subsequently, the Chapter presents a list of macroeconomic indicators and their evolution in the 10 years after, detailing the change of macroeconomic features of the country. Finally, the Chapter also evaluates the governmental measures taken to alleviate the impact of the crisis.
Chapter 2 then compares the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic to the 2007-2009 financial crisis by exploring the differences from the previous crisis in both their impact and efforts to mitigate their effects. Then, the Chapter evaluates key economic, social and medical measures put in place by the Italian government to cope with the pandemic and the effect on the country’s financial sector.
The Conclusion summarizes the key findings from comparing the impact of both crises on the financial sector of the Italian economy and presents lessons learned in government measures to alleviate the effects of both crises.

This report is a result of a presentation of the authors that was in favour of the statement that Increasing the Minimal Age of Consumption of Alcohol Decreases the Number of Alcohol-Related Costs in the US. The authors shall therefore suggest, throughout the report, the main arguments in favour of such statement. As the Minimum Legal Drinking Age (MLDA-21) in the US is in place for over than 3 decades, it has been a topic of discussion for both consumers, policy makers and researchers alike. Thus, there is quite a pool of available data and studies that argue both in favour of keeping the MLDA at 21 and of lowering it to (usually) 18 years of age. As there is little evidence available in empirical studies that focused on the impacts on an increase of the MLDA, the authors took the liberty to present an inverted argumentation for this report: the main statistical and empirical data will be drawn from studies that overall incline and / or argue against decreasing the MLDA-21.

Amid the shifts of inward-looking economic policy of the US, the EU and China remain the 2nd and 3rd biggest players of global trade. With a trade war complicating Chinese-US relations, EU policies try to tackle a common approach towards China. With the proposed FDI screenings, the European Commission voiced concerns over (mainly Chinese) economic activities within it markets. The aim of this paper is thus to analyse the newly proposed and approved EU Commission FDI screening framework and suggest its impact on EU–China relations. Firstly, the author will seek to present the current state of the affairs and analyse the potential threats of Chinese economic agenda in the EU, by looking into the strategic sectors affected and already existing EU screening mechanisms to assess how the EU reacts. Then, the author will focus on the presented FDI screening mechanism and suggest the impact of its implementation within the scope of EU–China relations. The argumentation of the paper will evolve around the following questions: (1) Is the screening framework aiming to counter the trade unbalance of EU–China FDIs; and (2) How is such approach going to affect EU–Chinese relations? (3) What role will the bilateral relations of EU member states (case study of the Czech Republic) have in implementing the framework whilst being also recipients of Chinese investment frameworks such as the Belt and Road Initiative and / or the 16+1 platform?

While Chinese investments in Europe are rising, the topic is increasingly becoming more politically sensitive. In October 2018, Egmont Institute invited several experts to look in detail at the scope, trends and political aspects of Chinese investments in the EU as well as different perceptions of the direct investments across European regions. Is there a unified European strategy towards Chinese investments? And is there a unified Chinese strategy towards the EU? In this series, several of the invited speakers shed their light on EU-China investments. In part III: Alexandr Lagazzi, analyst at the EUROPEUM Institute for European Policy, discusses the shift of perception within the 16+1 grouping, linking China with 16 central and eastern European countries, 11 of them members of the EU.

In the concrete case of ISIS’ situation in Syria, suggested from panels and meetings attended by the author during the MED 2018 conference in Rome, the group is already now close to being militarily defeated. However, the military and geographical losses pushed back ISIS into the state in which it first appeared – a scattered, centralized group of operative cells that aim to revive a transnational jihadi network. Understanding the process of growing from a violent group to a transnational ideology is deemed to be crucial for its definitive defeat. However, in doing so, governments of the respective countries still categorically reject the possibility of involving negotiations. But such strategy, most know from the Global War On Terrorism (GWOT), is now almost 20 years old and deemed as and somewhat outdated. Firstly, the hawkish military stance was and still is exhausting for the Alliance, and most of all it does not include a detailed package of post-ISIS reconstruction. In the aftermath, negotiations are already now crucial in defining the main points in preventing radicalization (and battling the root causes of it such as poverty, social injustice and inequality). This paper shall explore such possibility and look into the main reasons of the governments’ rejection of future negotiations, as well as suggest a possible implementation of such policy.

On March 4, Italy held its general elections, which resulted in a tri-polar electorate and a political deadlock. After more than 10 weeks of negotiations, the Five Star Movement and the Northern League agreed upon a common agenda to form a governing coalition. On may 18 the final draft of the coalition pact was published. This paper will aim to summarize the 2018 parliamentary elections by commenting on the outcome with regards to the rounds of (in)formal negotiations, pin-pointing the most surprising outcomes, and reacting to the most recent developments in order to compile an overview of the parliamentary power games.

Despite the V4’s marketed warm relations with China, the focus of the 16+1 platform has shifted towards the Western Balkans. If the symbol of the latest meetings being hosted further east was not sufficient, the Visegrad group seems to be currently lagging behind the other members of the platform – especially those in the WB – in terms of engagement in the narrative of economic cooperation and political talks with China, both as part of the 16+1 platform and the Belt and Road Iinitiative (BRI). This paper will explore the current state of relations between the V4 countries and China, trying to establish whether this current stagnation is caused by V4 stances within the EU or a Beijing-led shift towards the WB region. More importantly, this paper will then discuss whether there is the need for a V4 ‘joint strategy’ that would reconquer Beijing’s attention. Finally, it shall suggest whether such attention, causing concerns in Brussels, should be strategically exploited at the Visegrad or even European level in order to better approach and shape a common China policy.
POLICY BRIEF
2018/February
Think Visegrad in Brussels

Tato seminární práce se bude snažit analyzovat hlavní právní dokumenty okolo vzniku Československa a jejich následný význam z právního hlediska a zasazením do dobového kontextu. Vzhledem k nespočtu událostí předcházející rok vzniku Československa, se tato seminární práce zaměří pouze na nezbytný a záměrně krátký přehled nejdůležitějších událostí, které roku 1918 předcházely. Dále se tato seminární práce zaměří především na politické uspořádání československého státu a to krátce před a během jeho vzniku; nikoliv však na politické uspořádání tomu předcházející, včetně mocenských změn, které přinesla druhá světová válka (krom těch, které se týkají Československého státu). Vybrané dokumenty se budu proto týkat zejména politického a ústavního vývoje Československé republiky, s ohledem na původ vzniku myšlenky československého státu, jakožto soužití českého a slovenského národu.

With the past export-led economic growth that has gradually become a tool of Chinese soft power, China showcased globally a powerful and inviting policy of economic power in action, and investment-seeking countries (especially from the Western Balkans) are willing to show their eagerness towards Chinese loans and capital. On the reverse side, China presents itself as an equally eager investor, and can be counted on in all situations, including when Chinese investors picked up projects declined by the EU.
This paper suggests that the impact of Chinese influence on the Western Balkans is paradoxical: Beijing seems to benefit from EU-led convergence towards political stability (in order to increase its opportunities to implement its economic agenda), whilst Chinese eager pockets result in a divergence from EU criteria and an undermining of EU membership prospects for the recipients.

This Bachelor thesis seeks to analyse the rise and fall of the Red Brigades within the wave of Italian political terrorism in order to suggest the application of findings onto global terrorism, while working on three hypotheses. First, the thesis implies that features of multiple phases of terrorism are present in the life-span of the Italian left-wing terrorist organization. Secondly, within the dismantling of the Red Brigades, the role of the State is regarded as substantial (combined with internal conflicts). Lastly, upon the outlined analyses, the findings are deemed to be applicable onto the phase of global terrorism. Through mapping the activities of the Red Brigades and subjecting the major attacks to an analysis through the theoretical definitions of terrorism, the author seeks to draw conclusion mainly by a synthesis of the communicative strategy, psychological impact and state reaction(s) to terrorism. Concluding, the thesis suggests some key findings, regarded as effective tools of fight against Italian terrorism, to be applied onto global terrorism.

China’s role has shifted, in the recent years, from an economic player of regional importance to a global international player. It growth rates exceeded expectations and macroeconomic indicators reached notable levels. Despite the financial crisis of 2008, the economy remained of severe importance and its growth model continued to rise. After such race however, the growth model achieved through the opening up of the economy and central planning eventually slowed down. In the last 7 years, the real GDP growth fell from more than 10 % annually into decline. China, like many other economies, has reached the so called middle-income trap, a state of the economy that is usually preceded with substantial growth and from which only a handful of countries were able to escape. The aim of this thesis is to analyse the newly approved Chinese 13th Five-Years Plan (FYP) and its impact on economic policymaking.

Regardless of its outcome, the Italian constitutional referendum will affect Italy's position within the EU. Prime Minister Matteo Renzi proposes to simplify the legislative process by stripping the Senate of most its role in the law-making process whilst boosting the power of the executive branch. Voters will have the opportunity to decide whether to approve or decline these substantial constitutional changes on December 4, 2016, in the third constitutional referendum of the country's history. The aim of this paper is to analyse the proposed bill and offer a prognosis of both the outcomes of the referendum in terms of Italy's position within the EU before the 60th anniversary of the Rome Treaty in March 2017.

After the implementation of the EU-Turkey deal, whereby Syrian refugees who made it to Greece are returned to Turkey, Austria, concerned about the ‘collateral outcome’, is unveiling plans to re-establish border controls with Italy at the Brenner Pass.

Tato seminární práce se bude zabývat potenciálem ekonomické síly ČLR jako prostředek její zahraniční politiky (dále jen ZP), a to konkrétněji iniciativou OBOR. Cílem bude stanovit, zda ČLR úspěšně využívá své ekonomické síly jako prostředek vlastní ZP. Pro účely zúžení a usnadnění výzkumné strategie se tato práce bude zabývat pouze ZP za vlády prezidenta Si Ťin-pchinga, a tedy jim představeným projektem OBOR a jeho dopadu především vůči Evropské unii. První kapitola této práce vymezí ZP z hlediska teorie mezinárodních vztahů a pokusí se následnou deskripcí oficiální koncepce ZP ČLR stanovit její cíle. Druhá kapitola pak naváže analýzou projektu OBOR z hlediska předchozích stanovených cílů ZP a pokusí se zhodnotit úspěšnost ČLR v jejich naplňování.

Cílem této semestrální práce je odborně analyzovat knihu Ulricha Becka – Moc a protiváha moci v globálním věku: Nová ekonomie světové politiky. Mou snahou bude vypsání hlavních bodů kapitoly 1, Úvod: Nová kritická teorie v kosmopolitním věku, z uvedeného vydání knížky ze stránek 23-70. Nejdříve se zaměřím na vypsání hlavních myšlenek, které poté budu analyzovat vlastním komentářem. Výtažek z knížky budu proto psát v bodech, dle logické návaznosti a s odkazem na číslo stránky, v případě důležitosti výpisku vyznačím dané slovo podtržením; kdežto můj vlastní komentář bude vypsán kurzívou a označen jinými odrážkami, než výtažek z obsahu knížky, aby bylo jasně vymezené v jakém případě se jedná o obsah knížky a v jakém případě o můj příspěvek.

Cílem této semestrální práce je komparativně analyzovat zpravodajství na třech hlavních veřejnoprávních televizních kanálech Italské republiky. Pro tento účel jsem vybral veřejnoprávní televizní stanici Rai, která se svým vysíláním umísťuje mezi nejsledovanější vysílací společnosti v Evropě. Během této analýzy se zaměřím především na aspekty televizního zpravodajství, které by se daly považovat za manipulativní. Těmito aspekty bude především celková struktura zpravodajství – harmonogram zpráv včetně jejich pořadí, závažnosti a jim věnovaný časový prostor, frekvence vysílání, obsahová objektivnost či subjektivnost informací, práce s třetími stranami (experty, názory občanů, jinými informačními kanály) a celková detailnost. Na závěr tyto aspekty zhodnotím vlastním komentářem a pokusím se v souladu s filozofii každé patřičně vysílající stanice stanovit, zda opravdu manipulují či nepřímo vnucují divákům názory, a zda informace jsou podávané objektivně, neutrálně a přesně.

Hongkong a Macao, dnešní dvě zvláštní správní oblastí Čínské lidové republiky, se dlouhodobě charakterizují ekonomickou prosperitou a pověstí dvou základen západní kultury, smyšlení a demokracie v Číně. Je obdivuhodné, jak přes značný rozdíl ve vývoji těchto území oproti vnitrozemské Číně, si oba tyto koloniální přístavy zachovaly svou charakteristiku výhodné pozice ve světovém obchodu, která se skrz století upevnila a potvrdila tak původní záměry kolonialistů, kteří svůj zájem o obě oblasti projevovali už od začátku 16. století. Cílem této seminární práce bude sledovat změny na geopolitické mapě obou území, najít spojitosti mezi změnami provedené v období kolonialismu a jejich globálních i lokálních dopadech, odůvodnit několik aspektů současného geopolitického stavu dvou zvláštních správních oblastí Čínské lidové republiky a následné srovnání obou území. Pro dosažení tohoto cíle struktura této seminární práce bude nejprve analýza geopolitických změn na mapě Asie, a to na území dnešní Čínské lidové republiky – konkrétně v oblastech, kde dnes leží obě dvě zvláštní správní oblasti Hongkong a Macao, kde krom bohatého historického vývoje se pokusím uvést i strategičnost území pro kolonialisty a jeho význam pro politiku Číny. V druhé části, věnované komparaci obou území, bude snahou aplikovat důsledky kolonialismu pro vysvětlení jevů patrných dodnes – jakými jsou ekonomická prosperita, multináboženská tolerance, vysoká hustota zalidnění či hlavně postupná kulturní diferenciace a tolerance až plné přijetí západních influencí, a to vše na srovnávací rovině. Hongkong a Macao mají mnoho společného ale i vysoký počet odlišností, což charakterizuje obě dnešní zvláštní správní oblasti za jedinečné části Čínské lidové republiky.

Chinese language has almost one character per every word, therefore the memorization and the active use of the language for a speaker with a native Indo-European language background must be harder than for a Chinese person. Nonetheless, Matteo Ricci, a Jesuit missionary to China, was able to teach Chinese thanks to an ancient mnemonic method, which he transformed and applied to Chinese. I will search in history for the connection of this method with the field of languages, and apply this old method in teaching English words to a modern secondary school classroom. By doing this, I will try to prove whether this ancient mnemonic method, used in the 16th century by Matteo Ricci in China, is still applicable in today’s secondary school teaching environment, where I will focus on acquiring words in English as a foreign language.

Floskule čekaly několik let poněkud skrytě, tajně v koutku prahu vnímání jazyka českého. V tomto koutku čekaly, dokud je někdo neobjeví. A jak je už zvykem v lidské historii, a jak praví jedno staré, z nejmoudřejších čínských přísloví: ‘hrstka rýže dělá jedno zrnko nepodstatné, ale právě to jedno zrnko může převážit váhy’, tak floskule převážily onen prah vnímání korektnosti jazyka a vybojovaly si velkou pozornost. Obrozencem v boji o veřejné vnímání floskulí je určitě pan Vladimít Just, který se pokusil, a později opakovaně vydal, slovník floskulí. Všiml si totiž, že floskule jsou jakýmsi oblakem nad zemí při slunném dnu. Víme o nich, ale nevšímáme si jich. Použivány jsou stále častěji (jak se dále dočtete, nejen v rozhovorech, ale dokonce v médiich a internetových sítích). Otázkou však zůstává, je to tak správně? Čím dál více lidí je přejímá od různých, živých i neživých zdrojů, přičemž vědomost jejich užití zůstává poněkud pozadu. Floskule se šíří v jazyce jako voda, nelítostně a všemi cestami, přebírají se jako tradice. Mají přitom i podobné vlastnosti jako tradice: ústně, vyprávěním se dostávají dále napříč generacím, dochází k drobným změnám, zániku či vzniku nových. Základ, jádro této pravopisné zkázy korektnosti však zůstává pevný: přímá řeč. Ohledně ní bychom chtěli podotknout pár novodobých trendů, kteřích jsme si všimli nejen v průběhu této práce. První problémem je jejich využití v médiich. Určitě jste si všimli, že ve Vašém oblíbeném programu padlo několik nevhodných slovních obratů. Pokud je váš oblíbený program nějaká telenovela či seriál, dalo by se to odpustit chytrou výmluvou, že jde o co nejbližší přirovnání dennodenní mluvě, tedy o špičkový herecký výkon. Však u zpravodajství tento prvek by měl správně chybět. Smutné je, že rádia, televize a internet jsou někdy zahlcenější floskulemi, než informací.

This review shall critically analyse the working paper titled Tailored Feedback and Worker Green Behavior: Field Evidence from Bus Drivers, authored by Gert-Jan Romensen and Adriaan R. Soetevent and published in 2017. Firstly, it will present an overview of the working paper, pinpointing the aim of the paper and its relevance deemed by the researchers, the methodology and execution of the experiment. Then, the reviewer will attempt to give a critical evaluation of the research conducted, suggesting the strongest points of argumentation and (if present) possible shortcomings of the paper. Attention shall be given to the most persuasive arguments and their referencing to the analysed data. Finally, a brief conclusion shall summarize the key points of the critical review.