Lingue

In this contribution we present some poems concerning the theme of exile-insile in Martha Canfield, Uruguayan-Italian poet, interpret of the political and social situation of Uruguay during the military dictatorship (1973-1985). The elected poems are contained in the first collection, Anunciaciones (1973), beyond an emblematic text titled El pasado ajeno, in which the poet reaches a very high level of dramatism.

We illustrate our general approach in relation to an apparently trivial
variation problem, involving the lexicalization of subject clitic pronouns in
Northern Italian varieties. We show the empirical inadequacy of views based
on implicational generalizations (Renzi and Vanelli 1983) despite the fact
that they are upheld by recent formal work (Cardinaletti and Repetti 2008).
Empirical problems are not completely resolved under the Distributed
Morphology view of Calabrese (2008b, to appear) either, involving
markedness hierarchies and repairs. We argue that a simple Boolean
organization of categorial (i.e. conceptual) space is best at modeling
variation.

We reconstruct the notion of dative in terms of a Q(Í) category, denoting an
‘inclusion’ relation – to be understood roughly as ‘possession’. In the light of
this, we reconsider interactions between dative and 1st/2nd person in Romance.
In Italian 3rd person clitics have two separate lexicalizations for accusative and dative, 1st/ 2nd person clitics have a single dative-like lexicalization. We
construe this phenomenon in terms of split accusativity (DOM), i.e. 1st /2nd
person object clitics are embedded as datives, as opposed to 3rd person ones that alternate between dative and accusative.
We also suggest a reworking of the Person Case Constraint (PCC) as a constraint on the interpretation of Q(Í) (i.e. valuing of a Q(Í) probe). Under it, a 1st/2nd person object clitic must be interpreted as the argument of Q(Í) (i.e. value it) if present, leaving a dative clitic (i.e. bearing Q(Í) morphology) without an interpretation.

In several recent publications we have proposed analyses for the morphology and syntax of case in Albanian (Manzini and Savoia 2010a, 2011a, 2011b) as well as in Latin and the Romance languages (Manzini and Savoia 2010b, 2011a, 2011c, Manzini to appear a, b). The main innovation of these works is the introduction of new categories for so-called case. These allow us to treat case inflections as ordinary lexical entries, characterized by a pairing of PF and LF properties, and projecting syntactic structure (Chomsky 1995). In other words, there is no compelling reason to treat them as abstract matrices of features, lexicalized by exponents (Halle and Marantz 1993). Here we apply these categories to the case system of Albanian, on the basis of the Geg data analysed in Manzini and Savoia (2010a, 2011b). The emphasis will be on showing that our model provides an account for the data as complete as that provided by conventional (and richer) morphological models.

Sentential negations in Romance, both clitic and adverbial, are associated by Pollock (1989) with the functional category Neg, corresponding to the sentential operator Negation (with the properties of the logical negation). In this section, based on lexical and distributional evidence from Romance varieties, we argue that clitic and adverbial negations display nominal properties and interact with the lexicalization of arguments, hence are much closer to negative polarity arguments than to operators.

A Unification of Morphology and Syntax Investigations into Romance and Albanian dialects M. Rita Manzini and Leonardo M. Savoia .ding Linguists ... A Unification of Morphology and Syntax This book focuses on a classical theme of linguistic theory, that of variation across ...

Manzini and Franco (2016) argue that in many languages, Differential Object Marking (DOM) of highly ranked DPs takes the form of embedding under the same part-whole ⊆ predicate which introduces goal arguments; therefore DOM arguments surface as datives. Since genitive arguments are introduced by the part-whole or possession predicates ⊆ as well, they predict that there are languages encoding DOM by the same morphemes as genitives (section 1). In section 2, we briefly review languages which externalize DOMs and genitives by the same morphology, leaving out datives (e.g. Slavic, Ossetic, Finnish). In section 3, we discuss what we argue is an instance of genitive DOM in prepositional contexts in Italian, whereby highly ranked referents (personal pronouns) are preceded by di 'of' whereas other DPs are embedded bare.

Ergativity splits between perfect and imperfective/progressive predicates are observed in languages with a specialized ergative case (Punjabi) and without it (Kurdish). Perfect predicates correspond to a VP projection; external arguments are introduced by means of an oblique case, namely an elementary part–whole predicate saying that the event is 'included by', 'located at' the argument. A more complex organization is found with imperfective/progressive predicates, where a head Asp projects a functional layer and introduces the external argument. Our proposal further yields the 1/2P vs. 3P Person split as a result of the intrinsic ability of 1/2P to serve as 'location-of-event'.