India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs, Apr 1, 1980
HE wave of independence that rocked the African continent during the T early sixties dismantled t... more HE wave of independence that rocked the African continent during the T early sixties dismantled the French colonial empire to a large extent. In spite of the de-colonization, however, France’s influence over its former colonies began to manifest itself in a new manner. To protect its interests, France opted to institutionalize its relationship with its former colonies by signing comprehensive bilateral economic, political, military and cultural accords with them. Such a policy became an effective weapon that guaranteed the French re-entry into the portals of independent Africa and allowed France to give continuity to the rapport with its colonies. Most of the leaders in French Africa, such as Houphouet Boigny (Ivory Coast), Senghor (Senegal), Haniani Diori (Niger), Daddah (Mauritania), Ahidjo (Cameroun), Leon M’Ba (Gabon), who assumed power after independence were groomed in French colonial traditions. Instead of sapping the ties with the ex-colonial Power, they found it advantageous to seek French co-operation to serve their national interests. Thus, with the exception of Guinea which stepped out of the French orbit in 1958, most of the states from the former French Africa in the Sub-Saharan Africa followed French leadership. The magnitude of French interests in Africa, as also the influence that France has been able to exercise over its former colonies, has prompted some observers to view the French policies as neo-colonial.’ Before proceeding further, a definition of the term “neo-colonialism’’ is essential, since a loose use of the term runs the risk of masking its implications. Neo-colonialism is plainly a new form of classical colonialism? In essence, it is concerned with the policies followed by the ex-colonial Powers in their relations with the former colonies that achieved independent statehood. By such policies, the ex-colonial Powers try to maintain, perpetuate and re-establish an amount of control over their former colonies, generally by tying economic and political strings.3 Thus, the new states enjoy formal political sovereignty, but with a considerable degree of economic dependence on the former metropolitan Power. The concept of neo-colonialism is essentially based on the idea that the termination of colonial rule has not necessarily put an end to the exploitation of the developing countries. Among the African leaders, Kwame Nkrumah, a Pan-Africanist visionary from Ghana, analysed the phenomenon of neo-colonialism in two of his major works-Neo-Cofaniufis~i : The Highest Stage of Inlperialisitt and Africa Must Utiite. These.two works might not have handled the theme with a sophisticated theoretical sweep, but they certainly highlight the neocolonial tie-ups, as also the efforts of radical states to liquidate them.
... Further, Maulana Saifullah Akhtar, President of Harkat-e-Jihad-i-Islami, an Afghanistan-based... more ... Further, Maulana Saifullah Akhtar, President of Harkat-e-Jihad-i-Islami, an Afghanistan-based organisation spread over 19 countries with an active branch in Kashmir, announced its decision to partici-pate in jihad in Kashmir in 1992 (Punjabi 2000). ... Taneja, Nisha. 2004. ...
The qualitative change in international relations in the post-cold war phase has affected Indo-Ru... more The qualitative change in international relations in the post-cold war phase has affected Indo-Russian ties and both the countries are devising new modes of survival in the changed climate. Though Russia, at present, is not giving high priority to rebuilding ties with India, co-operation between the two countries could grow given their common politico-strategic interests in south, south-west and central Asia.
This article presents an overview of Indo-African ties in the post-Cold War period in the context... more This article presents an overview of Indo-African ties in the post-Cold War period in the context of the accelerated pace of globalization and economic reforms. It begins by taking cognizance of a few significant social realities in Africa such as the advent of democratic regimes in different African countries, the burgeoning of regional organizations as also the emergence of the
This paper traces the course of French involvement in Africa since the dismantling, with the decl... more This paper traces the course of French involvement in Africa since the dismantling, with the declaration of formal independence of its African colonies, of its classical colonial structure. France has nonetheless managed to keep intact its domination over the Francophone states through aid, trade and military support, and has attempted, through them and with the help of close and friendly relations with South Africa, to extend its influence in southern Africa in particular and the rest of the continent in general, in pursuit of its ambition to achieve a big-power status on the world scene. The complex triangular relationship, now further compounded by international politics (including the fierce rivalry between the two superpowers, and not excluding the danger of its escalating into armed confrontation), has given a new twist to the anti-apartheid struggle. Having learnt from experience the enormous cost of war, even on the mini-scale of guerrilla activities, and its failure to make a dent on South Africa's racial policy, even the radical front-line states (including the most radical of them, Angola and Mozambique, both supported by the Soviet Union and defended by Cuba's armed forces) are now receptive to the idea of trying to solve the apartheid problem through negotiation. Mooted by the leaders of Francophone states (most vocally by Houphouet-Boigny of the Ivory Coast) and at first indignantly rejected by the OAU, the idea is now gaining progressively increasing support in Africa, even the OAU having toned down its opposition. Now that world public opinion has bestirred itself against apartheid, the strategy of negotiation promises to be an alternative better able to succeed, and even the sceptical states of Africa may be persuaded to accept it.
The entire project of SAARC is dependent on India’s capacity to bind the neighbouring states in... more The entire project of SAARC is dependent on India’s capacity to bind the neighbouring states in multiple networks of ties to promote regional cooperation. India not only shares frontiers with all the SAARC countries, but also ethnic, linguistic, cultural and religious histories. If India can persuade SAARC members to view south Asia as a viable regional entity, it can promote projects of development cooperation. But that is easier said than done. For, the success of such an enterprise depends on how well the problems pertaining to security and democracy are addressed.
Introduction Imperialism through Radical Prisms A Critique Neo-Colonialism in Sub-Saharan Africa ... more Introduction Imperialism through Radical Prisms A Critique Neo-Colonialism in Sub-Saharan Africa An Ontological Construct Imperialism, Intermediate Capitalist States and Apartheid South Africa Gramscian Hegemony and Legitimation of Imperialism Imperialism versus Emancipation The Soviet Union and the Non-Aligned Third World Perceptions on Imperialism
India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs, Apr 1, 1980
HE wave of independence that rocked the African continent during the T early sixties dismantled t... more HE wave of independence that rocked the African continent during the T early sixties dismantled the French colonial empire to a large extent. In spite of the de-colonization, however, France’s influence over its former colonies began to manifest itself in a new manner. To protect its interests, France opted to institutionalize its relationship with its former colonies by signing comprehensive bilateral economic, political, military and cultural accords with them. Such a policy became an effective weapon that guaranteed the French re-entry into the portals of independent Africa and allowed France to give continuity to the rapport with its colonies. Most of the leaders in French Africa, such as Houphouet Boigny (Ivory Coast), Senghor (Senegal), Haniani Diori (Niger), Daddah (Mauritania), Ahidjo (Cameroun), Leon M’Ba (Gabon), who assumed power after independence were groomed in French colonial traditions. Instead of sapping the ties with the ex-colonial Power, they found it advantageous to seek French co-operation to serve their national interests. Thus, with the exception of Guinea which stepped out of the French orbit in 1958, most of the states from the former French Africa in the Sub-Saharan Africa followed French leadership. The magnitude of French interests in Africa, as also the influence that France has been able to exercise over its former colonies, has prompted some observers to view the French policies as neo-colonial.’ Before proceeding further, a definition of the term “neo-colonialism’’ is essential, since a loose use of the term runs the risk of masking its implications. Neo-colonialism is plainly a new form of classical colonialism? In essence, it is concerned with the policies followed by the ex-colonial Powers in their relations with the former colonies that achieved independent statehood. By such policies, the ex-colonial Powers try to maintain, perpetuate and re-establish an amount of control over their former colonies, generally by tying economic and political strings.3 Thus, the new states enjoy formal political sovereignty, but with a considerable degree of economic dependence on the former metropolitan Power. The concept of neo-colonialism is essentially based on the idea that the termination of colonial rule has not necessarily put an end to the exploitation of the developing countries. Among the African leaders, Kwame Nkrumah, a Pan-Africanist visionary from Ghana, analysed the phenomenon of neo-colonialism in two of his major works-Neo-Cofaniufis~i : The Highest Stage of Inlperialisitt and Africa Must Utiite. These.two works might not have handled the theme with a sophisticated theoretical sweep, but they certainly highlight the neocolonial tie-ups, as also the efforts of radical states to liquidate them.
... Further, Maulana Saifullah Akhtar, President of Harkat-e-Jihad-i-Islami, an Afghanistan-based... more ... Further, Maulana Saifullah Akhtar, President of Harkat-e-Jihad-i-Islami, an Afghanistan-based organisation spread over 19 countries with an active branch in Kashmir, announced its decision to partici-pate in jihad in Kashmir in 1992 (Punjabi 2000). ... Taneja, Nisha. 2004. ...
The qualitative change in international relations in the post-cold war phase has affected Indo-Ru... more The qualitative change in international relations in the post-cold war phase has affected Indo-Russian ties and both the countries are devising new modes of survival in the changed climate. Though Russia, at present, is not giving high priority to rebuilding ties with India, co-operation between the two countries could grow given their common politico-strategic interests in south, south-west and central Asia.
This article presents an overview of Indo-African ties in the post-Cold War period in the context... more This article presents an overview of Indo-African ties in the post-Cold War period in the context of the accelerated pace of globalization and economic reforms. It begins by taking cognizance of a few significant social realities in Africa such as the advent of democratic regimes in different African countries, the burgeoning of regional organizations as also the emergence of the
This paper traces the course of French involvement in Africa since the dismantling, with the decl... more This paper traces the course of French involvement in Africa since the dismantling, with the declaration of formal independence of its African colonies, of its classical colonial structure. France has nonetheless managed to keep intact its domination over the Francophone states through aid, trade and military support, and has attempted, through them and with the help of close and friendly relations with South Africa, to extend its influence in southern Africa in particular and the rest of the continent in general, in pursuit of its ambition to achieve a big-power status on the world scene. The complex triangular relationship, now further compounded by international politics (including the fierce rivalry between the two superpowers, and not excluding the danger of its escalating into armed confrontation), has given a new twist to the anti-apartheid struggle. Having learnt from experience the enormous cost of war, even on the mini-scale of guerrilla activities, and its failure to make a dent on South Africa's racial policy, even the radical front-line states (including the most radical of them, Angola and Mozambique, both supported by the Soviet Union and defended by Cuba's armed forces) are now receptive to the idea of trying to solve the apartheid problem through negotiation. Mooted by the leaders of Francophone states (most vocally by Houphouet-Boigny of the Ivory Coast) and at first indignantly rejected by the OAU, the idea is now gaining progressively increasing support in Africa, even the OAU having toned down its opposition. Now that world public opinion has bestirred itself against apartheid, the strategy of negotiation promises to be an alternative better able to succeed, and even the sceptical states of Africa may be persuaded to accept it.
The entire project of SAARC is dependent on India’s capacity to bind the neighbouring states in... more The entire project of SAARC is dependent on India’s capacity to bind the neighbouring states in multiple networks of ties to promote regional cooperation. India not only shares frontiers with all the SAARC countries, but also ethnic, linguistic, cultural and religious histories. If India can persuade SAARC members to view south Asia as a viable regional entity, it can promote projects of development cooperation. But that is easier said than done. For, the success of such an enterprise depends on how well the problems pertaining to security and democracy are addressed.
Introduction Imperialism through Radical Prisms A Critique Neo-Colonialism in Sub-Saharan Africa ... more Introduction Imperialism through Radical Prisms A Critique Neo-Colonialism in Sub-Saharan Africa An Ontological Construct Imperialism, Intermediate Capitalist States and Apartheid South Africa Gramscian Hegemony and Legitimation of Imperialism Imperialism versus Emancipation The Soviet Union and the Non-Aligned Third World Perceptions on Imperialism
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