Tes Lux/Nassau
Since June 2003, Tessy has been involved with the Luxembourg Army, where She has received training in a combat unit. She volunteered to take part in the United Nations Mission in Kosovo as part of the BELUKOS 13/15 detachment, from March to August 2004, being the only female member of Her draft. She received the UN medal of recognition for this mission. In 2012, Tessy received the Order of Civil and Military Merit of Adolph of Nassau. In 2016, she received the Mrongovius medal of recognition for her work on spreading humanistic ideas globally and in January 2017, Tessy received the ‘Woman of the Decade Award’ from the Women Economic Forum for her work in women empowerment, security and peace. In 2018, Toronto, Tessy receives the Global Empowerment Award for her work in the African regions and all around the world. Tessy is a UNAids Global advocate for Young Women and Adolescent Girls, she is the patron at UNA-UK, where she holds the highest position in the organisation that tackles issues of sexual violence in conflict. Moreover, Tessy is the Co-founder of Professors Without Border, a social enterprise that aims to bring quality education all around the world. Tessy was the Director of Communication at DS-48, an intelligence company in the heart of London where she was the only women in the whole organisation. As a day job, Tessy is now the newly appointed Director of VICE Impact for the whole EMEA regions. Tessy holds a BA of Art in International Relations. She got awarded 5 times the ‘Deans’ List’ throughout her undergraduate career, which is a recognition of academic excellence. Tessy achieved a first in her undergraduate dissertation that she wrote on the continuing trend of nationalism in Europe with the case study of Golden dawn in Greece. Moreover, Tessy graduated from SOAS University with a MA in the field of International Studies and Diplomacy. She received a merit for her MA dissertation on Biological Terrorism and Violent Non State Actors.
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For the purpose of this paper, sport is defined as “an institutionalized competitive activity that involves vigorous physical exertion or the use of relatively complex physical skills by individuals whose participation is motivated by a combination of intrinsic and extrinsic factors […]” (Cha: 1). This definition emphasises that sport should be about the competition of individuals exercising skilled force within a set of rules. Of course, sport is a prominent practice but can also be a powerful tool. This paper defines sport as a tool and product rather than the practice alone. Consequently, sport is not only able to provide a sense of national belonging and unity, but characterizes a tool for diplomacy that goes beyond borders such as Kissinger and Nixon’s ping pong diplomacy. Indeed, “Sport is an international product and service that influences businesses on a global scale” (Ratten: 763). It is a quite clear that no other tool than sport is able to inspire and motivate such numbers of people within one cause. This led the media to promote the transformation of amateur games into professional sports (BBC, 2015).
The role and influence of the media on international sport will be looked through its evolution and functionality. One can argue that in the 21st century the success of international sport depends on the media. If it wasn’t for the media, international sport would not be that popular due to the fact that one can only fit around 60.000 people into a stadium but millions in front of a screen. This statement is justified within the extensive dependency/relationship that the media holds over international sport and vice-versa. Morover, through the power of the media and its influence it has on all domains of political, social and economic, it can be argued that Rupert Murdoch in 2015 has more influence towards the public domain and opinion than the Prime Minister of Britain (Berkowitz, 2011). This assumption is a methapor but it suggests a different angle to consider in order to understand the dynamics in contemporary’s society.
This essay acknowledges that nation states already existed before 1945 due to the Peace of Westphalia agreement in 1648, also known as the Westphalia system. This system included the establishment of the beginning of the concept of sovereignty. This essay argues that the contemporary world came into being post 1945 due to the decline of empire which triggered the creation of a ‘world’ of nation states. This characterized a shift from empires, with former colonies, to new emerging, independent and sovereign nation-states all over the world. “The American pressure helped to ensure that one of the most noticeable changes made in the [contemporary] world polity has been the creation of new states [i.e nation states]” (Hall & Ikenberry, 1989: 69). Importantly, this paper is not a fully comprehensive study on the whole subject, because history depends on the angle from where one looks at it. Therefore, this essay is more of an introduction to the phenomenon of the ‘world of nation states’ and creation of a contemporary world closely to what we perceive it to be today.
First, this essay addresses 19th century globalization and industrial capitalism as an economic driving force that led to the Cold War and eventually triggered decolonization. Decolonization will be discussed in great detail in order to show the extent to which it affected the making of a ‘world of nation states’. Second, it will link the effects of globalization, industrial capitalism and decolonization together, in order to justify the political emergence of a new ‘world’ of nation states. Lastly, it will show the relationship of inequality within nation states, which is fueled by globalization and industrial capitalism. “The major conceptual approaches that are available for contemporary analysis are only the most recent articulations of perspectives that have long been available” (Krasner, 1994:14). This means that there is continuity between the concepts of globalisation, industrial capitalism and inequality. However, it also shows that there is an evolution within the pre-existing foundations of these concepts that creates a more comprehensive approach towards the issues and challenges of the post 1945 contemporary world.
It is difficult to identify the root cause that makes the military act in such a way. Possible causes can be the use of violence aimed to escalate the situation in order to keep the non-state actors in check. For the attacked ethnic communities, such an act of violence not only portrays a weak community but can also undermine the position of the men in these particular Myanmar regions. Obviously, this has a lot to do with the cultural implications that are specific to that region. This analysis advocates for a previously used strategy that involved celebrity ambassadors. Angelina Jolie would be an ideal ambassador on the issue on sexual assaults on women. She is an advocate, a UN goodwill ambassador, the co-founder of the ‘preventing sexual violence initiative in the UK’, and has successfully raised awareness for several similar projects in the past.
In order to lay fundamental grounds to this study, this essay will trace the emergence and development of peacekeeping in the context of the UN. It is important to discuss the UN in great details, as it is the driving vehicle that makes peacekeeping what it is. It sets the ground rules of conduct and gives its legitimacy. Second, realist, and neo institutionalism ideology on its course of actions will further deepen the understanding of the concept of peacekeeping. It will look at three stages of peacekeeping: the 1990s, period of trial and error with the example of Somalia, then the 2000s, dominated by Iraq and Afghanistan, and the 2010s and the first mandate of the use of force strategically in DRC. It needs to be said that Iraq and Afghanistan were not UN peacekeeping missions. However, for this study it is crucial to include them, because these conflicts were decisive in the re-evaluation of UN PKO structure. Therefore, this essay will show through these examples that peacekeeping since its initial mandate is weak, unclear, and becomes difficult to justify due to the changing nature of warfare.
This essay also aims to clarify the concept of governance because the main features of traditional peacekeeping were engraved in the notion of liberal international relations through open diplomacy to illiberal governance within conflict. Third, this paper will look at US policy for peacekeeping such as the Clinton policy review and the brief example of Guatemala. This will demonstrate that governmental willingness and cooperation remains a vital part in the whole process of peacekeeping. Despite good intentions and efforts to make it work, UN PKO do not provide a balanced account of power between stronger and stable states against weaker and destabilized states. Therefore, by looking at the undermined position of the UN and UN PKO, this paper will conclude that peacekeeping is not an effective practice post Cold War. In addition, it does not meet the demands to alleviate security threats and provide a sustainable peace around the world. Importantly, for the purpose of this argument, this study is only focused on criticizing UN PKO in the post Cold War era without incorporating any aspects of the role and power of the media in the 20-21st century and robust peacekeeping.
For the purpose of this paper, sport is defined as “an institutionalized competitive activity that involves vigorous physical exertion or the use of relatively complex physical skills by individuals whose participation is motivated by a combination of intrinsic and extrinsic factors […]” (Cha: 1). This definition emphasises that sport should be about the competition of individuals exercising skilled force within a set of rules. Of course, sport is a prominent practice but can also be a powerful tool. This paper defines sport as a tool and product rather than the practice alone. Consequently, sport is not only able to provide a sense of national belonging and unity, but characterizes a tool for diplomacy that goes beyond borders such as Kissinger and Nixon’s ping pong diplomacy. Indeed, “Sport is an international product and service that influences businesses on a global scale” (Ratten: 763). It is a quite clear that no other tool than sport is able to inspire and motivate such numbers of people within one cause. This led the media to promote the transformation of amateur games into professional sports (BBC, 2015).
The role and influence of the media on international sport will be looked through its evolution and functionality. One can argue that in the 21st century the success of international sport depends on the media. If it wasn’t for the media, international sport would not be that popular due to the fact that one can only fit around 60.000 people into a stadium but millions in front of a screen. This statement is justified within the extensive dependency/relationship that the media holds over international sport and vice-versa. Morover, through the power of the media and its influence it has on all domains of political, social and economic, it can be argued that Rupert Murdoch in 2015 has more influence towards the public domain and opinion than the Prime Minister of Britain (Berkowitz, 2011). This assumption is a methapor but it suggests a different angle to consider in order to understand the dynamics in contemporary’s society.
This essay acknowledges that nation states already existed before 1945 due to the Peace of Westphalia agreement in 1648, also known as the Westphalia system. This system included the establishment of the beginning of the concept of sovereignty. This essay argues that the contemporary world came into being post 1945 due to the decline of empire which triggered the creation of a ‘world’ of nation states. This characterized a shift from empires, with former colonies, to new emerging, independent and sovereign nation-states all over the world. “The American pressure helped to ensure that one of the most noticeable changes made in the [contemporary] world polity has been the creation of new states [i.e nation states]” (Hall & Ikenberry, 1989: 69). Importantly, this paper is not a fully comprehensive study on the whole subject, because history depends on the angle from where one looks at it. Therefore, this essay is more of an introduction to the phenomenon of the ‘world of nation states’ and creation of a contemporary world closely to what we perceive it to be today.
First, this essay addresses 19th century globalization and industrial capitalism as an economic driving force that led to the Cold War and eventually triggered decolonization. Decolonization will be discussed in great detail in order to show the extent to which it affected the making of a ‘world of nation states’. Second, it will link the effects of globalization, industrial capitalism and decolonization together, in order to justify the political emergence of a new ‘world’ of nation states. Lastly, it will show the relationship of inequality within nation states, which is fueled by globalization and industrial capitalism. “The major conceptual approaches that are available for contemporary analysis are only the most recent articulations of perspectives that have long been available” (Krasner, 1994:14). This means that there is continuity between the concepts of globalisation, industrial capitalism and inequality. However, it also shows that there is an evolution within the pre-existing foundations of these concepts that creates a more comprehensive approach towards the issues and challenges of the post 1945 contemporary world.
It is difficult to identify the root cause that makes the military act in such a way. Possible causes can be the use of violence aimed to escalate the situation in order to keep the non-state actors in check. For the attacked ethnic communities, such an act of violence not only portrays a weak community but can also undermine the position of the men in these particular Myanmar regions. Obviously, this has a lot to do with the cultural implications that are specific to that region. This analysis advocates for a previously used strategy that involved celebrity ambassadors. Angelina Jolie would be an ideal ambassador on the issue on sexual assaults on women. She is an advocate, a UN goodwill ambassador, the co-founder of the ‘preventing sexual violence initiative in the UK’, and has successfully raised awareness for several similar projects in the past.
In order to lay fundamental grounds to this study, this essay will trace the emergence and development of peacekeeping in the context of the UN. It is important to discuss the UN in great details, as it is the driving vehicle that makes peacekeeping what it is. It sets the ground rules of conduct and gives its legitimacy. Second, realist, and neo institutionalism ideology on its course of actions will further deepen the understanding of the concept of peacekeeping. It will look at three stages of peacekeeping: the 1990s, period of trial and error with the example of Somalia, then the 2000s, dominated by Iraq and Afghanistan, and the 2010s and the first mandate of the use of force strategically in DRC. It needs to be said that Iraq and Afghanistan were not UN peacekeeping missions. However, for this study it is crucial to include them, because these conflicts were decisive in the re-evaluation of UN PKO structure. Therefore, this essay will show through these examples that peacekeeping since its initial mandate is weak, unclear, and becomes difficult to justify due to the changing nature of warfare.
This essay also aims to clarify the concept of governance because the main features of traditional peacekeeping were engraved in the notion of liberal international relations through open diplomacy to illiberal governance within conflict. Third, this paper will look at US policy for peacekeeping such as the Clinton policy review and the brief example of Guatemala. This will demonstrate that governmental willingness and cooperation remains a vital part in the whole process of peacekeeping. Despite good intentions and efforts to make it work, UN PKO do not provide a balanced account of power between stronger and stable states against weaker and destabilized states. Therefore, by looking at the undermined position of the UN and UN PKO, this paper will conclude that peacekeeping is not an effective practice post Cold War. In addition, it does not meet the demands to alleviate security threats and provide a sustainable peace around the world. Importantly, for the purpose of this argument, this study is only focused on criticizing UN PKO in the post Cold War era without incorporating any aspects of the role and power of the media in the 20-21st century and robust peacekeeping.