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Beginning Ethereum
Smart Contracts
Programming
With Examples in Python, Solidity,
and JavaScript
Second Edition
Wei-Meng Lee
Beginning Ethereum Smart Contracts Programming: With Examples in Python,
Solidity, and JavaScript
Wei-Meng Lee
Ang Mo Kio, Singapore
Introduction�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������xvii
iii
Table of Contents
iv
Table of Contents
v
Table of Contents
vi
Table of Contents
viii
Table of Contents
Index��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 361
ix
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About the Author
Wei-Meng Lee is the founder of Developer Learning
Solutions, a technology company specializing in hands-on
training of blockchain and other emerging technologies.
He has many years of training expertise and his courses
emphasize a learn-by-doing approach. He is a master at
making learning a new programming language or technology
less intimidating and more fun. He can be found speaking
at conferences worldwide such as NDC, and he regularly
contributes to online and print publications such as Medium
(https://weimenglee.medium.com) and CoDe Magazine.
He is active on social media, on his blog calendar.learn2develop.net, on Facebook
(www.facebook.com/DeveloperLearningSolutions), on Twitter as @weimenglee, and
on LinkedIn (linkedin.com/leeweimeng).
xi
About the Technical Reviewer
Prasanth Sahoo is a Blockchain Certified Professional,
Professional Scrum Master, and Microsoft Certified
Trainer who is passionate about helping others
learn how to use and gain benefits from the latest
technologies. He is a thought leader and practitioner
in blockchain, cloud, and Scrum. He also handles the
Agile methodology, cloud, and blockchain technology
community initiatives within TransUnion through
coaching, mentoring, and grooming techniques.
Prasanth is an adjunct professor and a technical speaker. He was selected as a speaker
at the China International Industry Big Data Expo 2018 by the Chinese government and
also to the International Blockchain Council by the governments of Telangana and Goa.
He also received accolades for his presentation at China International Industry Big Data
Expo 2018 by the Chinese government. Prasanth has published a patent titled "Digital
Educational Certificate Management System using IPFS Based Blockchain."
To date, Prasanth has reached over 50,000 students, mostly within the technical
domain. He is a working group member of the CryptoCurrency Certification
Consortium, Scrum Alliance, Scrum Organization, and International Institute of
Business Analysis.
xiii
Acknowledgments
Writing a book is immensely exciting, but along with it comes long hours of hard work
and responsibility, straining to get things done accurately and correctly. To make a book
possible, a lot of unsung heroes work tirelessly behind the scenes.
For this, I would like to take this opportunity to thank a number of special people
who made this book possible. First, I want to thank my acquisitions editor, Joan Murray,
for giving me this opportunity. Thanks for suggesting that I update this book with the
latest happenings in the crypto world!
Next, a huge thanks to Jill Balzano, my associate editor, who was always very patient
with me, even though I missed several of my deadlines for the revision of this book.
Thanks, Jill, for your guidance. I could not finish the book without your encouragement
and help!
Equally important is my project coordinator, Shobana Srinivasan. Shobana has been
very patient with me during the whole project while I struggle between work and writing.
Thanks, Shobana, for the assistance rendered during the project!
Last, but not least, I want to thank my parents and my wife, Sze Wa, for all
the support they have given me. They have selflessly adjusted their schedules to
accommodate my busy schedule when I was working on this book. I love you all!
xv
Introduction
Welcome to Beginning Ethereum Smart Contracts Programming, Second Edition!
This book is a quick guide to getting started with Ethereum smart contracts
programming. It starts off with a discussion of blockchain and the motivations behind it.
You will learn what a blockchain is, how blocks in a blockchain are chained together, and
how blocks get added to a blockchain. You will also understand how mining works and
discover the various types of nodes in a blockchain network. Since the publication of the
first edition of this book, a lot of things have changed. In particular, Ethereum has been
updated to use Proof of Stake (PoS) (instead of Proof of Work) as its consensus algorithm.
This book has been updated to include a discussion of how PoS works.
Once that is out of the way, you dive into the Ethereum blockchain. You will learn
how to use an Ethereum client (Geth) to create a private Ethereum blockchain and
perform simple transactions such as sending Ethers to another account.
The next part of this book discusses smart contract programming, a unique feature of
the Ethereum blockchain. You will jumpstart on smart contracts programming without
needing to wade through tons of documentation. The learn-by-doing approach of this
book makes you productive in the shortest amount of time. By the end of this book,
you should be able to write smart contracts, test them, deploy them, and create web
applications to interact with them. In this second edition, I have added more examples
to make it easy for you to explore more complex smart contracts.
The last part of this book touches on tokens and DeFi (decentralized finance),
something that has taken the cryptocurrency market by storm. You will be able to create
your own tokens, launch your own ICO, and write token contracts that allow buyers
to buy tokens using Ethers. As a bonus, I show you how to write a DEX (decentralized
exchange) smart contract to exchange two different tokens!
This book is designed for those who want to get started quickly with Ethereum smart
contracts programming. Basic programming knowledge and an understanding of Python
or JavaScript are recommended.
I hope you enjoy working on the sample projects as much as I enjoyed creating them!
xvii
CHAPTER 1
Understanding the
Science Behind
Blockchain: Cryptography
The reason you are reading this book is because you want to understand what a
blockchain is, how it works, and how you can write smart contracts on it to do cool
things. And while I perfectly understand that you are excited to get started in this first
chapter, we need to take a step back and look at one fundamental technology that makes
blockchain possible: cryptography.
In this chapter, I will explain what cryptography is, the different types of
cryptographic algorithms, how they work, and how they play a vital role in the world
of blockchain. I will also show you how to experiment with the various cryptographic
algorithms using the Python programming language. Even if you are familiar with
cryptography, I suggest scanning through this chapter so that you have a firm foundation
for the subsequent chapters.
What Is Cryptography?
Whether you are trying to build a web application to store users’ credentials or writing
a network application to securely transmit encrypted messages, or even trying to
understand how blockchain works, you need to understand one important topic:
cryptography.
So, what exactly is cryptography? Put simply, cryptography (or cryptology) is the
practice and study of hiding information. It is the science of keeping information secret
and safe.
1
© Wei-Meng Lee 2023
W.-M. Lee, Beginning Ethereum Smart Contracts Programming, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4842-9271-6_1
Chapter 1 Understanding the Science Behind Blockchain: Cryptography
One of the simplest and most widely known cryptographic algorithms is the Caesar
Cipher. It is a very simple algorithm in which each letter in the plaintext is replaced by a letter
a fixed number of positions down the alphabet. Consider the example shown in Figure 1-1.
As you can observe, each character in the alphabet is shifted down three positions.
A becomes D, B becomes E, and so on. If you want to send a sentence (known as the
plaintext), say ATTACK, to your recipient, you map each of the characters in the sentence
using the above algorithm and derive the encrypted sentence (known as the ciphertext):
DWWDFN. When the recipient receives the ciphertext, they reverse the process to obtain
the plaintext. While this algorithm may seem impressive (especially in the early days
of cryptography), it no longer works as intended as soon as someone knows how the
messages are encrypted. Nevertheless, this is a good illustration of the attempt by early
inventors of cryptography to hide information. Today, the cryptographic algorithms we
use are much more sophisticated and secure.
In the following sections, I will explain the main types of cryptographic functions
and how they are used.
Types of Cryptography
There are three main types of cryptography:
• Hash functions
• Symmetric cryptography
• Asymmetric cryptography
In the following sections, I will go through each of the above types in more detail.
2
Chapter 1 Understanding the Science Behind Blockchain: Cryptography
Hash Functions
Hashing is the process in which you convert a block of data of arbitrary size to a
fixed-size value. The function that performs this process is known as a hash function .
Figure 1-2 shows the hashing process.
Tip A commonly-used hash function is SHA256. SHA stands for Secure Hash
Algorithms.
For example, the SHA256 hash function converts a block of text into a 256-bit
hash output. The resultant hash is usually written in hexadecimal, and since each
hexadecimal takes up 4 bits, a 256-bit hash will have 64 characters. To experience how
hashing works, go to https://emn178.github.io/online-tools/sha256.html, type in a
sentence, and observe the result (see Figure 1-3).
3
Chapter 1 Understanding the Science Behind Blockchain: Cryptography
• Deterministic: The same block of text will always produce the same
hash output.
Another important feature of hashing is that a single change in the original text will
cause a totally different hash to be generated. This is also known as the avalanche effect.
For example, a change in a single character in the input shown in Figure 1-4 will have a
totally different output.
4
Chapter 1 Understanding the Science Behind Blockchain: Cryptography
Figure 1-4. A single change in the input will cause a totally different output hash
Uses of Hashing
Hashing fulfils some very important roles in computing. For one, websites use hashing
to store your password, instead of storing it in plaintext. Storing your password as hashes
prevents hackers from reversing the hashes and obtaining your original password (which
may very likely be used on other websites as well).
Hashing also plays a very crucial role in blockchain, where each block is “chained”
to the previous block using the hash of the previous block. Any modifications to a block
will invalidate the hash stored in the next block, and the rest of the blocks will hence be
invalid.
Tip Some commonly used hashing algorithms are MD5, SHA256, SHA512, and
Keccak-256.
5
Chapter 1 Understanding the Science Behind Blockchain: Cryptography
Note To install Python on your computer, the easiest way is to download the
Anaconda package (www.anaconda.com/products/distribution). If you do
not want to install Python on your computer, you can use Google Colab
(https://colab.research.google.com).
In Python, you can use the hashlib module to perform hashing. The following code
snippet uses the sha256() function to perform hashing on a string:
import hashlib
result = hashlib.sha256(
bytes("The quick brown fox jumps over the lazy dog",'utf-8'))
Note that the string to be hashed must be passed to the sha256() function as a
byte array. And so you use the bytes() function to convert the string into a byte array.
Alternatively, in Python, you can prefix the string with a b to denote a bytes string literal:
result = hashlib.sha256(
b'The quick brown fox jumps over the lazy dog')
The sha256() function returns a sha256 hash object. To get the resultant hash in
hexadecimal, you can call the hexdigest() function of the sha256 hash object:
print(result.hexdigest())
d7a8fbb307d7809469ca9abcb0082e4f8d5651e46d3cdb762d02d0bf37c9e592
If you make a small change to the original string, the output is drastically different
from the previous hash:
result = hashlib.sha256(
b'The quick brown fox jumps over the lazy dag')
print(result.hexdigest())
# output:
# 559cc2cb0e1998182b4b6343e38611b3757e8a6279d43e9914d74dfb7e7089e6
6
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to the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Lord Chancellor in terms
which show that he had been honoured with their particular notice
and kindness during his short residence in England.
Clive was in Parliament, but only for a few months; during which
period, though on friendly terms with some members of the
administration, he appears, as far as he engaged in public affairs, to
have been in opposition to the King's ministers.[106] It is very evident,
from the letters of his father at this period, that though he was
disappointed[107], he had established some political influence; for the
Duke of Newcastle, before he resigned the situation of Prime
Minister, expressed himself most anxious to give his father a
situation; and though this promise was never performed, the
solicitude the Minister showed on this and other occasions to
conciliate Clive's friendship and support, could only have proceeded
from an impression of his talent, as he had at this time nothing that
could give him any influence on the ground of wealth.
Though Clive's fortune was not large when he returned to
England, he had realised, from his prize-money, and from the
emoluments of the civil and military stations he had filled, a
competence which would have satisfied a less aspiring mind; but he
never seems to have even contemplated retirement from public life.
Such a step, indeed, was neither consistent with his ambition, nor
the generosity of his disposition. His first use of his wealth was to
place all his family (and above all, his parents,) in a state of
comfortable independence. He greatly added to the joy of his father,
by appropriating a part of his fortune to save the family estate of
Styche, to relieve which, he probably advanced its full value, as we
find that it was transferred to him.[108] His father was delighted at his
son becoming the owner of this property. This we see from many
letters; and in one[109], written after Clive had sailed for India, he
informs him that he had been at "the old place, which," he adds, "I
always loved, and have kept the walls from tumbling, in hopes of
seeing the new landlord come and take possession."
Clive appears himself to have been quite alive to all those family
and local feelings, which have great value as associated with the
earliest and most vivid of our recollections and affections. To judge
from his private correspondence, no man ever more cherished such
ties; for during the busiest periods of his public life, his letters
continually refer to his relations and to the scenes of his boyhood;
but above all, he speaks of old Styche with a fond familiarity that
conveys an idea of the pleasure he must have had in becoming its
possessor. Many of his letters upon these subjects are addressed to
his father, by whose answer to one of them we may judge of the
tone in which they were written. "Your letter," he observes, alluding
to himself, "made the old man drop tears of joy, that you still survive
with honour and success. May you go on and prosper!"
Clive did not remain two years in England. When he returned to
India, accompanied by his lady, they left two infant boys; the eldest,
Edward, is the present Lord Powis; the second, Richard, died shortly
after the departure of his parents.
The great generosity of Clive to every branch of his family during
this short visit to his native country, together with the manner in
which he lived, and the expenses of his election, greatly diminished
his property[110]; and it would seem from his agent's letters, that he
had not, when he returned to India, more than three thousand
pounds of money[111]; the interest of which, together with a small
annuity he had purchased, he directed to be given to his father[112],
whose letters are full of gratitude for the comfort given to his
declining age by the liberality of his son.
"I am entirely obliged to you," he observes[113], in one of these
now before me, "for the comfortable subsistence I may expect from
your generosity, if I should live a few years longer. If among the
dead, don't forget the old place of our nativity; but let Ned[114] reside
there. If the Judge[115] does not take him, (as I think he will, if her
Ladyship pleases,) he will soon be with us, and will divert me in the
decline of life. I shall be desirous of living a little longer, in hopes of
seeing the joyful day when you and my daughter return to England;
but whatever events may happen before that time, God only knows,
to whose pleasure I desire to submit."
The house of Styche had been given by Clive as a residence to his
uncle, Mr. Robert Clive, who, with the other branches of the family,
appears to have taken an interest in its being improved and
beautified. I cannot refrain from making an extract from one of his
letters on the subject.
"Things go on," he writes[116], "as usual at Styche, and I enjoy a
very comfortable existence, under your roof. My income enables me
to keep house while the family are in town; and when they come
down, I am glad to see them. Aunt Fanny is with me this winter. I
am in hopes of seeing you here again, and your most amiable lady,
to whom I beg my most affectionate compliments. O that these next
ships might bring you over! But I am well assured, your desire is
towards your native country and your friends, and that you will be
with us as soon as you can. Styche is now leased to a tenant; but as
the term is expired within about two years, I think it will be better
not to renew it but only from year to year, that you may be able to
make such alterations as you please when you come to England. Mr.
Mackworth has consented to our having a road over the meadows,
and we have built a bridge for that purpose, which is a great
convenience; many more might be thought of and had, were you
here with one of Rajah Dowlah's millions. In the mean time, if you
think of any thing that you would have done, I shall think myself
honoured by a commission from you."
Clive's return to India in 1755, and the successes which attended
him during the three following years, attracted more of the public
notice from being contrasted with the reverses which had attended
the British arms in Europe and America during this unpropitious
period.
The success at Gheriah even, which (had the public mind not been
full of disappointment) would probably not have been mentioned,
was spoken of in all the newspapers of the day as an achievement of
importance.
Mr. Smyth King, in a letter to Clive[117], observes, when alluding to
this event; "The news of your success could not have reached
England at a season more advantageous for the increase of your
reputation; a season in which there was a general clamour and
indignation for the ignominy that had been brought on our arms by
the losses in the Mediterranean and North America, of which you will
hear so much: I need not say any thing. The consequence has been
driving out all the Ministry, Duke of Newcastle, Lord Chancellor, Mr.
Fox, &c. &c. Mr. Pitt, and a new set in the Treasury and Admiralty,
are now the steersmen: they have set out well at the opening of
Parliament: how long they will continue in the good course, time will
show. You will easily imagine how opportune and grateful the taking
of Gheriah was, notwithstanding the distance of the place, and its
not being so generally known. Colonel Clive was again in all the
newspapers. I believe you have made a maxim of what I have
somewhere read, that 'a man who has got himself a great name
should every now and then strike some coup d'éclat, to keep up the
admiration of the people.'"
The capture of Calcutta, the taking of Chandernagore, the battle
of Plassey, and the dethronement and death of Suraj-u-Dowlah, with
the elevation of Meer Jaffier, were events which, at any time, would
have excited attention; but the impression they made was greatly
increased by the depressed state of the public mind at the moment
when intelligence of their occurrence reached England. They were
hailed by all ranks, as redeeming, in some degree, the national
reputation that had been lost in other quarters of the globe.
We meet, in a letter from his friend Mr. King, a concise and vivid
description of the causes which combined at this period to raise
Clive's fame in England.
"You are too well assured," that gentleman observes[118], "of the
joy I must have felt at the news of your great actions, for me to
profess it: they can add nothing to my admiration of your military
capacity, which was at the height, with what you had achieved for
several years. I can only tell you, what your love to your country will
make you sorry for, that your conduct shines with a peculiar
brightness, from the unglorious doings of our leaders of armies and
admirals of fleets in Europe; and that the name of a Clive is made
use of in the public papers to reproach and stimulate his superiors in
rank, but not in fame. That you may judge how little we have to
boast of at home, I will give you a compendium of our exploits since
the beginning of the war.
"You already know Minorca is taken, for which Admiral Byng was
shot, and Blakeney, who defended it, adorned with a title and a
riband, though it is at this time undetermined whether his merit or
demerit was the greater. Lord Loudon went to America last year, with
a great number of troops and a strong fleet. All that we have heard
from thence is, that the French have taken several of our forts, but
that we have taken none of theirs, nor otherwise incommoded them.
"The Duke of Cumberland, in the beginning of the summer, put
himself at the head of a German army, to defend the Electorate of
Hanover; but after the loss of a battle, and being driven from post to
post, was necessitated to capitulate with the French General, Duke
de Richelieu, and signed a convention, whereby those favourite
dominions are to be possessed by the French King till he shall think
proper to evacuate them. His Royal Highness, a few days after his
arrival in England, resigned all his commissions. Ligonier is made
Commander-in-chief of the army. Less than two months ago, a fleet
of about thirty ships of the line, commanded by three admirals,
attended with a number of transports, carrying ten thousand land
forces and three general officers, a noble train of artillery, and every
thing proportionable, sailed upon a secret expedition; so secret, that
it was never divulged, till this pompous armada of near a hundred
sail arrived at Spithead, then was it known that the design had been
against Rochelle; but that, after holding councils of war for five days,
in sight of the coast, it was judged proper to sail home again and
attempt nothing, for the Isle of Aix may be called nothing. Thus has
a million been expended to set the people in an uproar. The
Parliament is to meet in a fortnight; when it is expected they will
find out, as Shakspeare says,—
"'The cause of this effect,
Or rather say, the cause of this defect,
For this effect defective comes by cause!'"
The name of Clive was heard every where: we are assured the
King himself spoke of the Indian hero in the most flattering terms.
Lord Ligonier asked his Majesty, "Whether the young Lord Dunmore
might go as a volunteer to the army of the King of Prussia?" Leave
was refused. "May he not join the Duke of Brunswick?" was the next
request. "Pshaw!" said the King, "what can he learn there? If he
want to learn the art of war, let him go to Clive!"[119]
But a higher honour was reserved for Clive, and one he valued
more than all others. His name was not only brought forward, but
held forth as an example, by the celebrated William Pitt. That
statesman, in his speech on the Mutiny Bill, after adverting to the
late disgraces which had attended the British arms, said, "We had
lost our glory, honour, and reputation every where but in India.
There the country had a heaven-born general who had never
learned the art of war, nor was his name enrolled among the great
officers who had for many years received their country's pay. Yet
was he not afraid to attack a numerous army with a handful of
men." After this he drew a character of Clive, which excited the
admiration of every one, but above all, of the father of the
distinguished individual whose name was honoured by such praise.
The above extract of Mr. Pitt's panegyric is from his letter to his
son[120], which is written in the pride of his heart, and concludes in
the following words: "Thus you are, with truth, honourably spoke of
throughout this nation: may you continue to be so, till you return to
your native country, and to the embraces of an aged father!"
Clive, in 1758, had written to his father to try whether he could
not obtain the appointment of General Governor of India. I do not
find among his manuscripts any copy of his letter on this subject,
which is to be regretted, as the notice taken of the suggestion by his
friends proves, that his clear and penetrating mind saw, and desired
to avert, the evils which were likely to result from the three
presidencies (extended as our connections with native states had
become) continuing to be ruled by distinct and independent
authorities.
Clive's friends in England, to whom his father referred for advice,
were of opinion that the proposition would never be entertained by
the Court of Directors, and that regard for his interest should
prevent its being made. There was another reason for not agitating
this question. A motion[121] had some time before been brought
forward in the Court of Proprietors, to give Clive a sum of 6000l.,
which was opposed on the ground of his having sufficient
opportunities of acquiring fortune in the course of the service. This
had occurred before the news of the battle of Plassey reached
England. The reputation which that and subsequent events gave
Clive with the nation, and with his Majesty's ministers, excited a
spirit of jealousy amongst some of the Directors. His father informs
him that several leading men in the India House appeared offended
at the recommendations they had received of him from persons of
high rank and members of administration.
Clive knew the world, and was fully aware of the feelings which
his success was likely to produce; and judged wisely that his
prospects of future notice and reward might be impeded, instead of
being promoted, by the imprudent zeal of his friends. He was
particularly apprehensive of the effects of the natural feelings of his
father, and wrote to Mr. Belchier, one of his agents, to endeavour to
repress the old gentleman's desire to intrude the merits of his son
upon all the great men of the land.
"As this good news," he observes[122], "may set my father upon
exerting himself too much, and paying too many visits to the Duke
of Newcastle, Mr. Fox, and other great men, I desire you will
endeavour to moderate his expectations; for although I intend
getting into Parliament, and have hopes of being taken some notice
of by his Majesty, yet, you know, the merit of all actions is greatly
lessened by being too much boasted of. I know my father's
disposition leads this way, which proceeds from his affection for me."
It was not easy, however, to moderate either the language or the
expectations of a father whose pride in the public services of his
son, though great, was exceeded by the admiration and gratitude
with which he viewed the conduct of one, whose ties of duty and of
love for his parents and family appeared to gain additional strength
as he advanced in riches and in fame, and who seemed to place his
chief happiness in making those for whom he cherished regard or
affection participators in his own good fortune.
The moment, indeed, Clive found himself, from unexpected
events, abounding in wealth, his first object was to impart comfort
to all who had claims upon him, either from kindred or friendship.
His gifts, though liberal, had in them no spirit of prodigality. They
were adapted with judgment to the wants and dispositions of those
on whom they were bestowed: but it was the manner, even more
than the substance, of his acts which gave them value with those
who loved him. His correspondence with his family and friends will
afford the best evidence of this fact.
Clive, in a letter[123] to his father, written shortly after the battle of
Plassey, giving him an account of the events which had occurred
from the capture of Chandernagore till the enthronement of Meer
Jaffier, informs him, that the Nabob's generosity will enable him to
live in his native country, in a manner much beyond his most
sanguine expectation.
"I have ordered," he states in this letter, "2000l. to each[124] of my
sisters, and shall take care of my brothers in due time. I would
advise the lasses to marry as soon as possible, for they have no time
to lose. There is no occasion for you following the law any more: but
more of this when I have the pleasure of seeing you, which, I hope,
will be in twelve or fourteen months."
"You may order the Rector[125] to get every thing ready for the
reparation of old Styche. I shall bring his brother home with
15,000l., and also Mrs. Clive's brother. If I can get into Parliament, I
shall be very glad; but no more struggles against ministry: I choose
to be with them.
"Mrs. Clive will write my mother at large. My kind wishes attend
her, not forgetting my brothers and sisters."
When Clive resolved, as has elsewhere been stated, to defer his
departure for England, he directed his agents to add to the
allowance before given to his father and mother the sum of 500l. per
annum, and to keep a coach for them[126]: he also desired them to
pay 25l. per annum to each of his four aunts, and to two of Mrs.
Clive's, to whose other relations in England he gave liberal
assistance. For her brother, Captain Maskelyne, who was on the
Madras establishment, Clive cherished a very sincere regard; but I
should conclude, from what appears in the manuscripts in my
possession that, though a pleasant and respectable gentleman,
Captain Maskelyne had little talent as an officer. His conduct to part
of the Nabob's family, while commanding at Arcot, had been
severely condemned by Mr. Pigot. We find amongst his letters to his
brother-in-law an indignant remonstrance against the treatment he
had met with from the Governor, who also wrote Clive fully upon the
subject. The latter in his reply[127] to Mr. Pigot states the great
uneasiness which the circumstance had caused him, but adds, that
he derived consolation from the belief, that it entirely proceeded
from an error of judgment. This instance, added to others, proves
that, though the title to Clive's regard rested more upon the heart
than the head of the individual by whom it was possessed, yet he
was rigid in his principle of never nominating any one to public
station whose qualities did not fit him to perform its duties. He
regretted, as is shown by his letters, that Captain Maskelyne did not
accompany him to Bengal, as a member of his family; but, instead of
appointing him to one of the many high and lucrative stations he
had in his gift, he recommended him to go to England, and added to
his small means what he deemed necessary to place him in
independence[128]: and we are amused with the following passage, in
a letter[129] from Clive to his father:—"My brother-in-law, Captain
Maskelyne, goes by this conveyance, and will bring you this: he is
worth 10,000l. or 11,000l. I beg you will assist in settling him in the
world, and in getting him a good wife."
In the same letter he observes, "Should you have occasion for
money to purchase commissions for my brothers, or to answer any
other purpose that may be for their advantage, you will apply to my
attorneys, who I desire may supply you accordingly."
The letter[130] from Mr. Clive to his son, acknowledging the receipt
of the accounts of his success, commences with one of those simple
but natural bursts of paternal affection that mock all imitation.
"Your last letter," he says, "gave me joy beyond all possibility of
expression. The whole kingdom is in transports for the glory and
success their countryman has gained. Come away, and let us rejoice
together!"
In a subsequent letter, he dwells with true paternal feeling upon
the same subject.
"May Heaven," he writes[131], "preserve you safe to Old England,
where not only your friends and relations, but strangers who never
saw you, will congratulate you for the glorious actions you have
done your country. With what joy shall I embrace you! Oh, may I
live to see that day! Your mother and sisters are sitting with me
round the fire, drinking to your health and safe voyage."
Mr. Clive appears, from his own statement, to have been involved
in his circumstances, and to have felt much distress in becoming
such a burden to his son. In his answer to the letter which informed
him of Clive's agents being directed to give him the additional sum
of 500l. per annum, and to keep a coach for him, he observes[132], "I
have received your letter of the 9th of November, 1758, and am
under the greatest obligations that ever father was to a son,
especially in the unhappy circumstances my own imprudence and
being bound for others hath rendered me. Mr. Woolaston, for whom
I was surety, is now dead; and what he owed the government,
together with what remained unpaid on my account, amount to no
less than 9000l. more than we have to pay. The Treasury, by
direction of the Duke of Newcastle, have postponed the payment to
a future day; but I fear that day will come before you arrive in
England; and when you come, what pretence have I to expect or
desire you should set me free, when I have already had your
benevolence in so extraordinary a manner? Thank God you have so
much in your power! Let us live on a fifth part of what you have so
generously allowed me. If I am free, I shall be content; and, while I
live, bless Providence, and pray for the increase of your happiness,
who have saved a distressed family from utter ruin."
The letters from Clive's mother breathe the truest maternal
affection. Her warmest gratitude is expressed for that comfort which
he has diffused throughout all his family, and above all, as the old
lady states, for his great kindness to "her girls."
The greater part of the letters from Clive's mother and sisters,
subsequent to his marriage, are addressed to Mrs. Clive, but
docketed by himself, and placed among his own papers; a proof of
the value he attached to the feelings which they expressed. They
contain the common topics of such correspondence, marked with a
feeling of the warmest affection for one who, amid all his public
avocations, was continually affording them proofs of his love and
attachment. Towards Mrs. Clive there appears to have been but one
sentiment throughout the family: all speak of her constant attention
and kindness with gratitude, and appear to rejoice as much in their
brother's happiness in the married state, as in the other instances of
his good fortune.
Besides occasional acts of generosity, Clive continued incessant in
his endeavours to render happy, by his regard and attention, every
branch of his family, however distant. In this he was wholly
disinterested, for none of them (except, perhaps, Sir Edward Clive)
were in a situation to afford him the slightest aid; but they gave him,
what he more valued, their gratitude and affection.
The impressions produced by his conduct towards every one with
whom he was connected cannot be better shown than by inserting
some short extracts from the entertaining letters of one of his
female cousins[133] to Mrs. Clive in India.
"I don't know what title I must give you now[134], but I am sure I
may say, 'To the agreeable Mrs. Clive.' I have always wrote
whenever I heard the ships sailed, and by Captain Tully and Mr.
King. Ill fate for you and me, that so many fine thoughts should be
sent to the bottom of the sea! Neptune will be quite entertained. As
to the name of Clive above ground, the Colonel has made it so
famous, that it is the only comfort I have in still being a Clive. * * *
* * * * He is in the highest esteem in this part of the world, and
does honour to all his relations. * * * * Your father, my cousin Clive,
dined with us yesterday, and read, or tried to read, one of the
Colonel's letters; but his joy, with tenderness at the thoughts of such
a son, made him burst twice into tears before he could go on. Is it to
be wondered at? for sure it must be a pleasure so great, the
strongest mind must be greatly affected. Well, I sincerely wish you
all safe on your native shore, with your bags of money, and bushels
of diamonds; with the Eastern Prince the Colonel is so good as to
say he will get for me. I can't possibly refuse him. I have a taste to
be a princess. As to Captain Clack, you are so good to think of for
me, if this Prince don't care to take so long a voyage, don't leave the
Captain behind. The war makes men very scarce. He shall talk for
ever, and I for ever have patience. I have been in town a fortnight,
at two plays; one, a new tragedy somewhat resembling the story of
The Children in the Wood. Did you ever read that old ballad? Garrick
is in as much vogue as ever; operas at a low ebb. I suppose you are
a complete mistress of harmony.
"I hope you will never receive this letter: not that I don't think it
very clever; but I wish the Colonel and all his family may be in a
ship, the sails filled with most prosperous gales, that will, soon as
possible, send you safe to your own country and friends; one of
whom I hope ever to be styled, which will always be a pleasure to
your sincere and affectionate cousin."
We meet the following passage in another letter from this lady,
which appears to have been written about the same period (for, like
many ladies' letters, it has no date.)
"I have a thousand things to say to you, and but a moment's time.
I find the bearer of this is a painter; hope the Colonel and you will
let him take your pictures. I should be glad of them in miniature. I
begin to fear the Colonel will not bring me the Eastern Prince till it is
too late: the bushel of diamonds runs strangely in my head. Fanny is
going to enter into the happy state of matrimony. I have seen the
lover: upon my word, a pretty, cherry-cheeked, agreeable young
counsellor. I hear he is called to the bar, and will have 500l. a year. I
wish I had been the Colonel's sister; not to detract from them;
certainly he is a great advantage to his family; and I believe, after
my aunts and myself, that horrid name of old maid will be extirpated
out of the house of Clive.
"I have still a thousand things to say. Apelles is arrived, and must
have this letter: I don't know, but it may be of service to him, his
occasioning me to release you. Well, a little more. All diversions go
on as usual; a gloomy town—general mourning for the Princess of
Orange; the linen that is worn is crape, as yellow as saffron, and
what they call Turkey gauze, that looks like sarcenet: a sketch that
the world is as ridiculous as ever. A most elegant ball at Lord
Sandwich's! I must not say any more, only beg my respects and
most sincere love to the Colonel. I wish for your speedy return to
England. Pray my love to cousin George, who I would write to had I
a moment, but will in the next ship."
Clive had appointed several of his relations and friends joint
agents in England; and he was very fortunate in having his near
connexion, Sir Edward Clive, Bart. (a Judge of circuit), as one of
them. It appears to have required all that gentleman's strictness to
prevent his relation suffering from the bad choice he had made of
one of his men of business.
"One of your attorneys," Sir Edward remarks[135], "is a man I never
can, and never shall, accord with. I have several things to reveal to
you when you come home. I believe, in order to take care of your
interest, and (as I think) to protect your property, I must file a bill in
Chancery. When you arrive, you shall have an account of it: I don't
think any labour troublesome to serve you, but assure you (and Mr.
King knows it) I have had a great deal.
"It is a great pleasure," adds this respectable Judge, "to know
that, considering your father and his large family, God Almighty has
put it into your mind, as well as your power, to make him and them
happy. Assisting a parent must be the most agreeable sensation to
good hearts. I happened, in a small way, to have that happy
opportunity. I call it happy, and it affords me many agreeable
reflections."
A few months after Clive sailed for India, his eldest sister[136]
married Sir James Markham, Bart.; and when he returned, he found
that three more had entered the matrimonial state, being much
indebted (if we are to believe their sprightly cousin already noticed)
for their happy settlement to the good fortune of having an Indian
Colonel for their brother.
Clive never forgot those to whom he was in any degree indebted
for his advancement. Several of his letters are addressed to Mr.
Chauncey, a gentleman who, though then retired, had, at one
period, taken a very active part in Indian affairs. In one of these
letters[137], after communicating to him the peace with Suraj-u-
Dowlah, Clive observes, "If I have been in any way instrumental in
the late revolution, the merit is entirely owing to you, who
countenanced, favoured, and protected me, and was the chief cause
of my coming to India in a station which rendered me capable of
serving the Company. Accept, Sir, of my gratitude, and sincerest
wishes for your welfare. May you enjoy the blessings of peace and
retirement, and may success and every other happiness in this life
forsake me, when I forget how much I am obliged to you!"
However, a sense of gratitude had more value from being
expressed in the moment of victory, and from being addressed to an
individual who had no longer any power of promoting his views. I
notice such facts, not only because they are the truest indications of
character, but as they account for the zeal and attachment which
Clive's numerous and respectable friends displayed on many trying
occasions. Neither his wealth nor his fame could have inspired such
feelings. Sincerity and warmth of heart alone can kindle
corresponding sentiments in honourable minds.
Of Clive's friends in India I have already spoken. His ties with
them had been formed in the course of public service, and remained
unbroken, except in the rare cases, where he thought individuals
parted from those principles of action upon which his esteem was
founded. His deep and affectionate gratitude towards Colonel
Lawrence has been mentioned. His friendship for Mr. Pigot remained
unchanged: not so that for Mr. Orme. We find in one of his father's
letters an observation upon his being reconciled to that gentleman
on his return to India in 1755. Mr. Clive expresses his hope, in this
letter, that Mr. Orme's History would be speedily published, as the
objections[138] on account of Mr. Chauncey were at an end.
Clive, though his experience had rendered him singularly well
acquainted with the character of all classes of the natives of India,
was very little, if at all, versed in the languages of that country; but
he appears not only to have been most solicitous to avail himself of
the aid of those who had this advantage, but, when he found the
acquirement accompanied by integrity and talent, to recommend
them, and place them in the highest stations in the service. His
notice and patronage of Mr. Watts, Mr. Vansittart, and Mr. Hastings,
afford ample proof of this fact; and, on almost all occasions, public
and private, when he brings forward the names of those individuals,
he adds some observations on the great advantages they enjoy over
others, from their knowledge of the languages, the manners, and
the habits of the people of India.
During his expedition to Bengal, Clive had only one of his relations
in his family, Mr. George Clive, for whom he cherished a very sincere
affection. The two persons to whom he appears to have been most
attached were Mr. Walsh and Mr. Luke Scrafton, both civil servants of
the Company, whose names have been frequently mentioned in the
course of the narrative. They continued through life in habits of the
strictest intimacy with their friend and patron. Of Mr. Walsh, Clive
never speaks without expressing great respect for his character; and
of his regard for Mr. Scrafton, whose lively disposition suited his
own, we have many proofs. Bad health obliging that gentleman to
go to Madras, Clive wrote by him to Sir George Pocock, in a style
which evinced his kind and anxious solicitude.
"The bearer of this[139]," he observes, "Mr. Luke Scrafton, is a
young fellow of great worth and honour. Much I fear he is too far
gone to be recovered by the coast air: he has been a constant
attendant of mine in all our expeditions, and can solve any question
you may have to ask on the subject of Bengal. For God's sake return
him to me in good health and condition!"
Clive was also on the most intimate terms with Captain Latham, a
distinguished officer of His Majesty's navy; and this intimacy was
increased from that gentleman's marriage to a relation of Mrs. Clive,
who had accompanied her to India. I have found numerous private
letters from Captain Latham, which are all written in the open manly
style of a British seaman, and bear a convincing testimony to the
tone of Clive's mind on all points connected with his friends. From
the tenor of one, in answer to a letter from Clive, written
immediately after the enthronement of Meer Jaffier, it would seem
that Mrs. Latham was one of those whom he considered (from the
relation in which she stood to him) entitled to participate in his good
fortune. His conduct on this occasion appears to have given sincere
pleasure to Mrs. Clive; as the letter in which his kindness and
liberality are noticed is superscribed with the word "Charming," in
her own handwriting.
I have before mentioned the origin of Clive's regard for Colonel
Forde; the grounds upon which he selected him for the command of
Bengal, and the degree in which he deemed himself indebted to him
for his great and brilliant achievements. We have also seen the
poignant feelings with which he regarded the conduct of the Court of
Directors towards this able and gallant officer, who, immediately
after the capture of Masulipatam, had the mortification to find
himself superseded by Colonel Coote, who, a year before, had been
his junior in Adlercron's regiment; but, returning from India with
fortune and reputation, had obtained a Colonel's commission, and
had just landed at Madras in command of a regiment destined for
Calcutta.
Though Colonel Coote had evinced, on the expedition to Bengal,
those qualities as an officer which subsequently made him so
renowned, neither his opportunities nor his achievements bore as
yet any comparison with those of Colonel Forde; but the successes
of the latter were not known in England at the period of Coote's
appointment. Many, therefore, will deny the justice of Clive's
complaint of the conduct of his superiors on this occasion; but even
these must admire that warmth and decision, with which he pledged
himself to support an officer with whom he had no private
friendship, except such as had been formed in consequence of his
eminent public services.
The news of Colonel Coote's arrival reached Clive about the same
period as the account of Major Forde's capture of Masulipatam, and
of the conclusion of the treaty with the Subahdar of the Deccan.
Desiring, at such a moment, to afford every consolation to the mind
of that meritorious officer, he not only stated his opinion as to his
superior claims to those of the officer by whom he was superseded,
but gave him the most unqualified assurances of his future support.
"I can easily conceive," he observes in a letter[140] to Colonel Forde
upon this occasion, "that such rank and honour bestowed (I think I
can say without flattery) on one so much your inferior in every
respect, must give you much concern. I assure you it has affected
me greatly, and is one of my principal motives for wanting to push
home with the utmost expedition on the 'Royal George.' I flatter
myself, the request I have to make will not be denied me, which is,
that you will stay in Bengal all next year, provided Coote remains on
the coast. If within that time I do not get you a colonel's or
lieutenant-colonel's commission, and an appointment of
Commander-in-chief of all the forces in India, I will from that instant
decline all transactions with Directors and East India affairs."
Clive's resentment at the Court of Directors was increased by their
subsequently annulling Colonel Forde's appointment to Bengal, while
his attachment to that officer was greatly heightened by his
admirable conduct in the destruction of the Dutch armament. But
there were other feelings which may have influenced his mind. He
certainly entertained at this period a strong prejudice against Colonel
Coote, which may possibly have originated from the prominent
manner in which that officer, when only a Captain, was brought
forward at Calcutta to support the alleged rights of his Majesty's
service against those of the Company. But we have, nevertheless,
proofs that Clive appreciated his talents from his employing[141] him
on all occasions, and particularly in detaching him, after the battle of
Plassey, in pursuit of the French corps. But at the same time that he
entertained this high opinion of his military talents, he considered,
from his whole conduct in Bengal, that he was mercenary and prone
to intrigue, and consequently an unfit person to be intrusted with
great powers on such a scene. I do not find among Clive's papers
any specific grounds to justify this opinion; and in the absence of all
such documents, we must conclude, from the high reputation which
Colonel Coote attained and supported, that it was erroneous; or, at
all events, that, if this eminent commander evinced in his youth any
such dispositions as those of which he was suspected, they were
early corrected: for though he never displayed any remarkable
talents as a statesman, he assuredly became as qualified for the
chief military command in India as any person that ever held that
station; and during his latter years, the love and esteem in which he
was held by his countrymen was even exceeded by the affectionate
regard and attachment of the native troops, whom he so often led to
victory.
In giving this tribute to a soldier, whose memory I have venerated
from my earliest years, I must do justice to Clive by declaring my
sincere conviction (formed from the perusal of his numerous letters
upon the subject) that he was most sincere and conscientious in the
opinion he expressed, and upon which he acted. With such
impressions upon his mind, he certainly thought he was doing his
duty to the public by his endeavours to keep Colonel Coote at
Madras; and he was so solicitous to effect this object that he
consented to the request of the government of Fort St. George, that
the regiment of that officer should remain for some time at that
presidency.
He enters fully upon this subject in his correspondence, both with
Mr. Pigot and Mr. Vansittart; but his letters contain merely a
repetition of his opinions as to Colonel Coote's unfitness for the
general command of the forces in Bengal, while he recognises the
benefits to be derived from his services in the mere military
operations on the coast of Coromandel. The success of Clive's efforts
on this occasion proved fortunate for the reputation of Colonel
Coote, who, during the subsequent year, established a high military
character by the battle of Wandewash and the capture of
Pondicherry.
I have been compelled to enter more at length upon this subject
than I desired, from its being intimately connected with those
disputes regarding the employment of officers in India in which Clive
became involved on his return to England. Colonel Coote, when he
revisited his native country after the campaign of 1757, was received
with favour and distinction. He was possessed of a small fortune, his
connections were respectable, and his manners and address manly
and agreeable. He became more prominent from being the senior
King's land officer employed on the expedition to Bengal; and, from
the comparatively low estimation in which the Company's[142] officers
were held at that period, his fame was advanced to detract from
their pretensions. He was represented as a rising officer, of whom
Clive was jealous; and it was believed by many (till contradicted
several years afterwards by his own evidence), that it was through
his advice and remonstrances that the army advanced to the field of
Plassey. Besides the influence and popularity which those combined
causes gave to this officer, he enjoyed the marked favour and
friendship of Mr. Sulivan, the Chairman of the Court of Directors,
whose subsequent rupture with Clive is in a great degree to be
attributed to their difference in opinion with regard to the respective
pretensions and merits of Colonels Coote and Forde.
Clive, at the period of his second visit to his native country, was
thirty-five years of age. We collect from his private correspondence,
that he retained much of that hilarity of disposition for which he had
been remarkable in youth. He was fond of female society; and many
of his letters show that he was by no means indifferent to those aids
by which personal appearance is improved. It was the fashion of the
period to dress in gayer apparel than we now do; and the European
visiter at an Indian Durbar, or Court, always wore a rich dress. We
find in a letter[143] to Clive, from his friend Captain Latham, a
description of a Durbar suit he was preparing for him, in which he
says he has preferred a fine scarlet coat with handsome gold lace, to
the common wear of velvet. He has also made up, he writes, a fine
brocade waistcoat; and he adds to this intelligence, that "it is his
design to line the coat with parchment, that it may not wrinkle!"
In a commission which Clive sent to his friend Mr. Orme, there is
an amusing instance of his attention to the most trifling parts of his
dress.
"I must now trouble you," he observes[144], "with a few
commissions concerning family affairs. Imprimis, what you can
provide must be of the best and finest you can get for love or
money; two hundred shirts, the wristbands worked, some of the
ruffles worked with a border either in squares or points, and the rest
plain; stocks, neckcloths, and handkerchiefs in proportion; three
corge[145] of the finest stockings; several pieces of plain and spotted
muslin, two yards wide, for aprons; book-muslins; cambrics; a few
pieces of the finest dimity; and a complete set of table linen of Fort
St. David's diaper made for the purpose."
In the list of packages which Mr. Richard Clive sent to his son in
Bengal, one is a box of wigs! Whether Clive had resorted to this
ornament from want of hair, or from deference to the fashion of the
period, I know not; but there is[146] an authentic anecdote of his
boyhood, which proves how essential a wig was considered to all
who were full dressed. Clive had, when very young, been admitted
by a relation, who was Captain of the Tower, to be one of the
spectators when his Majesty George the Second happened to visit
that fortress. Nothing was wanted in the boy's dress to prepare him
for the honour of approaching majesty except a wig! To supply this
want one of the old Captain's was put upon his head; and his
appearance in this costume was so singular as to attract the notice
and smiles of the King, who inquired who he was, and spoke to him
in a very kind and gracious manner.[147]
In concluding this chapter on the private occurrences of Clive's life
during a period so eventful to his fame and fortune, I shall estimate,
as far as I have the means, the wealth he carried to England, as well
as the amount which he had, before he left India, given to, or
settled upon, his friends and relations. I have already shown, in the
fullest manner, how his great riches were acquired; and it is a
grateful task to record the generous manner in which a considerable
portion of them was distributed.
Clive, from what has been stated, may be said, when he returned
to India in 1755, to have been worth little or no money beyond what
he had vested for redeeming the small family estate, and giving his
parents an annuity. When he took possession of the government of
Fort Saint David, he embarked in trade, like others who filled similar
stations; but, to judge from his correspondence, he had not much
success in his commercial pursuits. We read of nothing but bad
markets, or the want of means of those who owed him money. He
appears, before he embarked on the expedition to Bengal, to have
made a large speculation in benjamin, which turned out badly. It is
entertaining, when associated with the scenes in which he became
engaged, to pursue his remarks upon his unprofitable adventure in
this and other articles of trade.
After desiring his friend and agent, Mr. Orme, not to demand
payment of the money owing to him by Messrs. Pybus and Roberts,
and that the interest of the debt should be only 4 per cent., he
observes[148], "You have given me a most curious account of my
adventure in the Grampus. If I had not made better strokes in war
than in trade, my money concerns would by this time be drawing to
a conclusion."
The whole of Clive's money, when he returned to India in 1755,
appears to have been in that country; for we find, from his
correspondence, that he had hardly sufficient uninvested cash in
England to pay for his annual supplies. He became anxious,
however, after he attained great wealth, to remit it home; but this,
owing to various causes, was very difficult. The public treasury was
so rich from the successes in Bengal, that, for a period, no bills were
drawn upon the Directors; Clive, therefore, had recourse to the
Dutch Company, through whom he sent the greater part of his
fortune; he also transmitted a considerable sum in diamonds[149] (a
common mode at that time), and the rest in private bills; and,
latterly, two on the Company.[150]
I have carefully examined his letters to his agents, from the 21st
of August, 1755, when he advised them of his first remittance, till
January, 1759, when he made one of his last; and the amount of
property sent to England during that period is, as nearly as the
difference of exchange and the loss[151] on bills enable us to judge,
280,000l. Of this I calculate that he received 210,000l. on the
enthronement of Meer Jaffier; and the remaining 70,000l. is made
up by part of his former fortune, his prize-money at Gheriah and
Chandernagore, the receipts from the high stations[152] he held, and
the accumulation of interest upon a considerable part of his property
during the last five years of his residence in India.
From what has been stated we may assume that Clive's fortune,
before the jaghire was settled upon him, did not amount to
300,000l. It appears from documents before me that, previous to
this grant, he had given away, or vested for annuities, a sum not less
than 50,000l.[153] (more than one sixth of his fortune), to render
comfortable and independent those for whom he cherished affection
and gratitude.
Clive was, subsequently to these acts of generosity, enriched by
the grant of the jaghire, which he himself estimates at 27,000l. per
annum. With this addition, we may conclude he had an income of
upwards of 40,000l.; a large amount, but far below what this Indian
Crœsus (for such he was deemed) was thought by his countrymen
to possess.
FOOTNOTES: CHAPTER 11
104. Lord Northington.
a. The law.
112. This appears, from Clive's letter to his agent, Mr. King, of
6th of October, 1756.
128. I have not been able to ascertain the exact amount Clive
gave Captain Maskelyne, but judge it must have been
considerable from a passage in one of his letters.
150. One of the bills on the Company was for 8000l., and the
other for 32,881l. 12s. 2d. He advises his agents of these bills
on the 9th of November and 23d of December, 1758.
Clive remained in his native country between three and four years;
and it will be proper briefly to narrate the events of his private life
during this period, to notice the part he took in the political
transactions of the times, and the connections he formed with
persons of power and influence, whether in the direction of Indian
affairs, or of the more general interests of the British empire. The
knowledge of such facts, connected as they became with his future
career, is quite essential to our subject.
The constitution of Clive had never been robust. He had been, for
the last two years in Bengal, freer than usual from the attacks of a
spasmodic complaint, to which he appears to have been more or
less subject from his earliest years. In 1759 he had a very violent
attack of rheumatism, and feared, at one time, that it might settle
into gout; but this apprehension vanished; and when he embarked
at Calcutta he describes himself as in excellent health.
When Clive reached England, he was received with distinction by
his Sovereign and the members of the administration; and,
notwithstanding the deep offence taken at his last public despatch,
the Court of Directors, and particularly their Chairman, Mr. Sulivan,
welcomed him as one to whom the Company were deeply indebted.
The enjoyment, however, of those flattering attentions was early
interrupted by a violent and dangerous illness, which for many
months threatened to terminate his existence.
Clive was not, for some time after his arrival, honoured by any
public mark of royal favour. This seems to have arisen from two
causes: one, his very long and serious illness; the other, his desire to
obtain more than the ministers were willing to grant. He, probably,
at first expected to enter the British House of Peers, and to have a
red riband; but, after a considerable delay, he received only an Irish
peerage.
In writing[154] to his friend Major Carnac upon this subject, he
observes; "If health had not deserted me on my first arrival in
England, in all probability I had been an English peer, instead of an
Irish one, with the promise of a red riband. I know I could have
bought the title (which is usual), but that I was above, and the
honours I have obtained are free and voluntary. My wishes may
hereafter be accomplished."
Clive had assumed a scale of expenditure suited to his income. He
engaged in elections to aid his friends in the administration, and to
give him the influence he desired in the prosecution of his plans for
his own advancement, and the furtherance of those which he
thought essential to the prosperity and security of the Indian empire.
The expenses into which he was early led, combined with his
liberality to his family, amounted to a very large sum[155]; and we can
easily conceive the alarm with which he received, while yet on a sick
bed, an intimation from Mr. Sulivan, that the Directors showed an
inclination to question his title to his jaghire.
He strongly and feelingly expresses his sentiments upon this
subject in a letter to Mr. Amyatt; "My arrival in England," he
observes[156], "was attended with every mark of respect that I could
wish, and my interest in Leadenhall Street might have been of as
much consequence as I could have desired, for the advantage of my
friends; but a most severe fit of sickness overset all. For twelve
months it was difficult to pronounce whether I was to live or die. In
so dreadful a situation, I could not think much of India, or indeed of
any thing else but death. It is very natural to think, the interest of a
dying man could not be very great. Under these circumstances, I
had hints given me that either some attempts would be made upon
my jaghire, or some proposal made for giving it up to the Company
after a certain time, on a supposition, perhaps, that I had not long
to live. Accordingly I was given to understand by Sulivan, that the
gentlemen of the Secret Committee would wait upon me on this
subject. But health returning, this proposal was dropt, and I have
heard nothing more of it since. Although I have such an interest at
Court and in Parliament, that I should not be afraid of an attack from
the whole Court of Directors united, yet all my friends advise me I
should do nothing to exasperate them, if they are silent as to my
jaghire. Indeed it is an object of such importance, that I should be
inexcusable if I did not make every other consideration give way to
it; and this is one of the reasons why I cannot join openly with the
Bengal gentlemen in their resentments. It depends upon you, my
friend, to make me a free man, by getting this grant confirmed from
Delhi, and getting such acknowledgment from under the hands of
the old Nabob, and the present Nabob, as may enable me to put all
our enemies at defiance. In this, I am sure, you will be assisted by
Vansittart."
The account of the deposition of Meer Jaffier, and the election of
Cossim Ali Khan, which had been planned by Mr. Holwell immediately
after Clive left Calcutta, will occupy the next chapter. I only so far
notice this revolution at present, as to state its effect on Clive's
private feelings; as it divided and rendered irreconcilable enemies
the friends in India whom he most valued. Though he deplored the
revolution, and anticipated its bad consequences to the reputation of
the English Government, he believed Mr. Vansittart to have been
both disinterested and conscientious in the part he took; and with
this impression, while he admitted the manly sincerity and
honourable principles which dictated the violent opposition of his
friend Major Carnac, he decidedly blamed the warmth and want of
respect with which he had addressed his superiors on this subject.
Mr. Amyatt was much respected by Clive both for his talents and
integrity. He wished him to succeed Mr. Vansittart in the
Government, and was unwilling that his services should be lost by
his continued opposition, grounded on a measure which, as Clive
truly stated, however much to be regretted, was now past and could
not be recalled.
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