Invisible Paces Sounding Cities
Invisible Paces Sounding Cities
Invisible Paces Sounding Cities
sounding cities
Sound, Urbanism and Sense of Place.
Proceedings
Curator Financial support by
Tecnologias
Jornal Pblico
Poster Design
Mackintoxico Photography
Mariana Owen
Volunteers
Technical Direction & Light Design Ana Catarina Ramos Fabiana Pinto
Production e-ISBN
Adriana S, Goldsmiths University, EAVI Lusa Ribas, ID+/Faculty of Fine Arts, University
Andrea Polli, Associate Professor, Fine Arts and Pond/Faculty of Fine Arts, University of
University Melbourne (Fine Art and Sound) Pedro Rebelo, SARC/Queens University
Jennifer Stoever, State University of New York, Sabine Breitsameter, Darmstadt University of
Jos Lus Bento Coelho, CAPSIST Catholic University School of the Arts,
1 Foreword
3 Stream 1
Architecture and urban planning
4 Keynote
The Sonic Existence of Urban Ambiances
Jean-Paul Thibaud
Papers
293 Stream 2
Urban sounds, identity and sense of place
294 Keynote
Sound Art as Public Art
Salom Voegelin
Papers
359 Urba(n)Ear, Approaching, Walking and Listening the City With Notours,
Augmented Aurality, in the Project Passeio Branco (White walk) in Lisbon
Vermeire Simona & Vermeire Geert
388 Soundmarks in Place: the Case of the Divided City Centre of Nicosia
Yiannis Christidis
399 Exploring the Perception and Identity ofPlace in Sound and Image
Monty Adkins & Hali Santamas
535 The Sounds of Driving Making Sense ofSelf, Others and Place
Theresa Harada & Michelle Duffy
596 Keynote
Over/Here
Brandon LaBelle
Papers
707 The Housing Project: A Case Study in Using Sound Art andEthnographic
Interpretation in a Social and Political Intervention
Sue McCauley B.Ed, MA, PhD
723 Audioworks
728 oneroomafteranother
Andrea Parkins
731 Interlude
Bethan Parkes
733 Superfund (revised 201314)
Billy Gomberg
746 Friction
Jason Bolte
747 The Police as Amplifiers: Sounds of Policing the (Occupy Movement) Crisis
Jeb Middlebrook
750 Xiake
Jianyu Fan
757 De Zwaan
Kevin Logan
766 48Hz
Miguel Negro
771 Sterfos
Orestis Karamanlis
772 Limnee
Pablo Sanz
773 [in]audible
Pablo Sanz
774 Offset
Pali Meursault
786 Schizophonics
Rui Dias
787 Deriv
Sam Salem
790 snowSongs
Vivienne Spiteri
803 Photos
Foreword
The book you are about to read is the result of an enthusiastic response from researchers
and artists from all over the world to the open call for Invisible Places Sounding Cities, which
took place in Portugal in 2014. We received over 220 proposals for papers and audioworks,
which were selected by double-peer review to form a symposium programme of 54 paper
presentations, 11 artist talks and 54 audioworks. Over three days, 140 participants from 25
different countries were joined together by one common interest: sound.
Hearing and listening are completely different processes. If the first is physical, the sec-
ond is a psychological act that implies a connection to what we are hearing. Once a sound
disappears, we retain only a memory. The term soundscape relates precisely to this, to an
active listening of the unique features of a place. This active listening is what gives meaning
to a particular space and assigns qualities and characteristics that go beyond walls or other
physical limitations.
There is no doubt that since the twentieth century the soundscape of our cities has been
deeply transformed through industrial machinery, highways, airplanes, cars, telephones, ra-
dios, televisions, computers, game consoles and the ubiquity of music in either commercial
or leisure spaces. In a word - technology, a force that continually creates new sonic worlds.
Nevertheless, society continues unconscious of the auditory implications caused by its own
evolution. All too often we notice a general lack of critical demand with regards to audible
devices and public spaces. We rarely demand more quality from the sonic world and remain
conformed with the cacophony of modern life, unaware of how to change this state of affairs.
If the effect of the environment on human behaviour is significant, a good design has the
potential to induce a better behaviour. On the other hand, sound art in public spaces may
create more appealing acoustic environments, creating new sonic places to be experienced
and lived by its inhabitants.
The Invisible Cities Sounding Places program was created to integrate the IVth edition of
Jardins Efmeros (Ephemeral Gardens), in Viseu, a festival that crosses several art practices
with streets and public buildings, thinking the city for those who live in it. These gardens
occupy the public space across the city for 10 days, ephemeral as the evanescent sound
1
world, but like sound, they have the ability to modulate our sense of place. In addition to the
symposium, the program included sound installations, concerts, soundwalks, performances
and workshops created from the perspective of sonic fruition, but also of listening education.
Because thinking the city considering only its physical attributes, is to deny our role in its
space and to refuse our role in shaping the world in which we live.
It is with great pleasure that we welcome you to the proceedings of the first edition of
Invisible Places Sounding Cities - Sound, Urbanism and Sense of Place.
Raquel Castro
2
Stream 1
KEYNOTE
Abstract
How can we listen to the atmospheric existence of the contemporary world? In asking such
question I intend to introduce the notion of ambiance in the field of sonic studies. My aim
is to focus on the overall salience of ambient sound and to better understand how it infuses
and pervades everyday urban experience. The world of social sciences increasingly enters
into resonance with the art world to contribute to a socio-aesthetic of the sonic world which
is still in its very early stages. By listening to social life we may in fact unveil a whole sensory
atmosphere, just waiting to be heard, with its rhythms and intensities, vibrations and pulsa-
tions, resonance and discordance. The aim is not so much to categorize attitudes or repre-
sent phenomena as to describe atmospheres and allow sensations to emerge. Sound sets the
tone for situations and territories, without contenting itself with focused listening. If the aim
is to develop our faculty for listening to ambiant sonorities the price to pay is de-focusing.
What is therefore at stake are the fringes and margins of the sonic world, and what lends it
consistency.
4
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Wolfgang Thomas
sunflow@gmail.com
MSc student in Sound Design, University of Edinburgh
Edinburgh School of Architecture and Landscape Architecture, University of Edinburgh, UK
Abstract
In this paper we explore the possibilities that portable Electroencephalography (EEG) tech-
nology offers in order to understand the behaviour of pedestrians in a specific nocturnal
urban aural environment. Previous EEG research conducted in urban design has shown links
between environmental cues and mood-enhancement (Aspinall et al., 2013). In the current
pre-pilot project we recorded EEG data of stationary participants while they were exposed to
urban soundscapes along a chosen pathway. Our intention was to investigate links between
these soundscapes and the impact they have on the listeners emotional state. Analysis of
the data revealed probable evidence that the distance between the sound source and the
listener generates feelings of discomfort. More particularly proximity of the sound source
showed rise in frustration. Based on our findings we propose the design of a responsive
brain interface. The interface calibrates the listeners aural habitat in real time attempting to
reduce the pedestrians frustration levels, thus enhancing their aural experience. The paper
finally discusses theories of environmental psychology, neuroscience, sound perception and
affective computing.
Keywords: EEG, urban design, urban sounds, emotions, affective design, responsive design
5
1. Introduction
6
conditions of the environment in real-time to the users frustration levels thus, aiming at
enhancing the users experience.
7
outdoor environment, using low-cost mobile electroencephalography (EEG) technology, the
Emotiv EPOC EEG headset. Together with the headset they used Emotivs Affective Suite
application which filters and translates raw EEG signals to 4 affective states: engagement,
frustration, meditation and excitement (long-term and short-term). Their research revealed
evidence, which supports reduction in frustration levels for walkers that shift from busy ur-
ban environments to green spaces.
Using the same portable EEG technology in the current project, we discover links be-
tween urban sounds and the frustration levels that stationary pedestrians exhibit. More
specifically close proximity to sound sources indicated higher frustration levels. Proximity,
distance and territoriality are considered important factors in the examination of the effects
of the environment on human emotions (Mehrabian and Russell 1974, p.4).
Anthropologist Edward T. Hall (1969, p.40) explains that people have distance receptors
eyes, ears, nose - and immediate receptors touch, sensations from skin, membranes and
muscles. He specifically differentiates between sound and vision. Visual information, he ex-
plains, is more focused and precise while sound information is more vague especially when
the stimulus source is at a distance (Hall 1969). In general the larger the distance between
the stimulus object and the person, the bigger the decrease in the objects details and the in-
formation it carries. Inversely when the distance is minimized the information rate increases
(Mehrabian and Russel 1974, p.83).
Hall introduced the theory of proxemics to explain mans use of space (1969, p.95). He
distinguishes among 3 categories within proxemics one of which, the pre-cultural, relates
to physiological responses (Hall 1969, p.95). Men like animals, have a territorial perception of
space that defines a range of distances from one another (Hall 1969). According to Hall, there
are 4 types of distances observed in people: intimate distance, personal distance, social dis-
tance and public distance. Intimate distance describes the closest distance between 2 peo-
ple; the 2 human bodies can be overwhelmed from the heightened sensory inputs. Personal
distance is defined as the distance of non-contact; it is a protective boundary, like a sphere,
surrounding the organism and protecting her from others (Hall 1969, p.112). Social distance
defines the limit of domination; it is the boundary, which ranges between the personal dis-
tance and the social distance (Hall 1969, p.114). Finally, the public distance is outside of any
boundary of interaction. When shifting from one mode of distance to the other, significant
sensory transitions take place (Hall 1969).
Spatiality and distance are also important elements in hearing and sound localiza-
tion. Factors that help us locate sound are head tracking, the first-arriving sound waves
or the direct sound waves when being in a reverberant environment. We localize moving
8
sound sources more successfully than stationary ones (Rumsey and McCormick 2013, p.38).
Sound localization entails perception of distance. Distance perception in hearing refers to
the distance between the listener and an individual sound source (Rumsey and McCormick
2013,p.39).
The participants during our experiments were obliged to have their eyes closed while lis-
tening to the urban soundscapes. This way they experienced acousmatic hearing. Schaeffer
describes the acousmatic hearing as a purely auditory experience (1966). Acousmatic sounds
shift the attention from any visible or tactile cues of space to hearing only, ignoring the
source of the sounds (Schaeffer, 1966).According to French Composer Michel Chion (1994,
p.11) acousmatic indicates a noise which is heard without the causes from which it origi-
nates being seen. When vision is involved in hearing, much of what we thought we were
hearing, was in reality only seen, and explained by the context (Schaeffer 1966 in Kane 2007).
In reflective environments, such as urban environments, the size of the space and the dis-
tance between the listener and the surfaces can be determined quite successfully even when
using the auditory sense alone (Rumsey and McCormick 2013).
Sound stimuli generate various physiological reactions. When sounds are characterized
as sudden, loud, dissonant, or fast in tempo, they cause sensations of unpleasantness or
arousal (e.g., Berlyne 1971; Burt et al. 1995; Foss et al. 1989; Halpern et al. 1986, in Juslin et al.,
2008). Our perceptual system constantly observes for changes or events in our surrounding
environments. Sudden, loud, fast sounds are perceived as auditory changes. These auditory
changes evoke high levels of arousal urging the listener to direct their attention to these
particular sound stimuli. Finally sensory dissonance initiates a sense of danger (Ploog 1992
in Juslin et al. 2008).
Studies have shown that listeners prefer music stimuli that induce optimal arousal lev-
els (Berlyne 1971 in Juslin et al. 2008). We can infer from that, that the same would apply for
sounds in general. Of course, what is considered optimal is not the same for all listeners
(McNamara & Ballard 1999 in Juslin et al. 2008) and does not apply to all contexts (North &
Hargreaves 1997 in Juslin et al. 2008).
This paper suggests the creation of a responsive, affective computing application, which
intends to reduce the pedestrians level of frustration. Frustration in terms of physiology
relates to high levels of arousal (Hokanson 1964). Practically we could say that our applica-
tion attempts an optimization of the pedestrians arousal levels, therefore enhancing their
aural experience (Juslin et al. 2008). The application runs on a laptop and it communicates
via Open Sound Control Protocol (OSC) with the portable EEG headset. When digital devices
or portable computers relate to or influence emotions Professor of Media Arts and Sciences,
9
Rosalind W. Picard refers to them as a type of affective computing (1997, p.3). The affective
application we propose calibrates in real-time the sound environment surrounding the pe-
destrians (Juslin et al. 2008). We think of this application as a digital device, which adapts to
the users corresponding needs in a particular context (Coyne 2010). Professor of Architec-
tural Computing Richard Coyne (2010, p.26) identifies calibration as an on-going dynamic
process, which depends on different contexts each time and requires re-calibration when
these contexts change. When the tuning involves digital devices, such as our affective brain
control interface, then tuning becomes electronic, even automatic. According to hardware
hacker Nicolas Collins (2006 in Coyne 2010, p.35) tuning then includes multiple Stages of
amplification, filtering and frequency shifting.
3. Method
In the current project we tested pedestrians emotional responses to particular urban night-
time soundscapes. We chose an urban path in the center of Edinburgh city, the Middle
Meadow Walk. The Middle Meadow Walk crosses one of the central parks in the city. It links
the University of Edinburgh and the Old Town with quiet south residential areas. The path
is surrounded with buildings of the University of Edinburgh, a renovated and newly built
high class housing quarter, The Quarter Mile, with coffee shops, a big supermarket and a
hotel. At the bottom of the path a wide green park area spreads. The environment selected
combines a variety of different pedestrians such as students, tourists, locals, residents, and
shop owners. It is also important to mention that alongside the pedestrian pathway is a long
cyclists lane. We particularly selected this path because of the high variety of the emerging
sound qualities and the highly interesting transitions in the aural environments along its way.
We focused on 5 nodal locations along the path, which portray these transitions.
10
Figure 1. Map of the Sound Locations of the study, The Meadows, Google map, Access: 6.6.2014
In the map above you can see the 5 Sound Locations marked on the map. The locations are:
1. Lauriston Place, facing the beginning of the Middle Meadow Walk (MMW)
2. In front of Sainsburys, a little further down the MMW
3. At the beginning of the Meadows area, near the University of Edinburgh Main Library
4. In the middle of the Meadows
5. At the southern end of the MMW, facing Melville Drive
We did binaural recordings of 2 minutes duration each1, on these 5 locations. All five re-
cordings were done on March the 30th, 2014 between 8pm and 9pm. Equipment used was a
pair of DPA microphones with a windshield and a homemade separator the microphones
were spaced to simulate a binaural recording head and a Sound Devices 744.
1.Apart from the recording for Sound Location 4 which lasts for 230.
11
Figure 2. Sound Location 1.
12
Figure 5. Sound Location 4.
Sound Location 1
This location is on the top of the path, on Lauriston Place, which is a very central road. The
sound environment there is quite noisy with loud cars and buses passing by, people dragging
their suitcases to close hotels, others coming out from the local bars and walking their way
13
home down the Meadow Walk. This location proved to be quite exhilarating in a situation
of intentional, concentrated listening. During the recording the amount of traffic noise was
quite astounding, amplified by the reflections off house walls, which surround the area. In
the spectrogram below, the fairly massive noise floor up to about 1.8kHz is clearly visible,
representing the constant rumble of street traffic. Most of the low-revving engine sounds
(due to traffic lights nearby, where cars would stop and start) take place at the very bottom
end of the frequency spectrum, which display the high sound pressure levels in that range.
Generally, thicker broadband peaks (vertical lines) stand for passing cars. The much extend-
ed frequency range is due to wheel on road surface noise, and possibly higher engine revo-
lutions. Thinner vertical lines represent the sounds of people walking by closely.
14
Sound Location 2
Moving further down, from Lauriston Place, just in front of the Quarter Mile residential block
and the Sainsburys supermarket is where our second recording was made. The place con-
sists of a resting point for pedestrians and a small crossroad. The crossroad leads to George
square. A square which is surrounded by a complex of buildings that accommodate Schools
and administrative offices of the University of Edinburgh, including the Main Library. Mainly
students and bikers pass by. In comparison to the previous Sound Location, here we see
a distinctly reduced low-end and low-mid noise floor, as roadside traffic sounds become
slightly more distant (both in terms of engine and road surface sounds). At the same time,
passers-by, either on foot or on bikes stand out much more discretely generating at the
same time a broadband frequency range.
15
Noteworthy is the sound of wind chimes present in the area, likely coming from some-
ones balcony. Naturally, they populate the high-frequency range, and while they are not be-
ing perceived as an incredibly loud sound source, they do provide a discernible, ever-present
background (due to their frequency area not being very populated by other sounds, and their
discrete onsets), and they become the theme of the soundscape.
Sound Location 3
This recording was made on the big cross section of the Middle Meadow Walk and the North
Meadow Walk, which is adjacent to the back side of the Main Library. As we move further and
further lower on our selected path, the ambient environment becomes quieter. The sound of
passers-by becomes more discrete over the backdrop of distant traffic noise. While close-up
engine sounds are less of a factor here, we now get to hear more wind, as the area is more
open and there are less buildings at close proximity. Due to the same reasons the road on
the southern end of The Meadows also becomes audible thus, the noise floor in the spec-
trogram is quite similar to the previous recording. From this point further, the green park
area spreads. Quite dominant is the constant hum of a nearby generator, its fundamental
frequency suggesting a pitch between F-sharp and G, which would tally with the European
standard 50 Hz AC hum that equates to a G (possibly, the actual fundamental lies here. The
other partials indicate (roughly) the pitches D (a fifth above) and G.
16
Figure 12. Spectrogram of the humming sound.
Sound Location 4
This sound recording was made in the park zone. This spot is isolated from any near build-
ings and the number of people that walk by or cycle by is reduced. Here again the spectro-
gram is less crowded than before. We have again a fairly dense low end and low mid range.
That still stems from traffic noise from Melville Road but at a distance. The wind noise is
more dominant in this sound file which becomes visible in the upper mid frequencies. With
fewer passers-by we get less of the full frequency discreet sound events (thin vertical lines)
except for two people fairly near the end of the recording, whose frequency spectra, due to
the altogether less crowded soundscape, stand out much more profoundly.
17
Sound Location 5
Our final recorded urban soundscape is on Melville Drive, at the far bottom of the Middle
Meadow Walk. Melville Drive is a street,less central than Lauriston place, and with a higher
speed limit during the night as the traffic lights adapt to the pedestrians flow. To us, Mel-
ville Drive felt louder than the more crowded Lauriston Place where the generally higher
noise floor is likely to lead to some amount of desensitization. Cars pass by speeding and
it is worth mentioning that there is a Child Hospital near by, so ambulances are quite com-
mon to drive on that road as well. The spectrogram resembles that of Lauriston Place more
closely as were once again near a fairly busy street once again. As there are fewer cars and
fewer buildings that would reflect the traffic rumble its a bit less dense than the Lauriston
Place spectrogram. Very few passers-by were present, so we get a fairly pure image of traffic
sound here.
18
Figure 15. Emotiv EPOC headset.
More specifically, in Stage one we used the sound recordings and ran pre-piloting ex-
periments in order to test the physiological reactions of the participants to the sounds. Our
experiments took place on location the Middle Meadow Walk- and between 8:00pm and
9:00pm. We measured the physiological responses of the participants using a novel, low-
cost commercial portable EEG (electroencephalography) headset, the EPOC EEG headset.
The headset has been successfully validated against a medical grade headset (Badcock et
al 2013, Aspinall et al 2012, Debener et al 2012).The headset consists of 16 sensors (14 plus 2
reference points), which record the EEG data from the participants brain.
2.Emotiv EPOC headset sensor map, last modified December 17, 2009, https://www.emotiv.com/forum/
forum4/topic1232/messages.
19
The Research team of Emotiv EPOC has developed the Emotiv EPOC control panel, an
application that among other suites includes the Affective suite, which we used for the pur-
poses of our experiments. The Emotivs Affective suite filters and translates raw EEG signals
to four variables indicating 4 affective states: excitement (long-term and short-term), frus-
tration, engagement and meditation. The values range from 0 (minimum) to 1 (maximum).
engagement
frustration
medication
excitement
A USB wireless receiver links the EEG headset to the Emotiv EPOC control panel appli-
cation. Another application available from the Emotiv EPOC Company, entitled Mind your
OSCs, sends out the affective suite values for each of the affective parameters, mapped in
a range between 0 and 1 via Open Sound Control (OSC) communication protocol. We sent
out the OSC messages to a custom application we developed in the visual programming lan-
guage Processing3 in order to save the affective suite parameters in a txt file.4
Figure 16. Mind your OSCs reading the affective suite parameters in values between 0 and 1.
20
We tested 10 participants for Stage 1 and 4 of them also continued with Stage 2. All
participants had their eyes closed. At this point we should note that we accompanied the
participants during the experimentation process in order to avoid any health and safety risks.
Our experiments included a laptop, a wireless EEG headset, a pair of earphones and a
pair of ear defenders. The users of the experiments listened to the sound recordings and
they wore ear defenders to avoid any interference with external sounds.
Below you can see a visual description of the setup that we used.
Running the Stage 1 experimentation sessions and analyzing the data that we retrieved
we noticed that frustration levels would rise when sound sources approached the partici-
pants. This piece of information formed our hypothesis.
In Stage 2 we decided to focus on the creation of an application that would in real-time
adjust the proximity of the sound sources. Our intention was to create a brain interface,
which would calibrate the aural environment of the user in real-time, according to the levels
of frustration that the user experienced. When the frustration levels would rise, the sound
sources would become more distant, in an attempt to reduce frustration. For the purposes
of this paper the application processes the pre-recorded sounds in a real-time mode. We
then ran a second set of experiments trying to prove our hypothesis.
21
3.3. A proximity adaptive brain controlled interface
In order to process the sounds, we created a Max/MSP patch. Having looked into theories
of distance perception (Rumsey and McCormick 2013, p.39) and sound propagation (Simon
Fraser University 2014), the following measures were implemented in the sound design to
create an impression of the increase in the distance between the listener and the sound
sources:
An overall reduction of volume
A reduction of high-frequency content
An increase in reverberation (which also decreases localization in the stereo field)
A small reduction of lower-midrange frequencies, due to ground effect
22
In terms of the signal flow, two channels of binaurally recorded sound files run through
a pair of parallel high-shelving filters (one for each channel) with a variable cutoff frequency
starting at 18Hz for the dry signal, into an equal power cross fader and the master output
gain control. Parallel to this, the signals of the same two channels run through a stereo con-
volution reverb, into a single low-shelving filter whose cutoff frequency is fixed at around
450Hz, with a Q of 0.71, into the cross fader, and then into the master output gain control.
Regarding the distancing effects, a progressive reduction of high-frequency content and
to a lesser degree low to low-mid frequency content is implemented as the sound moves
further away from the listener (Farnell 2010; Rumsey and McCormick 2013). While high-fre-
quency attenuation is commonly used to create a sense of distance to sound sources in audio
engineering, in line with natural frequency behaviour in similar scenarios, the reduction in
low and low-mid frequency content alludes to the ground effect where Stage cancellations
between direct signals and those reflected from the ground can result in losses in that area
of the spectrum (Rumsey and McCormick 2013). At the same time an increase in reflections
is employed in order to represent sound distancing in an urban environment (Rumsey and
McCormick 2013). The stereo image is progressively narrowing, as precise directional infor-
mation of sound sources becomes blurred with increasing distance (Raffaseder 2010, p.125).
Finally, the overall loudness is reduced, as sound pressure decreases over distance (Farnell
2010, p.80).
Generally, the patch has been designed to work with a variety of (often unpredictable)
source material from urban sound environments, and could also work with real-time audio
input. The latter has yet to be tested. To achieve as much flexibility as possible, certain com-
promises had to be made where the fine-tuning of the parameters is concerned; the goal
being to strike a good balance in sound behavior for different scenarios.
4. Discussion
The current project investigates links between urban sounds and pedestrians affective
states. In order to pursue our research we set up an experimentation process, which in-
volved 2 Stages. Firstly we ran experiments where participants EEG data were registered
while they listened to pre-recorded sounds from a specific urban path. After the first session
of experiments ended we inferred from the results that the proximity of the sound sources
23
to the listener could be a potential factor for the configuration of the listeners frustration
levels. In order to investigate our hypothesis we created at a second stage a responsive brain
application, which adjusts the proximity of the sound sources according to the listeners
frustration levels. More particularly the sounds distance from the user as the frustration
levels of the user increase.
We should underline that our research is currently at a pre-piloting Stage. The number
of experiments we ran is limited and the method of data registration is still being formulated
in order to become more efficient. So far we have been recording data both directly from the
EEG headset in a txt file which proved to be inaccurate and requires further development
and via an observation method.
24
Chart 1. Average frustration levels of each participant for all 5 sound recordings registered at equal intervals and at
close proximity time instants.
Chart 2. Average frustration levels of all participants for all 5 sound recordings registered at equal intervals and at
close proximity time instants.
25
We recorded the EEG frustration levels at the same close proximity time instants that
we used in Stage 1- Sound Location 1: 25, 36, 48, 56, 1.15, Sound Location 2: 1.06, 1.15,
1.45, 1.51, 1.58, Sound Location 3: 8, 14, 1.12, 1.20, 1.45, Sound Location 4: 1.09, 1.32, 2.15,
Sound Location 5: 6, 10, 30, 1.18, 1.34, 1.45, 2-.
Chart 3. Comparing the average frustration levels of all 4 participants for every sound recording between Stage 1 and
Stage 2.
Chart 4. Comparing the total average frustration levels of all 4 participants for all sound recordings between Stage 1
and Stage 2
The results show that on average our application manages to decrease the frustration
levels of the participants from a total average of 0.6 to a total average of 0.51. When looking
26
analytically at each sound recording, we see that the frustration levels for all participants
drop when using our application, except for sound location 3 for which the frustration levels
increase.
Table 1. Comparing the frustration levels of each of the4 participants for everysound recording between Stage 1 and
Stage 2.
Sound location 2
Sound location 3
Sound location 4
Sound location 5
In table 1 we can see analytically for each of the 4 participants and for each of the 5
sound recordings, the levels of frustration in Stage 1 and Stage 2, whether a reduction or
an increase was noted and the standard deviation for the frustration values in Stage 2. We
notice that the frustration values drop in most cases for 3 out of the 4 participants. The
27
experimentation sessions during Stage 1 and Stage 2 were carried out on 2 different days.
Thus the discrepancy detected could be interpreted as a random event; participant A could
have had high levels of arousal on the day of the experiment, prior to our actual testing.
Since the experiments take place on location and taking into account the fact that Edinburgh
has cold temperatures during springtime and especially during night hours, this could have
been another reason that arousal was high for that specific participant.
Our findings underpin our hypothesis; proximity of the sound sources to the listener
affects her levels of frustration. This outcome encourages us to continue our investigation
with more participants. However we ran a Wilcoxon signed rank test but the conclusions
were inconclusive. A bigger sample size would give us more valid statistical results.
Moreover we would like to note that the EPOC EEG headset would at times not stream
data, which then led to repeating the experiment or having a partial data set. Additionally in
terms of future improvements, our recording methods were not very accurate when it came
to the synchronization of the sound files with the EEG recordings with a divergence of a
couple of seconds.
We are also considering improving our Max/MSP proximity adjusting application. Cus-
tomization of the processing parameters for each sound file separately and application of
different urban reverberation settings to the audio signal could improve the proximity and
distancing effect that we aimed for.
Most importantly though we should take into account some aspects of distance hearing
that we missed in our analysis. In order for a listener to determine correctly the distance
between the sound source and the auditory event, familiarity with the audio signals is nec-
essary. For example the distance of human speech, which is a sound familiar to us, can be
perceived successfully regardless of its loudness. On the contrary when unfamiliar sound
sources are away more than 3m from the listener the auditory distance perception depends
on the loudness only, generating discrepancies at the identification of the distance of the
sound source (Blauert 1997, p.45). This could have led into a misinterpretation of the sound
scene and our hypothesis, as proximity might have been confused with loudness.
When people, such as our participants, listen to binaural recordings while deprived of
any visual cues they usually localize the sound scene behind them, which is an automatic
assumption the brain does when not able to see the sound sources (Rumsey and McCormick
2013, p.38).It is also possible that the signal processing applied in our application instead of
altering the distance perception, it might have yielded a sense of unfamiliarity to the partic-
ipants, as the sound scene would suddenly distance from the users ears.
28
5. Conclusion
The current project investigates links between urban sound environments and pedestri-
ans emotions. We recorded 5 specific locations along a pathway, which crosses a central
park of Edinburgh. Participants listened to the 5 sound recordings with their eyes closed
while we were tracking their affective state with the aid of portable EEG technology. Our
findings showed that frustration levels increased when the proximity of the sound sources
was close to the listeners. We used this information for the purpose of creating an affective
brain application, which would calibrate the sound environment according to the pedes-
trians emotional state. Our aim was to enhance the aural experience of pedestrians in ur-
ban environments, by reducing their frustration. Higher frustration levels would cause the
recorded sound scene to distance further from the listener. The results indicated that the
average level of frustration could be reduced when using our proximity adjustable applica-
tion. Effectively our application manages to calibrate the aural environment of the stationary
pedestrians successfully, enhancing their experience.
We should underline at this point that the experimentation we described in this paper
was only a pre-pilot, which we used to get an initial understanding firstly of urban sound
perception in relation to emotional response and secondly to gain technical experience for
further research. Thus further development and improvement of the experimentation pro-
cess and the data gathering methodology needs to be considered. A bigger sample of partic-
ipants would also be crucial for proper statistical analysis.
Understanding how pedestrians respond emotionally to their urban sound environment
gives us useful information regarding spatial behavior. As Mehrabian and Russell (1974) wrote,
physical stimuli, which relate to feeling pleasurable and aroused, generate behaviours of
preference and avoidance in the environment. We could assume then that negative feelings,
such as frustration would produce behaviours of avoidance. Predicting and understanding
such spatial behaviours could play an important role in the urban design process.
For future work, as Picard mentions in her book on Affective Computing (1997), it is im-
portant to customize an affective interface to the specific metrics of a person, as it is difficult
to assume that all people react emotionally exactly the same way. At this point the use of
questionnaires and the implementation of a machine-learning algorithm could help us un-
derstand in future developments understand the precise aspects of the urban sounds that
reduce or increase frustration. A machine-learning algorithm could also help us calibrate our
application to the needs of a particular individual.
29
Acknowledgements. The author would like to thank firstly Professor of Architectural Com-
puting Richard Coyne at the School of Architecture and Landscape Architecture of the Uni-
versity of Edinburgh (UK) for his useful.
Secondly the author thanks students George Pentaris, Omar Mohammad and Zechao Li
for kindly agreeing to being photographed during the experiments.
References
Aspinall, Peter, Mavros, Panagiotis, Coyne, Coyne, Richard, The tuning of place: sociable
Richard and Jenny Roe. The urban brain: spaces and pervasive digital media, (Cam-
analysing outdoor physical activity with mo- bridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press, 2010),
(2013): accessed June 5, 2014, doi: http://dx. Damasio, Antonio, The feeling of what happens:
Badcock, Nicholas, Mousikou, Petroula, Ma- sciousness, (Florida: Ecco Press, 1999), 1246.
hajan, Yatin, de Lissa, Peter, Johnson, Thie Debener, Stefan, Minow, Falk, Emkes, Reiner,
and Genevieve McArthur. Validation of the Gandras, Katharina and Maarten de Vos,
Emotiv EPOC() EEG gaming system for How about taking a low-cost, small, and
measuring research quality auditory ERPs, wireless EEG for a walk?, Psychophysiology
PeerJ1 (2013): e38, accessed 10 May 2014, doi: 49 (2012): 16171621, accessed April 2014, 2014,
10.7717/peerj.38. doi:10.1111/j.14698986.2012.01471.x
Blauert, Jens, Spatial hearing: the psychophysics Emotiv. Emotiv EPOC headset sensor map. Last
Chion, Michel, Audio-Vision: Sound on Screen, Hokanson, Jack E., and Michael Burgess. Ef-
(New York: Columbia University Press, 1994), fects of physiological arousal level, frustra-
Collins, Nicolas, Handmade Electronic Music The The Journal Of Abnormal And Social Psychol-
Art of Hardware Hacking, (New York, London: ogy 68 (1964): 698702, accessed June 2, 2014.
30
Hall, Edward T., The Hidden dimension of space Lengen, Charis and Thomas Kistemann, Sense
(New York: Anchor books Edition, 1966), of place and place identity: Review of neu-
Howard, Ian Porteus, Perceiving in Depth, Vol- 18 (2012): 11621171, accessed June 6, 2014,
281. S1353829212000275
HyperRitual. Saving the Emotiv EPOC affective Mehrabian, Albert and James A. Russell, An
suite data in a text file using OSC. Last mod- Approach to Environmental Psychology (Cam-
Jusling, Patrick N. and Daniel Vstfjll. tecture and the Senses. (New York: John Wiley,
Behavioural and Brain Sciences 31 (2008): bridge Massachusetts: MIT Press, 1997)
559575, accessed May 20, 2014, doi: http:// Rumsey, Francis and Tim McCormick, Sound
Kalogianni, Dorothea and Richard Coyne. Raffaseder, Hannes, Audiodesign (Mnchen: Carl
Thinking about sound and space: Record- Hanser Verlag, 2010), 125.
ing peoples emotional responses to spaces. Schaeffer, Pierre, Trait des objets musicaux,
Kane, Brian. LObjet Sonore Maintenant: Pierre Wetherell, Margaret, Affect and Emotion: A New
Schaeffer, sound objects and the phenom- Social Science Understanding (London: SAGE,
doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/
S135577180700163X.
31
Third-party externals used in the Max/MSP patch
University of Applied Sciences and Arts Northwestern Switzerland, University of Music Basel,
MaxMSP-Objects.htm.
University of Huddersfield Repository, The HISSTools Impulse Response Toolbox: Convolution for
http://cnmat.berkeley.edu/patch/4029.
//Code used during Stage 1 of the experiments in order to register the responses of
import oscP5.*;
import netP5.*;
float excitement;
float boredom;
float engagement;
float frustration;
float meditation;
OscP5 oscP5;
PrintWriter output;
void setup() {
output = createWriter(testing.txt);
void draw() {
int m = millis();
//output.print(m,excitement=++ ,+);
32
output.println(meditation= + meditation + + ,);
if(theOscMessage.checkAddrPattern(/AFF/Excitement) == true) {
// parse theOscMessage and extract the values from the OSC message arguments
//excitement = ceil(theOscMessage.get(0).floatValue()*255);
excitement = theOscMessage.get(0).floatValue();
meditation =theOscMessage.get(0).floatValue();
if(theOscMessage.checkAddrPattern(/AFF/Engaged/Bored) == true) {
// parse theOscMessage and extract the values from the OSC message arguments
engagement = theOscMessage.get(0).floatValue();
frustration = theOscMessage.get(0).floatValue();
void keyPressed() {
Saving the Emotiv EPOC affective suite data in a text file using OSC
com/blog/processing-epoc-osc/
Adjusted by Dorothea Kalogianni and Zechao Li for the purposes of Brain Drain (Digi-
33
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Michael Quinton
maltasoundresearchcentre@gmail.com
Malta Sound Research Centre, Valletta Malta
Iain McGregor
I.McGregor@napier.ac.uk
School of Computing, Napier University, Edinburgh, Scotland
Abstract
This is an introductory study of the Maltese Soundscape and is part of an even bigger project.
It introduces a soundscape diced with traditional sounds which still echo in the present and
mutate and conflict with the modern sounds that are becoming part of the Maltese Sound
field. This paper shows the study that has taken place, the results that have been obtained so
far and the patterns in the soundscape that are beginning to form. From this initial analysis
a number of possible solutions to noise problems have been presented. Further in depth
investigations will be carried out and reported.
Keywords: Malta, soundscape, planning, urban, pilot, investigation, results, sound, noise,
possibilities
34
1. Introduction
Looking down at Malta from the bastion walls of the so called Silent City of Mdina the first
thing that anyone will notice is that there is one big building sprawl along the east coast of
the island. Stretching all the way from the furthest point in the North all across the coast
to the very tips of the South of the island visually it looks like one big city fused together.
Seeing all this from the heights of these bastions it is hard to imagine that within that urban
sprawl exist so many towns and villages, which were once separated from one another. Many
of these towns have very distinct characteristics, and it is common for a Maltese person to
be proud that they come from their town of birth. Within some of these towns one can still
see a strong tie with the past, and at the same time one can also observe the way that towns
are shifting towards becoming more modern. This study of the Maltese soundscape is a pilot
study to an ongoing bigger project. This paper introduces this work and reports the initial
findings in relation to peoples perception of their soundscape and how this reflects upon
the overall Maltese Sound Field.
The Maltese islands, collectively known as Malta, are located in the central Mediterra-
nean region. The Islands are 80km south of Sicily and over 300km north of Libya and almost
300km East from Tunisia. According to the 2011 population census the population of Malta
is approximately 418,000 and is the smallest population in the EU. In terms of population
density it is the most densely populated country in Europe with approximately 1300 people
per square kilometre (Population & Housing Census 2011). The islands of Malta and Gozo
are considered, by the European Urban Audit, to be two cities or Larger Urban Zones (LUZ)
which are Valletta which refers to the Island of Malta and Gozo which refers to the island
of Gozo (ESPON, Urban Audit, LUZ Specifications, P.54, 2004).
If we go back to the earliest traces of historical sound in Malta then we would have to go
back to Neolithic times. There are a number of temples that were built during this period and
which are among the oldest built structures in the world. One of these structures is an un-
derground temple now known as the Hypogeum of Hal Saflieni. It is believed that this tem-
ple has an ancient acoustic marvel known as the chamber of the oracle. This is a dome like
structure carved in limestone which amplifies sound quite radically and can be compared
to the acoustic equivalents of Gothic Cathedrals (Blesser & Salter, 2007). Sound is ancient in
Malta and the echoes of this underground temple can still be experienced up until this day.
The idea of worship always remained strong on these islands and the echoes and re-
verberations of praise are replicated in the numerous churches that populate the country.
35
The traditions of praise extend out onto the village or town feast were the veneration of the
towns patron saint is celebrated on a yearly basis. The brass bands march through the streets
surrounding the church. Fireworks and the intricate engineering of Catherine Wheels add
to the sounds of celebration and shout out praise across the Maltese Skies heralding this
important event to the rest of the island. The church bells are the daily keepers of time that
linearly follow the passage of the days and nights and mark the times of worship at the dif-
ferent times of the day. The traditional sounds do not all revolve around the religious for we
also find that in the older villages certain old practises are still alive with regards to sound
signatures that are a demarcation of the past. The narrow, winding streets of the old towns
once again sustain an element of echo and reverberation due to their narrowness and the
high walls that trap the sounds and give them an ethereal tone due to their long decay times.
All signals are amplified and transmitted just like the oracles chamber in the Hypogeum. It
preserves the march of time and the signature of all the cultures that have lived on Malta and
left their mark. Their physical legacy is evident. Their sonic legacy is invisible yet it is etched
in the walls of the caves, the narrow streets, the underground labyrinths of the Catacombs
were St Paul spent his time during his stay on Malta. The vector of sound continues through
the echo and the original sound source slaps back reshaped or refigured as a spatial object
(Labelle, 2010).
The emphasis on the past is essential when describing the Maltese soundscape because
this is a country which is strong in its traditions and these traditions do have a strong impact
on the way that the place sounds. One clear example of this is reflected in the Maltese lan-
guage. This is a language that has survived foreign occupation for hundreds of years. Even
though Maltese is said to have originated from Arabic, it is also believed that Maltese people
spoke Punic during the times when the island was a Phoenician trading port. The similarities
between Punic and Arabic meant that it was almost natural for the people of the island to
take on this Arabic dialect as their language. Still the exact origins of the Maltese language
are unclear and scholars still debate whether Maltese comes from Punic or from Arabic
(http://www.thinksite.eu). Over the years the language took on many Romantic words from
Italian which was the official language for a long time and it also took a lot of words from
English and it still is integrating many English words into the language up until this day.
English is the second language spoken on the island and is also an official language of Malta
along with Maltese. Italian is also spoken by at least 40% of the population (Population and
Housing Census, 2011). Maltese is now recognised as an official language of the European
Union (http://www.kunsilltalmalti.gov.mt/legislation).
36
There are even parts of Malta where Maltese people do not speak Maltese but speak
English instead. This is done intentionally in order to distinguish ones class as being superior
to the common, Maltese speaking class. This occurrence is more likely to be found around
the North Harbour area and in certain towns in the Central parts of Malta. There are also
the different dialects of Maltese that are spoken in different towns. These dialects are more
likely to be heard in the older towns. A person from Gozo speaks a different dialect to the
person in Siggiewi. For a country of such a small size it is surprising to see how different
dialects exist with such little distances between different towns. The dialects exist because
in the past the different towns were separated from each other and people worked the land.
Malta was mainly an agricultural society (Malta Structure Plan, 1990).
The invention of the motor car brought about many changes to the building and devel-
opment of the island but it also brought about many changes to peoples movement, their
levels of interaction and in turn this affected the soundscape. Over time the towns of Malta
all started to blend into one big town and the physical boundaries between different places
no longer existed accept of course in the case of the fortified cities of Valletta, the three
cities, Mdina and La Citadella in Gozo. Even though the physical boundaries disappeared but
the distinctions between certain towns is still evident in the way that certain old traditions
are still prominent in these places whereas in others they no longer exist.
When sitting in a typical town or village square it is easy to listen to all the different
characteristics that have become commonplace in the 21st century Maltese soundscape. The
town square or Piazza has always been the central place of activity and if a person had
to describe the sounds that they could hear while occupying one of the benches situated
somewhere along the square then a mixed palate of sounds could be described indicating a
mixture of eras. Traditional sounds compete against modern ones, and together they can
either please the ears of the listener or irritate. Eliciting these impressions provides a clear
indication and definition of the sound of Malta and how its people perceive it. A listener may
easily notice the church bells, the conversations of old men occupying benches who discuss
and argue for hours, the sounds of music from bars with loud music, the African languages
in their plenty in the refugee congregations that now populate many a Maltese town square.
The noise of traffic that moans across the space and some cars add further pollution with
their booming sound systems whacking out the four on the floor of a 909 kick drum. In sum-
mer the Cicadas sing when it is hot and in winter it is the howling wind and the rustling of
leaves. The blaring television coming from an open window once a common characteristic
but dying out since air conditioning calls for windows to be closed even in summer time.
37
These are just a few of the examples of the sounds of a typical square but different towns in
Malta have different characteristics.
It is also important to note that Malta is a touristic place which attracts about 1 million
tourists each year. In 2012 approximately 1,400,000 tourists visited the island when calcu-
lated using tourist departures as a form of measurement (MTA Statistical Report, 2013). This
shows that Maltas sound field changes on a season basis and that this change is determined
by the tourist activity going on the island. Tourism is mainly centred around the central
harbour of Valletta, Sliema, Gzira and St Julians and in the north in St Pauls Bay and Mellieha.
Places like Mdina and Rabat are visited by many tourists both during the day and at night.
The Designation of Silent City attributed to Mdina is questionable when its streets are pop-
ulated by hundreds of parading tourists on a daily level.
Sound is an ever elusive phenomenon ever changing and yet it occupies space and takes
up moments of time. It gives us location, a space for interaction. It gives us a sense of place
and a sense of community. It creates a space that belongs to everyone and yet it also imparts
a feeling of intimacy (Labelle, 2010). The ever changing soundscape is forever under con-
struction and can be seen as having more to do with civilisation than with nature (Thompson,
2002). The new sounds of the Maltese sound field still share the echoes of the past but are
prominent in their own right and influence in their own way. People perceive the sound-
scape. They audibly interact with their ethno environment in an auditory space. This is sonic
construct where dynamic mediation takes place (Chattopadhyay, 2012). They hear and what
they hear determines their outlook of their world. What people hear influences their actions
(Muller, 2012). Even the native language of a people determines their outlook on the world
and determines their perception of space and time (Boroditsky, 2011). That is why in order to
study the soundscape one must investigate what it is that people hear. In the case of noise
pollution, noise abatement is not the only solution. It would be best to take the positive ap-
proach to the nature of the sounds that we perceive and to see whether or not these sounds
should be preserved or encouraged (Schafer, 1994). The investigation of sound rests on the
perception of what people are hearing.
In order to measure the Maltese soundscape an investigative approach was taken that
would look at the memory of sounds that could be recalled, sounds that were still existent
and sounds that were new in the persons environment. Classification of these sounds was
also important in order to determine how people relate to the sounds of the past and current
environment. Hellstrom (2002) describes Amphouxs approach to sonic investigation which
also looks at the personal perception of the sonic identity in relation to sonic memory, sonic
perception and sonic interpretation.
38
The sonic memory was needed in order to form a picture of the soundscape of the past.
Memory was also required in order to recall the sounds that are being heard now in the
present. The meaning of these sounds to the person was essential because it is through that
meaning that the participant would be able to classify these sounds. The investigation had
to include past and present elements because the Maltese soundscape is made up of both
and in order to achieve a good representation of both ages it would also be important to
find people who had always lived in their current towns. A participant from Valletta would
definitely be needed in this analysis. We refer to Valletta here as the actual fortified city and
not as the island of Malta as designated by the ESPON Urban Audit mentioned above. Valletta
is the capital city of Malta and the comparison with other towns in the urban sprawl would
show significant differences. One may also note from Map 1 that the other towns investigat-
ed in this survey are situated around the Valletta centre.
Figure 1. Map 1.
39
From Map 1 when looking at the island of Gozo (the smaller island) we see a difference
in landscape. The urban sprawl of Malta is not replicated on this smaller island. There are
still evident boundaries between most of the towns. Gozo is often referred to as the island
where time stood still. This analogy comes from the fact that Gozo has been referred to as
Homers island of Calypso where Ulysses stayed for forty years with the nymph Calypso. The
reference of Gozo being the island where time stood still also refers to the fact that Gozo is
much more traditional than Malta which would also mean that its soundscape will probably
sound older than Maltas. Again, Gozo is a tourist attraction and again we find a seasonal
change in the soundscape. There is also local tourism when at certain times of the year thou-
sands of Maltese people go up to Gozo for a weekend break and the mass Maltese invasion
of Gozo leaves a definite mark on the Gozitan soundscape. Gozo has a population of around
27,000 people (Population & Housing Census, 2011). It is a much quieter and less active island
than Malta in the quieter times of the year when tourism is low. Investigations into Gozos
soundscape will be carried out for the larger study of the Maltese Soundscape which this
paper is related to.
2. Method
This is a pilot study to a more extensive study that is currently taking place, only four par-
ticipants and four localities in Malta have been covered for this paper. In order to gather
information with regards to the Maltese Soundscape a number of people were interviewed.
Four participants, all from different localities in Malta, took part in these interviews. Towns
were chosen according to the availability of people who could be interviewed. All the par-
ticipants were chosen on the criteria of having grown up and are still living in their respec-
tive towns. Participants ages ranged from 39 to 54 years of age. The analysis investigated
what changes in sound had occurred during this time and what sounds still existed up until
this day.
The interview was split into three parts:
Part one was related to memories of sounds from the past. Participants were asked
about memories of sounds from their childhood; the relationship in terms of mem-
ories of sounds from their local town square; they were then asked to talk about
whether there were any sonic changes that they noticed while they were growing up
and that they could recall.
40
Part two was about sounds that are heard in the present, were there still sounds
from their childhood which currently makes up part of the localitys soundscape?
What were the new sounds that they heard in their towns? And finally they were
asked which sounds they would preserve, revive, eliminate or reduce in their current
towns soundscape.
In parts one and two participants were asked to write down their replies to the various
questions that they were asked.
In part three the interviewer asked the participants to categorise each and every sound
that they had mentioned in the two previous sections. Table 1 shows how the classifications
were made. Repertory Grid Technique was used for the analysis of the findings. This technique
introduced by Fransella and Banister (1997) has been used in a number of sound studies.
RGT is often broken down into stages of element elicitation, construct elicitation, rating and
analysis. For this study the sounds i.e. the elements, have been described by the participants.
The constructs used were based on classifications used by Turner and McGregor, 2012.
Elements were rated using the constructs typically on a 3, 5 or 7 point scale (Fransella &
Banister, 2004). In this study the elements were rated using a three point scale with the two
opposing factors being 1 and 3 for example high pitch and low pitch and the centre scale of
two represented the mid range or neutrality in the context of the two opposing definitions.
The interviews took place at cafs, peoples homes and even in their offices at their
working places. Each interview roughly took between 45 to 50 minutes in duration.
Participants identities were anonymised and ethical consent was requested since
they were recounting personal information.
1 2 3
High Pitch Neither High Pitch nor Low Pitch Low Pitch
41
The four participants will be referred to as PT14. Each of them is from four different
localities (see table 2).
Participant Locality
PT1 Valletta
PT2 Qormi
PT3 Birkirkara
PT4 Zejtun
3. Results
Traffic
Table 3. Traffic.
Clear / unclear
uninformative
Informative /
sound effect
Short / long
displeasing
Impulsive /
continuous
Loud / soft
Gas / solid
High / low
Pleasing /
Speech /
Valletta 3 1 1 3 3 1 2 3 1
Qormi 3 1 3 3 1 2 3 3 3
Birkir- 3 3 2 3 2 1 1 3 1
kara
Zejtun 3 1 3 3 2 2 3 3 1
42
The results from the table are represented in figure 1 below:
Figure 1. Traffic.
Short / long
displeasing
Impulsive /
continuous
Loud / soft
Gas / solid
High / low
Pleasing /
Speech /
Valletta 1 3 3 3 2 2 1 1 1
Qormi 1 1 2 1 2 1 3 2 3
Birkir- 1 1 1 2 2 2 1 2 3
kara
Zejtun 1 2 2 1 2 2 2 3 3
43
The Results from the table are represented graphically below:
The modes for this section were calculated by taking the most frequent classifications of
the sounds described by the participants with regards to the sound categories used for the
interview.
Three participants categorised most of their sounds as sound effects and gaseous where-
as PT2 related most of the sounds as having a speech-like characteristic and PT1 described
the Valletta soundscape to be solid in texture.
Sound in Valletta and Qormi were described as being more continuous and in Birkirkara
and Zejtun they were seen to be more impulsive. PT3 and 4 seem to perceive sound in in-
stances rather than listening to a continuous soundscape.
In terms of pitch three participants generally categorised sound in their localities as
being high pitched whereas PT3 heard them as being more mid range in characteristic. PT3
also attributed the local sounds to be of mid loudness being neither loud nor soft and the
other three participants found their sounds to be loud. PT 1 and 3 found their general sound-
scape to be informative as opposed to PT 2 and 4 who relate to their soundscape as being
uninformative. PT1 finds the overall soundscape in Valletta as being pleasing; PT2 and 3 have
a neutral attitude with regards to their respective soundscapes and PT4 reflects a more dis-
pleasing attitude towards Zejtuns soundscape.
Valletta is a touristic city and a centre for commerce and thousands of people visit the
place on a daily basis therefore certain levels of sound are normal for the inhabitant of this
44
place which PT1 describes positively. The other three participants come from much less
active localities that are not touristic. The Fleur de Lys part of Birkirkara is just a residential
suburb of a bigger and active town centre. So social activity is much less in this part of the
town and this is reflected in PT3s neutral attitude towards the local soundscape. This is
once again highlighted when we see how three of the participants related to their sound-
scape as being clear with the exception of PT 3 who found it to be unclear which makes
the soundscape more of a background detail. The residential characteristic of Fleur de Lys
means that most activity takes place at home since there are no social attractions or activi-
ties in the area.
Clear / unclear
uninformative
Informative /
sound effect
Short / long
displeasing
Impulsive /
continuous
Loud / soft
Gas / solid
High / low
Pleasing /
Speech /
Valletta 3 3 3 3 1 1 1 1 1
Qormi 1 1 3 3 1 1 3 2 1
Birkir- 3 1 1 2 2 2 1 2 3
kara
Zejtun 3 1 1 1 1 1 3 3 1
45
3.3. Valletta
PT1 described how Valletta was a city where people spent a lot of time outdoors and how
the city was alive and throbbing with social activity in the past. This all started to change
when technology such as television became more widespread and people started to stay in
a lot more. Later, the internet and the introduction of air conditioning easily enticed people
to stay in doors. PT1, said that whenever there are social activities taking place the majority
of attendees are foreigners. PT1 mentioned how Cruise liner tourism has increased over the
years and on many days during the week the city is populated by thousands of tourists that
come off their cruise ships in order to tour the city. PT1 describes that it is interesting to
hear all the different languages from tourists and from the many foreigners that are moving
to Valletta.
The commercial, central part of Valletta had become pedestrianised through a gradual
process which reduced traffic in these parts of the city. A lot of the traffic in Valletta is relat-
ed to commercial vehicles and vans working on diesel engines causing low frequencies that
go right through windows and walls without difficulty.
The city hosts a number of churches belonging to different patron saints so religious
feasts in Valletta are plentiful and well attended. Each feast has its brass band, its array of
fireworks and the noise of people who follow the march and who later fill the numerous eat-
ing and drinking places in order to socialise. PT1 described how feasts have remained popular
and that the attendance has hardly changed since 35 years ago.
PT1 commented that the sounds of the past cannot be relived in this day and age. The
dynamic of the city has changed and life and peoples expectations have also changed dras-
tically. With it the traditional sounds that have survived will continue to do so since these
sounds belong to Maltese identity but the new sounds will obviously leave their influence.
Table 6. Valletta.
46
From table 6 we can see that PT1 does not make a distinction between Tourism and
Social Activity. These two characteristics are given equal importance and attention. In fact
PT1s recount of the Valletta soundscape puts more emphasis and highlighted more positivity
on the sounds related to social activity. Even Religious feasts are closely tied to the social
activity and tourism where all three elements range at around 65 to 70%. PT1 does not dis-
tinguish between Pleasing, displeasing, informative and uninformative sounds. If the sounds
are pleasing they are also informative, if the sounds are neither informative nor uninforma-
tive then they are neither pleasing nor displeasing.
3.4. Qormi
Qormi is an old locality built by the knights of St John and is situated in central Malta. It is
rich in traditional sounds. Like Valletta the peoples outdoor activities, especially children
playing outside have decreased heavily over the years. PT2 describes playing with about 50
other children on a daily basis on a summer evening. Traffic was a lot less of a hindrance at
the time so it was safe for children to play outside. PT2 described how nowadays children are
no longer seen playing on the streets. Another factor which has contributed to the demise of
this activity is the fact that all the surrounding areas have been built up. 35 years ago the area
surrounding PT2s habitat was undeveloped so many of the children could play in the big
fields that separated Qormi from the neighbouring town of Zebbug. Nowadays that divide
between the two places has disappeared and along with it traffic has increased substantial-
ly and childrens outdoor play activity has completely disappeared from the towns streets.
Again, as in the case of Valletta, PT2 described how modern technology has also contributed
towards children staying in nowadays.
PT2 describes how street vendors used to visit the town in order to sell all sorts of goods
and that each vendor had his own call or shout and that each one of them could be recog-
nised due to this distinct articulation. This activity has decreased over the years and in cer-
tain cases the vendors no longer use their signature calls but have converted to using more
modern techniques and have installed loudspeakers on their car roofs and come blazing
down the street heralding their arrival and the goods that they are selling. PT2 described the
traditional vendors calls as being of a pleasant nature and stated how these sounds should
be revived.
Qormi is close to the national horse racing grounds and due to this the city has a popular
tradition related to horse racing and horse ownership. Qormi is one of the few towns were
many people still trek down the main roads of the town with their horse and cart. The fre-
47
quency of this activity has reduced due to the increase in traffic but PT2 described how this
activity is mostly popular on a Sunday morning.
In the past when the women of Qormi carried out their cleaning and housework chores
they often sang. PT2 described how it was very common to hear women singing in the alley
ways and that they would join in with each others song and how they used to respond each
other with verses. The style of singing was described as being the folkloristic style of music
known as Ghana (Pronounced as Ana) where the verses are made up spontaneously. This
practise has completely died out.
The religious feasts of Qormi are very well attended. PT2 describes the feasts as re-
maining popular. Fireworks are a major component in the celebrations. PT2 described this
as being displeasing and that something should be done with regards to the noise and the
exaggerated loudness of such an activity.
The final sound characteristic described by PT2 was related to people talking on the
streets. The participants described how the people of Qormi are very loud when they talk
and that it was common to hear people from outside and one could follow the conversation
from inside ones house. The loudness of the conversation would lead many an outsider to
believe that the two people were arguing but in most cases the people hosting the conver-
sation would be pleasantly conversing with each other.
Table 7. Qormi.
According to table 7 PT2 shows a level of displeasure towards artificial sounds such as
traffic and fireworks. In the case of the more social activities like PT2 has a neutral attitude
towards these sounds as to whether they are pleasing or not. In fact most of the sounds
48
described by PT2 are also seen as uninformative. It is only in the case Street Vendors calling
and the no longer heard sound of women singing during housework that PT2 finds or found
these sounds to be informative and liquid in nature. It is the more traditional sounds that
PT2 finds.
3.5. Birkirkara
Birkirkara has the largest population in Malta at approximately 21,800 people (Population
Census 2011). It also has many small towns that are actually a part of it. PT3 comes from one
of these smaller towns within Birkirkara known as Fleur de Lys. It has its own Parish church
but does not have a town square or a main hub of activity since these are to be found in the
main centre of Birkirkara. Fleur de Lys is mainly a residential area and was mostly devel-
oped in the late eighties and early nineties. Therefore PT3 describes how prominent nature
sounds were in the area 35 years ago. There were very few people living there so there
werent many children playing outside. The noise of traffic was also quite insignificant at the
time. The town square was far from PT3s residence so the usual activities described in the
other Maltese towns of Qormi and Zejtun did not go on in Fleur de Lys. In the late eighties
the area became built up bit by bit and with it increased traffic, social and commercial ac-
tivity. Still, as an area Fleur de Lys is relatively quiet up until this day. Even though there is a
girls catholic school hosting both junior and secondary students in the area and generates
particular noise at particular times of the day, this noise is periodic and mainly concentrated
in the early morning and the mid afternoon when the students arrive and leave school. An
interesting observation highlighted by PT3 was attributed to the sound of mobile phones
and how the environment is populated by the different ring tones of different phone models
and how these sounds have become so common place in our present day soundscape. With
regards to the religious feast of Fleur de Lys, PT3 described it as being a small parish with a
small and low attended feast. The brass band still plays and the odd firework is still lit up and
fired into the sky but it is not a proper fireworks display.
PT3 did insist that the lack of nature sounds in the area was displeasing and that some-
thing had to be done in order to revive these sounds. It would be difficult since the area has
been completely built up and there are no longer any fields or places to plant trees or other
vegetation. These sounds were described by PT3 as being pleasing in nature and that they
helped a person to relax and to break away from the usual hurly burly of every day life.
49
Table 8. Birkirkara.
According to table 8, PT3 finds all the sounds to be informative. It is interesting to see
that with most sounds PT3 is indifferent as to whether the sounds are actually pleasing or
not. This could reflect that PT3 relates to urban sounds in a more factual way. It is then
interesting to notice that 90% of the sounds described by PT3 are then perceived as being
Unclear. Sounds are mostly perceived impulsively by the participant. It is only in the case of
nature that we find pleasing reaction from PT3. With regards to the loudness, pitch or length
of the sounds PT3 classifies most of the sounds (between 90 and 95%) in the middle range; it
is only in the case of traffic that there are differences in the length and loudness of the sound
when compared to the other three categories.
3.6. Zejtun
Zejtun is another old town built in the times of the Knights of St John. It is situated in the
Southern parts of the island of Malta and is also an industrial town since the large industrial
park of Bulebel is situated just outside the towns limits.
Zejtuns soundscape shares many similarities with the Qormi Soundscape and again we
find the calls of the street vendors being a prominent sound characteristic belonging to
Zejtun. The outside sound of people talking loudly on the streets is also a shared sound be-
tween Qormi and Zejtun and PT4 also describes how loud their conversations are. Again we
find a strong traditional following of the local religious feast, well attended and housing the
usual activities that have been described with respect to the other towns but PT4 mentions
one difference. In the past people used to light up hand held fireworks which used to make
a very loud whistling sound, in fact the name in Maltese for these particular fireworks was
Sufarell which comes from the word sufara which means Whistle. These fireworks were
50
dangerous and health and safety legislation fazed them out and they are no longer used
around the whole of Malta and Gozo.
Living next to a church PT4 described the sounds of church bells and how these were
heard at different times of the day and how the tunes changed according to the use of the
bell. It is interesting how there was a time when the bell was damaged and it took a long time
for the bell to be repaired and PT4 describes how one would still hear the church bells even
though they were not ringing. A similar case is mentioned in Kanda in Japan by K.Torigoe
(P.54, 2002) where she describes that people still heard the town bell after 22 years that it
stopped ringing.
Living close to the town square PT4 described the numerous bars and how the sound of
these places buzzes around the town square. Again, the level of dialogue is loud and could be
quite a disturbance for people living around the area. One interesting characteristic is that
some men who frequent these bar take birds in little cages with them and one can hear birds
singing amidst the noise of the bar activity. People attending these bars spend most of their
time outside due to the no indoor smoking laws. Maltas climate is often pleasant and it is
more of a pleasure to stay outside than spend time inside the bar.
Zejtun is also surrounded by country side so it is very common to hear the shots of hunt-
ers shooting at birds at various times of the year.
A unique sound described by PT4 in relation to the soundscape of Zejtun comes from the
humming of the Freeport which is across from the town of Zejtun in the town of Birzebbugia.
PT4 describes how at a younger age this sound could not be heard at the participants, par-
ents place but since moving to another home which is in line with the Freeport that is when
the hum was noticed.
Table 9. Zejtun.
51
4. Discussion
The characteristics of the typical Maltese towns still possess many of the traditional compo-
nents of their soundscapes. Technological advancements have changed attitudes over time.
There is a level of social interaction which is still stronger in the older towns. These narrow
streets gave these towns a sense of place (Malta Structure Plan P. 33, 1990).
Both PT2 and 4 spoke about the local dialect that is spoken in their respective towns. PT4
spoke about the fact that with members of family the local dialect is used between them but
with Maltese people who lived outside of Zejtun the participant spoke standard Maltese. PT2
affirmed to hearing the local dialect being spoken outside in the street and how most locals
used this dialect in their daily speech.
The change in the soundscape of these towns is related to the building and development
of the surrounding countryside that was built up to such an extent that these towns now
touch their neighbouring towns. Zejtun does still have a particular green belt around it. The
outskirts of these towns are now enveloped within major roads with large volumes of traffic.
The towns are now connected to the rest of the country and are part of the conveyor belt of
modern day activity. It was similar practise in the EU to reduce traffic in city centres around
Europe but this has only transferred the problem to the outskirts (Raimbault & Dubois, 2005).
In newer areas like Fleur de Lys in Birkirkara we do not find the traditional aspects of the
previously described sounds of the old localities. This is a more sterile environment in terms
of traditional sound culture. These are the areas that were built in the post war period where
practicality mattered, especially when the population was growing substantially. The focus
was no longer the church, it had now become industry. The intriguing and the mysterious
winding roads of the old village cores were not practical now that the motor car was becom-
ing a more prominent factor in society (Malta Structure Plan P.33, 1990).
Social activities, places of gathering and the sense of community was not planned and
again we see the intervention of the motor vehicle no longer restraining ones social activ-
ities to the town centre. The sound of time (Schafer PP. 56 & 56, 1994) with regards to the
collective clock of the town centre is missing. This also breaks the ties with the past and
breaks the clockwork of the society dancing around the rhythmical pulses of the town clock
and the indicating church bells.
The sounds described by PT3 were unclear which means that the perception of the out-
door soundscape was only perceived from indoors. It is a muffled soundscape. The outside
world is kept outside. The inside world becomes a haven, a point where the life of an indi-
52
vidual or family proceeds from and returns to on a daily basis. It is the centre piece, the ful-
crum of their existence (Labelle PP.49 & 50, 2010). The unclear soundscape is still a detail for
PT3 pertains to the information that the soundscape relates. The soundscape is a practical
detail, a measurement of the outside world and its broader dimensions.
Valletta is different to the other towns that have been studied. Traditionally Valletta is
considered to be focal point of activity on the island (Malta Structure Plan, P.62, 1990). Dur-
ing the day it buzzes with the sound of people on the streets. Valletta is a World Heritage City
(Grand Harbour Local Plan, P.3, 2002). It is a living museum since a lot of the old buildings
still adorn the cities visage and it is also a functioning place as it still carries out its role as
the administrative fulcrum.
It has always been a European City housing the many different nations of the Knights of
the order of St John in their different Auberges. Like the home of the person who lives in the
suburb whose home is centre point, Valletta reflects the same dimensions to the people of
Malta. It is the place where Maltese come together in national events, concerts and activities
related to Maltese identity.
Ironically, this busy and bustling city becomes quiet at night. It is only over the past few
years that night time activity is starting to pick up and is being encouraged. This is such
a change compared to the past where Valletta was even alive at night. During the Second
World War Valletta was badly bombarded and many people left the city. Its population con-
tinued to decrease after the war, by 1967 the population of Valletta went down by more than
a third (Malta Structure Plan, P.46, 1990). In 2011 the population of the city is now approxi-
mately 5,700 whereas in 1901 the population was around 22, 800 (National Statistics Office
Malta, 2011). This decrease in population has also brought about the decrease in social activ-
ity at night because few people are living in the city.
There is also the problem that the residents of Valletta have now become accustomed to
having a quiet city at night and are resisting the new music and social activities that are be-
ing hosted in the city at night. PT1 spoke about the number of events that have been stopped
by the police because of local residents complaining about the noise. PT1 specified how local
people didnt complain about the noise of brass bands parading in the streets whenever there
was one feast or another in the different parts of the city. They never complained about the
exaggerated noise of fireworks. They hardly ever complained when Valletta city football club
celebrated a football win and stayed up until 3am singing and dancing in the streets. Yet
whenever there is a Jazz or a Rock band playing or some other form of live performance then
the residents are up in arms. This reflects the fact that the residents are very much tied to
53
their traditional sounds or their cultural identity sounds in the case of the football club. Any
sounds which do not belong within the soundscape of Valletta are considered to be noise!
The local council, according to PT1, is looking into forming some kind of sound policy
for the city that will allow and tolerate musical activities in certain parts of the place until
certain times of the night without being hindered by police stopping the activity. The revival
of the city at night has been a case of concern for many years and now that something is
being done in order to arrange this situation there is much resistance and hostility towards
such changes.
Another problem with Valletta is that the city lacks open spaces (Grand Harbour Local
Plan, 2002) and they are not potentially utilised. The idea of having a central town square in
Valletta does not apply. St. Georges Square might be considered to be a main square. This
square was renovated some years ago and was no longer used as a car park. A musical foun-
tain was installed in this square and now people can enjoy the benefits of a wide open space.
Malta has the highest per capita car ownership levels in the EU. It amounts to 3 or more
cars per household, equivalent to 19.4% (Transport Malta, 2013). Initiatives such as Cityhush
(http://www.cityhush.org) which is all about creating areas which only allow vehicles of low
noise emissions to enter these designated areas. Hosannah (http://www.greener-cities.eu)
is a holistic and sustainable abatement of noise optimizing both natural and artificial means.
Its main aim is to reduce road and rail traffic noise in the outdoor environment. There is no
railway system in Malta. These are just two current research programs in relation to traffic
noise control that are being carried out by the EU and taken from the EEA technical report
No4/2014 on the good practice guide on quiet areas.
Malta is currently trying to arrange its public transport services. Hybrid buses would be
worth considering. When running on electric engine these buses would be quieter. Apart
from changing the buses it would be worth considering a change in the design of bus stop
shelters. Instead of glass, Perspex can be used. It is often used in recording studios in order
to create a barrier around drum kits. The positioning of how people are sat down in a shelter
can also act as an absorption technique.
The planting of certain trees, the use of certain plants and even the use of barriers can
actually be introduced in order to reduce noise from these main roads. Effective sound bar-
riers have to be made out of non porous material and having a minimum density of about
20Kg/m2 (4 lb/ ft2). Materials used would include pre-cast concrete, steel, composition
boards and wood (Paige, n.d.).
Products like Acoustifence (http://www.acoustiblok.com/acoustical_fence.php) actu-
ally vibrate at frequencies ranging from 50Hz and below which turns the sound energy into
54
mechanical movement and internal friction energy. Mounds of land can be created in order
to absorb traffic noise and at the same time have a pleasing appearance.
In the narrower streets of Maltese localities other techniques of sound deflection can be
put into effect. The angle of shop shutters can be slightly diagonal in order to push sound
upwards away from the street. This can also be done with windows, balconies and shutters.
Irregular surfaces can be integrated into design and aesthetically pleasing diffusers can be
made and placed on walls.
In the case of traffic noise in wider areas like town squares or public open spaces water
fountains are effective for reducing traffic sound and the sound of water is a positive quality.
Gentle water sounds of low frequency content and low flow rates that sound like natural
streams are the most preferred (Galbrun & Ali, 2012). Fountains can also be aesthetic pleas-
ing. Local councils might even want to consider reducing the speed limit in town squares
and in roads leading to it. This will not only reduce sound levels of traffic but will also be a
safety measure that will protect the people using the town square. Street furniture, plants
and outdoor barriers can be used in order to absorb or diffuse sound.
Tree planting and the introduction of various plants could also encourage birds to flock
in the town centres creating a particular sound field of bird song. It would be especially
encouraging to use bird boxes in order to attract local bird life. Birds such as the Blue Rock
Thrush, known in Maltese as Il Merill which is the national bird of Malta is a cavity nester
and so bird boxes are more practical at attracting such birds. There is an extensive list of
birds that have been recorded in Malta, where about 392 species of birds have been recorded
(http://www.birdinginmalta.com/birdspecies.htm).
The installation of certain sculptures (not sound sculptures) can also be used in order to
absorb or diffuse sound.
The town square can be tuned in a particular way in order to give it a particular sound
signature and it is with these above mentioned techniques that this can be achieved. There
is also the option of using soundscape recordings in order to create a particular ambience or
sense of place. In a study conducted by Turner & McGregor et al, (2003) it was proven how a
sense of place can be favourably replicated when they reconstructed the sound of a comput-
er centre elsewhere and obtained positive results. It would be interesting to create intimate
sub spaces within the public space (Hellstrom et al. 2008), to create a particular ambiance
which immerses people into a soundscape consisting of sounds of nature for example. This
would be more enhanced if visual cues, related to the soundscape, are introduced within the
space since visual stimulus makes auditory perception more credible (Marry, 2011).
55
Local Culture Authorities and local councils could help fund Sound Sculptures. Sound
Sculptures and overall enhancement of worn down areas could be utilised in alley ways too.
In the Tongsul Alley in Odong-dong in Masan Happo district, Changwon City Korea has been
turned into a Sound Alley. Walls were painted, paving was replaced, lighting was enhanced
and sensors were installed so that when people enter the alley they trigger off popular Ko-
rean songs (The Changwon Times, December 2013). These initiatives act as a platform for
artists.
In Urban areas the sound of Air Conditioning units has become common place in Malta
and this noise can easily be reduced by putting diffusers on them.
The tuning of a place is also something that needs to be taken into consideration by Ur-
ban Planners and architects, especially when planning whole areas for development. In or-
der to do this Urban Planners have to add another dimension to the measurement of sound
which is currently only being investigated by looking at maximum weighted noise levels.
The Urban Planner has to take a more holistic approach and has to study the human experi-
ence and perception of noise (Raimbault & Dubious, 2005). The semantic meaning of sounds
plays an important role in soundscape studies. The Urban Planner must also consider that
there are no practical solutions which comply with the varied preference towards noise for
all residents (De Ruiter P.32, 2005), sound tolerance is subjective. The difference between
sound and noise is emotional (Davies et al. 2012). The practise of planning and design is only
emphasising the visual aspect and is not taking the other senses into consideration espe-
cially with regards to sound (Hedfors, 2003). Cogger & Marshall (2013), Hall et al. (2011) and
Raimbault & Dubois (2005) all criticize the approach taken by Urban Planners to only tackle
the noise problem by applying noise abatement and by only measuring noise using the A
weighted Sound Pressure Level. This approach is too narrow. The semantic properties of
sound and how they are perceived by people is an essential ingredient in designing an area
with ecological sound tuning that will improve the quality of life of the people using that
area for whatever purposes. Education is essential and does not only appeal to Urban Plan-
ners and architects. The general public has to be taught about the way they listen to their
environment. That is why certain awareness campaigns have to be established. Sound walks
around towns, the country side and other places of interest are an effective way of making
people more aware of their sonic environment. Sonic Art, Sound Sculptures and workshops
about different sonic environments all help in making people more aware of the sound field
that they experience around them.
It would also be significant if traditional Maltese sounds are actually sponsored and pre-
served. Sponsorships would also be beneficial when it comes to fixing old church bells for
56
example. Sponsorship also helps in the case of re-enactment of historical periods of Maltese
history, for example, on a daily basis the re-enactment of the firing of the cannons at mid-
day in the Grand Harbour from the Upper Barrakka gardens in Valletta, which was a ritual
performed during the times of British colonial rule in Malta has now become commonplace.
5. Conclusion
From this pilot study a picture of the Maltese Soundscape is already starting to form. Infor-
mation obtained from the four participants, from the four different localities on Malta, sound
characteristics pertaining to the traditional and the modern are becoming more evident and
certain patterns are starting to show. It will be interesting to see how the results from fur-
ther studies on the Maltese Soundscape will evolve in the future.
References
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Architecture, (Cambridge: MIT Press, 2007) Plan 1990, (Valletta: Planning Services Divi-
Jonathan Stern, 186196, (New York: Rout- Malta Tourism Authority, Tourism in Malta,
Brandon Labelle, Acoustic Territories/ Sound Emily Thompson, The Soundscape of Moder-
Culture and Everyday Life, (New York: nity: Architectural Acoustics & the Culture
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bridge: MIT Press) 112. The Sound Studies Raimbault, Manon, and Danile Dubois. 2005.
Chattopadhyay, Budhaditya. 2012. Sonic Me- Planning Authority, 2002, Grand Harbour Local
nageries: Composing the Sound of Place. Plan, (Valletta: Planning Authority, 2002)
Organised Sound 17 (03) (January 11): 223229. European Environmental Agency, 2014, Good
Muller, J. 2012. The Sound of History and Practice Guide on Quiet Areas, (Copenhagen:
History Converge. Culture & Psychology 18 (4) Paige, Tom, and P Eng., last modified June 6,
Bjorn Hellstrom, 2002, The Sonic Identity of Acoustifence, last modified June 6, 2014 http://
nomusicology, Dep. Of Art, Literature and Galbrun, L, and T T Ali. 2012. Perceptual As-
Fransella, F., & Bannister, D. (1977). A manual for Noise Masking (April): 21532158.
repertory grid technique. New York: Academic Birding in Malta, last modified June 6, 2014,
Press. http://www.birdinginmalta.com/birdspecies.
Repertory Grids: comparing listeners and a Turner, Phil. McGregor, Iain. Turner, Susan.
designers experiences. In: P Turner, S Turn- Carroll, Fiona., 2003. Evaluating Sound-
Fransella, F., Bell, R., & Bannister, D. (2004). A Becker. 2008. Acoustic Design Artifacts and
Manual for Repertory Grid Technique (2nd Methods for Urban (July): 422429.
ed.). Chichester, UK: John Wiley & Sons. Marry, Solne. 2011. Assessment of Urban
K Torigoe, 2002, A city traced by soundscape Soundscapes. Organised Sound 16 (03) (No-
Finnish S
ociety , 2002) 54 The Chang Wong Times, 2013, Odong-dong
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(Changwon City: The Chang Wong Times, Hedfors, Per. 2003. Sonic Tools for Landscape
2013) Architecture.
Ruiter, E Ph J De. Urban Traffic Noise Impact Cogger, Rachel, and Nancy Marshall. 2013. Lis-
Zones as Brown Fields 84: 951958. ten Up Planners! (Cogger 2011): 110.
Davies, William J., Mags D. Adams, Neil S. Bruce, Hall, Deborah a., Amy Irwin, Mark Edmond-
Rebecca Cain, Angus Carlyle, Peter Cusack, son-Jones, Scott Phillips, and John E.W.
59
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Mostafa Refat
Mostafa_ismail@eng.asu.edu.eg
Department of Architecture Engineering, Faculty of Engineering,Ain Shams University, Cairo, Egypt
Yara Eissa
Yara.eissa@hotmail.com
The British University in Egypt, Cairo, Egypt
Abstract
An urban open public space represents the most complex element of any city, due to its
multitude of embedded sounds, and noises. Public spaces impose a great influence on peo-
ples comfort and consequently the general well being. During planning and design process,
Architects generally and especially in Egypt cast more attention to the visual aspects rath-
er than the sensual dimensions of public spaces. Since Cairo represents one of the most
overcrowded and largest capitals worldwide; its soundscape resembles the richest and most
diverse that could be experienced. Its importance is fueled up by the multitude of activities,
and the cultural demographic diversity. An analysis of the Cairo soundscape was conduct-
ed; a questionnaire targeting Cairene inhabitants was carried out revealing factors affecting
their soundscape and aural experience, as well as psychological and physical parameters
affecting the perceptual experience. The paper outlines a mitigation matrix and measures
that are not only physical but also related to the spiritual perception of the soundscape for
Cairene inhabitants.
60
1. Introduction
Life in the city can be a very stressful experience. Urban soundscape is one of many aspects
of a citys urban environment that affect the lives of citizens. The problem is, urban planners
and urban designers seldom take into consideration the aural aspect of a city planning and
design, which leads to the creation of uncomfortable urban open public spaces that hinder
the well-being of the inhabitants.
There are various factors that affect soundscape perception in urban settings. P. Jen-
nings and R. Cain defined four factors that affect soundscape perception, which are Activity,
carried out by the listener, Demographics, Time and Space (Jennings & Cain, 2012). These
four factors will be used for general guidance upon analyzing the case studies presented in
this paper. Moreover, D. Glass and J. Singer defined seven factors that effect soundscape
perception and the degree of annoyance caused by the heard soundscape. These factors are
(Glass & Singer, 1972):
Volume: sounds that are higher than 90dB psychologically disturbing (long-term ex-
posure might lead to hearing loss).
Predictability: sounds that have low predictability levels are frustrating.
Perceived Control: if a person feels that he/she can control a specific sound, it be-
comes less irritating.
Necessity: if a sound is perceived as unnecessary, annoyance level increases
Concern: annoyance is increases if a person believes that the people generating the
sound are not concerned about the well being of others.
Perceived Health Risks: the fear of the occurrence of damage to ones health due to
the generated noise increases annoyance.
Satisfaction: a general discontent with the neighborhood or place will increase noise
annoyance.
These seven factors are the base upon which a questionnaire study is built to assess the
Cairene soundscape quality and perception.
In an old metropolitan city like Cairo the soundscape problem has become increasingly
annoying and its negative effects on the lives of Cairenes have become prominent. Conse-
quently, a Soundwalk exercise and an online questionnaire have been carried out to assess
the quality and the degree of annoyance of the Cairene soundscape from the perspective of
Cairos residents, and to establish rules and mitigation strategies to enhance the soundscape
of the city.
61
2. Methodology and Analysis
The assessment of Cairos soundscape was carried out in two parts. First, a pilot case study,
which consists of a Soundwalk exercise, carried out by a group of 63 architecture students
in four major squares in Cairo. Second, an online questionnaire that assesses the Cairene
soundscape targeting the residents of Cairo.
62
Figure 2. Soundwalk Squares.
a) El-Tahrir b) El-Opera c) EL-Gomhoreya d) Talaat Harb
According to the results of the Soundwalk, the soundscapes in three of the four Squares
created a problem and hindered social activities. These three squares are El-Tahrir, Talaat
Harb and El-Opera, which, are very busy squares characterized by heavy traffic and mixed
use buildings.The only sound people can hear in three of the four Squares is noise, except in
El-Gomhoreya Square where it is quite. The term Overlapping Sounds was also expressed
several times. This clearly confirms that the setting of the soundscape is a low information
lo-fi setting (Wrightson, 2000) where the users experience of the space is hindered by its
soundscape except in El Gomhoreya Square. Upon reflecting on the land use types in each
square, it was found that:
El-Tahrir Square(Fig. 3.) is a vital highly mixed-use square where very large crowds of
pedestrians and vehicles navigate in and out of the square. The main buildings found
there are El Tahrir Complex which is a very important governmental building that
serves thousands of users daily and reached through underground transportation,
The League of Arab Countries Headquarters, hotels, the Egyptian Museum, the old
American University in Cairo Campus and some residential commercial building.
63
Figure 3. El-Tahrir Square Map.
Talaat Harb Square (fig. 4.) is also a vital highly mixed-use squares where there are
residential commercial buildings, hotels and motels, cafs, a library and a hospi-
tal. These buildings attract a lot of people in addition to those who merely navigate
through the square.
64
In El-Gomhoreya Square (fig. 5.) there are governmental buildings such as the Cai-
ro Governorate building, the Headquarters of the Presidential Guards which is an
Armed Forces institute, Abdeen Palace and Museum which is currently closed and
used as a governmental building, and mixed use residential commercial buildings
(Figure 3.6). As compared to the previous Squares, fewer uses are present in the
square yet they are important buildings and less traffic navigate through the square.
Moreover, the presence of public gardens in front of the Palace encourages people
and children to sit and play there and encourages social activities.
In El-Opera Square (Fig. 6.) there is a busy vertical parking building, an underground
metro station, mixed use residential commercial buildings, a sports club and a gar-
den. There is also an illegal microbus stop that causes high congestion. It is clear
that this square contains fewer uses than El Tahrir and Talaat Harb yet most of the
soundscape descriptions were Unbearable Loud Noise and Overlapping Sounds.
65
Figure 6. El-Opera Square Map.
There are various sounds that could be heard in each square as shown in figure 7. Upon
relating these sounds to the general description of the soundscape in each square it was
noticed that:
In the three Squares where Loud Noise and Unbearable Loud Noise are heard (El-
Tahrir, Talaat Harb and El-Opera), the most dominant sounds are Traffic and Car
Horns.
Upon Comparing Traffic and Car Horns in El Tahrir, Talaat Harb and El-Opera
Squares, it is found that in El-Tahrir and Talaat Harb Squares Traffic is mentioned
more than Car Horns where the opposite is found in El-Opera Square. This differ-
ence could be related to the different urban designs of the Squares where El-Tahrir
and Talaat Harb are radial squares where traffic flow is easier while El Opera is a
square shaped square where traffic does not flow as smooth as in a radial squares
(Please refer to figures 3, 4 and 6).
If the presence of Loud people, Children and Crowds in El-Tahrir, Talaat Harb and
El-Gomhoreya Squares is compared, it is noticed that in El-Tahrir and Talaat Harb
it causes annoyance and in El-Gomhoreya it does not. This shows that the type of
activity of the people present in the space affect the degree of annoyance. To make
66
it more clear, the types of activity in El-Tahrir and Talaat Harb would be people yell-
ing over each other, people engaging in fights or people talking loudly so they could
hear one another, while in El-Gomhoreya it would be people chatting while sitting in
gardens and children running and playing.
In El Opera Square the most mentioned sound is public transportation drivers due
to the presence of an illegal microbus stop.
Upon being asked about the sounds they like, the most mentioned sound were either
natural sounds such as birds, wind and trees or religious sounds such as the call for Islamic
prayer (Azan) or the sounds of peoples presence. However, some respondents did not find
any sounds that they liked and responded by None,which shows that as noise levels and
sound sources increase and overlap, the sounds of nature are masked and lost (Fig. 8.).
67
Figure 8. The liked sounds in each square.
The participants were asked about the sounds they dislike which were almost the same
in all squares with minor differences (Fig. 9.). The most mentioned sounds in this exercise
were employed in the second part of the assessment, which is the questionnaire design.
68
The results of the Soundscape exercise show the eclectic, noisy nature of the Cairene
soundscape due to the presence of various overlapping sound sources with different sound
levels. It is also found that the soundscapes in El Tahrir, Talaat Harb and El Opera Squares,
create problems, hinder social activities and social communication and negatively affect the
public health. Upon reflecting on the activities and sound sources found in each of these
three squares it is found that they share similar descriptions, sound sources and activities.
The soundscape in each of the three squares is described as Loud Noise or Unbearable
Loud Noise. Traffic is a dominant characteristic of the three squares with a significant rise
in the sound of Car Horns in El Opera Square and in People and Crowds in El Tahrir Square.
The most disliked sounds in the three squares are Car Horns, Traffic and Congestion and
Street Vendors. El Opera Square has an exceptionally unacceptable soundscape if compared
to El Tahrir and Talaat Harb Squares as participants were not able to hear each other, felt
the urge to leave and would not want to go for a walk in this Square again. This result could
be justified by the presence of an illegal microbus stop in El Opera Square, which causes
unbearable noise and traffic congestion, the presence of a crowded vertical parking building
and the rectangular shape of the Square. These results show that the most annoying sounds
are either mechanical sounds of traffic and car horns or remarkably high sounds caused by
crowds, street vendors or public transportation drivers.
The only acceptable soundscape was found in El Gomhoreya Square. The soundscape
was described as being Quite and Relatively Quite and the most dominant sounds were of
People, Children and Crowds. The participants enjoyed walking through this square as they
felt Relaxed and Calm. Upon comparing the presence of people and crowds in El Tahrir and
El Gomhoreya Squares, it was found that in El Tahrir Square Peoples presence is annoying
due to their loudness while it is calming in El Gomhoreya because people present there are
enjoying their time in the gardens present in the Square. This result shows that different
activities caused by people have different impacts on the soundscape generated. Moreover,
the absence of traffic congestion in El Gomhoreya Square is and important feature of the
Squares soundscape. Upon comparing the shape of the squares, it is found that El Gom-
horeya Square and El Opera Square are both rectangular shaped squares yet both Squares
have entirely different soundscapes. This difference could be traced back to the difference
in traffic densities in both squares.
The participants were asked to give solutions for the soundscape problem and the most
significant answers were better traffic regulation to avoid traffic congestion, enforcing laws
on the use of car horns and noise generation above the acceptable limit and providing park-
ing spaces. A significant number of participants suggested the dedication of a special place
69
for street vendors to stop them from wandering the streets and controlling the use of mi-
crobuses in the capital. Moreover, participants believe that awareness campaigns should be
done to raise awareness about the negative effects of noise on the citizens of Cairo.
70
describes the soundscape as noisy and continuous yet remarkable, which shows that the
Cairene soundscape has a certain identity, which is a positive aspect. However, it is a nega-
tive identity as it affects its inhabitants negatively. Answer number 3 describes the sound-
scape as being noisy and chaotic yet fun, which shows that the diversity of sounds is exciting
from the point of view of some people.
Upon being asked about the liked and disliked sounds in Cairos streets and squares
the results were similar to that of the Soundwalk exercise with minor differences and new
sounds were mentioned. The results of the liked and disliked sounds are illustrated in figure
10.
Figure 10. Liked and Annoying Sounds on Cairos streets and squares.
71
The respondents were asked to name the streets and squares that they find noisy and
others that they find quite in Cairo. In the question of noisy streets and squares several
streets and squares were mentioned and are illustrated in table 2.
Street/Square Name District Street Width (m)/ Square Design Number of Lanes
According to the information in table 2, two of the four squares are radial while two take
the shape of a quadrilateral. Which shows that the shape of the square might not affect the
intensity of noise if the squares have high traffic densities. Most of these squares are close
to 6th of October Bridge or other main vital streets. Most of the mentioned streets are large
streets with high traffic density except for Sudan Street, which is only 16 meters wide how-
ever it has a high traffic density. As for the quite streets and squares, respondents mentioned
certain districts and new cities far away from Cairo where most of the streets and squares
are quite, districts such as Zamalek and Maadi and new cities such as New Cairo and 6th of
October city.Maadi is a district located east of the River Nile. The most dominant land uses
are residential, commercial and leisure. The urban planning shape is a mix between radial
and grid systems. Zamalek is an island in the middle of the River Nile. The most dominant
land uses are residential, commercial, leisure and Embassies. The urban planning shape is an
irregular grid system. Moreover, secondary streets in general are perceived as quite streets.
One of the respondents answer was All of Cairo late at night or very early in the morning
which are the times of day when there is no or very few traffic and very few people are pres-
ent on the streets and squares. Another answer was Any street without commercial activity
or pure residential zone, which shows that a mixed-use area can be a very noisy area. How-
ever, mixed-use zones are known to give a feeling of safety to inhabitants.
72
In part 3 of the questionnaire seven different sounds that are found in the streets and
squares of Cairo were assessed based on the seven factors that affect perception of annoy-
ance of sounds discussed previously in the introduction(Glass & Singer, 1972). The seven
sounds were chosen based on the results of the Soundwalk exercise and are: Car horns, Traf-
fic, Street vendors, Loud people and crowds, Motorbikes, Construction/Renovation works
and Microbus drivers. The data will be analyzed in two different ways. First, the total number
of counts of each factor will be compared to the total number of counts of the seven factors.
Second, each sound will be assessed based on the number of counts it scored for each factor
of annoyance.
Table 3. Number of counts for each factor compared to the total number counts.
According to the data in table 3 and figure 11, all seven factors contribute to the general
annoyance of negative sounds occurring in Cairos soundscape. However the highest con-
tributing factors are volume and concern, which might indicate a problem in the sound
level control in the streets and squares and a behavioral problem as people are not con-
cerned with the public welfare. While the lowest contributing factors are predictability and
perceived health risks which might shows that the soundscape has been a problem for quite
a long time that it became part of the city experience, Cairenes got used to it and they no
longer think of it as a threat to their health or well being. Moreover, necessity and perceived
control scored equal number of counts, which might show that respondents believe that the
assessed negative sounds are unnecessary yet they do not have the ability to control them
which increases the level of annoyance.
73
Figure 11. Number of counts for each factor.
Upon comparing the results of the scores of each annoying sound (Fig. 12.) it was noticed
that some of the sounds have similar graph shapes. The graphs of Loud People and Crowds,
Street Vendors and Microbus Drivers share similar topologies where there is a significant
drop in the factor of Perceived Health Risks and a rise in the factor of Concern. The simi-
larity between the three sounds could be related to the presence of the human factor. This
might show that respondents believe that human sounds do not affect their health negatively
and the main factor of annoyance is the unconcern of the individuals creating these sounds.
A noticeable similarity was found between the graphs of Car Horns, Motorbikes and
Microbus Drivers. The similarity could be related to the presence of the mechanical factor
in the generated sounds. The highest factors in all three sounds are Volume and Concern,
which shows the unconcern of the users of these vehicles and appliances in regards to the
volume of the sound generated and the public well being. A similar drop in the score of the
factors of Perceived Health Risks and Satisfaction, which might show that respondents
believe that the perceived health risks of the generated sounds are not the main cause of
annoyance neither is the general satisfaction of the community. The similarity between the
graphs of Motorbikes and Microbus Drivers is also visible in the score of the factors of
Predictability, Perceived Control and Necessity. A connection could be made between the
factors of Predictability and Necessity as respondents may believe that the sound is unpre-
dictable due to its unnecessity. As for the factor of Perceived Control, respondents believe
74
that the sounds are annoying since they do not have the power to control them, which might
show a problem in the enforcement of laws.
Figure 12. Comparison between the scores of the seven annoying sounds.
75
The results of part 4 show that 95% of respondents believe that Cairos soundscape is
a problem. 78% have thought about the soundscape problem before answering the ques-
tionnaire, which might show that the soundscape problem is noticeably affecting the lives
of Cairenes. 76% believe that Cairenes are unaware of the high noise levels and the negative
effects of the soundscape they are generating on their lives and the general public welfare.
50% of respondents would not go for a walk in Cairos streets and squares while 35% would,
both for various reasons illustrated in table 4.
Table 4. Reasons for going/not going for a walk in Cairos Streets and Squares.
Yes No
Got used to the Cairene Environment / There is no other Uninviting atmosphere / Uninteresting / Not a good
place to go. experience.
Late at night or very early in the morning. Too noisy / Unbearably disturbing / Stressful.
The reasons for walking in Cairos streets and squares, stated in table 4, show that people
would go for a walk in the streets for different reasons (shopping or enjoying the Cairene en-
vironment), during certain period of the day (late at night or very early in the morning) and in
specific places (Zamalek or inside compounds / Secondary streets). Which shows that there
are various restrictions on walking in the streets of the capital. Other people got used to the
Cairene environment and are not bothered by it anymore while others have no option but
to walk through the streets and squares. On the contrary, other respondents would never
go for a walk in Cairos streets and square due to the pollution, the social behavior of some
Cairenes, the absence of adequate streetscape and the feeling of being unsafe which is a new
characteristic of Cairos streets introduced in the year 2010 after the revolution.
The respondents were asked to suggest solutions for the soundscape problem in Cairo
and the results are illustrated in figure 13. The main two solutions suggested by the re-
spondents are enforcing laws, regulations and punishment and Awareness campaigns, which
shows a defect in the enforcement of laws and punishment and a lack of awareness among
Cairenes regarding soundscape and its effect on human beings.
76
Figure 13. Solutions for the soundscape problem.
3. Conclusion
There are different factors that contribute to the soundscape problem however; the sound-
scape problem in Cairo is the result of other bigger problems that require solving so that
the Cairene soundscape can be enhanced. According to the analysis of the case studies, the
soundscape problem is a socio-cultural behavioral problem that requires active solutions
and awareness campaigns that target different social levels in the community. Furthermore,
a traffic problem also contributes to the soundscape problem, as traffic congestion is a sig-
nificant problem in Cairo that needs to be solved. Moreover, the lack of law enforcement and
governmental control on traffic and behavior of drivers in streets and squares are major con-
tributors to the soundscape problem. Consequently solutions for the previously discussed
problems are as follows:
For the high traffic densities and congestion problem the following solutions are
suggested:
77
1. Better public transportation quality and connectivity.
2. Decrease the population of Cairo through new desert settlements.
3. Decentralization of Governmental authorities. i.e. having other branches all over
the country not just in the capital.
4. Enforcement of laws, regulations and punishment.
5. Changing activity distribution in noisy districts such as Downtown.
6. Respecting pedestrians by providing adequate streetscape.
For the Socio-cultural behaviour problem awareness campaigns targeting different
social levels regarding soundscape and its effect on the public welfare are suggested.
For the poor soundscape quality the following solutions are suggested:
7. More green urban public spaces in the city
8. More pedestrian areas and plazas.
The perception of annoyance of urban soundscape is an essential aspect in urban sound-
scape design.Upon comparing the shapes of the graphs of the assessment of the seven an-
noying sounds using the factors that affect perception of annoyance, it was noticed that
some sounds have similar shapes such as Loud People and Crowds and Street Vendors.
This similarity might be a result of the presence of the human factor in the generated sound.
Moreover, a similarity was noticed in the graphs of Car Horns, Motorbikes and Microbus
Drivers, which might be a result of the presence of the mechanical factor in the generated
sounds. Soundscape designers in collaboration withUrban designer should focus on the fac-
tors the affect perception of annoyance of the soundscape as well as the different aspects
of the sounds present in the urban soundscape such as human aspects, natural aspects and
mechanical aspects of sounds. Based on the analysis, the presence of the natural aspect in
the generated sounds is the most preferable while the presence of the mechanical aspect is
the least preferable.
For further research it is recommended to study the urban planning and roads network
of Cairo to try and find a more effective solution for the traffic problem. Furthermore, stud-
ies could be carried out on the soundscape quality inside Cairos urban parks and gardens to
investigate the acceptability of the soundscape. Moreover, comparative Soundwalk exercis-
es could be carried out in different districts in Cairo that have different soundscape qualities
and composition such as Zamalek, Maadi, Nasr City and Mohandeseen. Additionally, deeper
analysis of the aspects of annoying urban sounds could be carried out to reach a mitigation
technique to decrease annoyance.
78
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lation reaches 91 million, grows 18 per cent in Public Space: Indicators of Noise Tolerance in
eight years. Ahram Online . the City of Rio de Janerio. National Meeting
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levels, restrictions and annoyance in Greater 786). Curitiba: National Meeting of Comfort in
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Blesser, B., & Salter, L. R. (2007). Spaces speak, ronment, 407, 61436149.
are you listening? Cambridge: The MIT press. Said, N. G. (2014, January 27). Cairo behind the
Glass, D. C., & Singer, J. E. (1972). Urban stress: gates: studying the sensory configuration of
Griger, J. (2009, September 01). Acoustic Environment and The Tuning of the World.
Loreta Square in Prague. The Urban People , Schafer, R. M. (1977). The Tuning of the World.
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thecanadianencyclopedia.com/en/article/
world-soundscape-project/
80
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Abstract
(City)-Noise is a project that critically studies the anti-noise regulations of various cities. To
do so, it examines the press attention given to this issue and also noise maps and the regu-
lations designed to control acoustic pollution; it then analyses this data in texts or reading
groups.
Noise in the context of acoustic pollution is considered refuse and so, with the excuse
of auditory health and urban planning, governments tend to eliminate specific sources of
sound that interfere with the citys productive activity.
This project has attempted to analyse, through texts, workshops and sound walks, the
ideology lying behind these measures and the social models that they represent. In this case
the results of research conducted in Madrid and Donostia (San Sebastian) will be presented.
The presentation consists of a brief description of the theoretical foundations on which the
project is based, followed by some of the findings of the two projects.
81
The thing that is impeding Europes growth is that airports are locked up from
11 oclock at night to 5.30 in the morning, which is a very, very critical time for
east-west transfer. People [in Qatar] are not making as much fuss about noise
as they are in Europe.
Noise is prior to and larger than politics and the economy. Cities, as a driving force in the
economy, are essentially noisy. Our day-to-day activity, organised into different timetables
and zones, creates noise. The society in which we live, based on industrialization, is mechan-
ical noise. Everything produces noise, including using public transportation, going into a
building with air-conditioning, driving, listening to music or throwing out a rubbish bag that
will be collected by a noisy lorry at a time of day incomprehensible to most.2
Although we can make decisions to produce less noise, by riding a bike, for example, the
very fact of living in a city creates noise out of our control, such as the lorry that drops off
the fruit at the shop or supermarket where we do our shopping, even if that shop sells or-
ganically-grown produce. And if we think on a global scale, it is quite likely that somewhere
in China or Taiwan, the production of the computer keys we are typing on, or the parts of
the light bulb that illuminates our book in a silent library, have produced terrible mining and
industrial noises. Noise is a political and economic sound; it is intrinsically related to the
value of things.
However, although living as we do involves noise, not all social strata are exposed to it
in the same way. In fact, it is safe to say that depending on our social class and our position
in this economic system, we will perceive the sounds we hear in different ways and even
be able to choose which sounds we hear. This was true of the urban acoustic muddle even
before the arrival of the industrial noise featured in the studies done by Murray Sachfer and
Karin Bijsterveld, at the theoretical level, and in the fascination shown by Luigi Russolo and
Walter Ruttmann, at the artistic level.
There are some studies that speak of different pre-industrial acoustic contexts distrib-
uted according to social class. One example is the study on the Aragonese town called Jaca,
in Sound and urban life in a small Spanish town during the Ancient Regime, which shows that
1.Heathrow board member says locals enjoy excessive freedom over noise. Gwyn Topham.
http://www.theguardian.com/business/2014/may/19/heathrow-board-member-airport-operate-24-hours.
Date viewed: May 23, 2014.
2.The artist Mikel R. Nieto has been recording rubbish collection vehicles for years.
http://www.soinumapa.net/?s=basura&submit=Bilatu&lang=es.
82
the town was divided into two parts that were separated by the main street, Calle Mayor.
On one side lived the clergy and the nobility with the sound of processions and celebra-
tions and on the other side lived the rest of the population, amidst plagues and filth.3 Other
examples can be found in the section Escritos al odo of the Mapa de Sonidos de Pas Vasco,
especially Donostia Basque dissonance (1761), which describes the language in terms of its
sounds contrary to the commercial flow.4
Another notable example is the one that studies the meaning of quiet in the British
context, in the chapter Infernal Din, Heavenly Tunes: Repertoires of Dramatizing Sound in
the book by Karin Bijsterveld Mechanical Sound. And finally, the chapter Ethical Volumes of
Silence and Noise, in Brandon Labelles book Acoustic Territories, which discusses the sound
of the other.
Mechanical noise is not a new noise, it is the sound of work and it changes as the pace
and techniques of work change. This rather obvious remark can be applied to transport
and leisure, to understand the problem in a different light. The iron carriage wheels of days
gone by are the reaction engine of the planes at Heathrow, while the street musicians that
bothered Charles Babbage are our cities nightclubs. The question, therefore, is the position
taken by the person listening as opposed to the person enjoying or suffering the noise. The
undesirableness of noise tends to be its social context. More than an auditory annoyance,
noise causes alterations in the patterns of production and rest. This is, it disturbs the pro-
ductive patterns governing a city that is run to create profits.
In this presentation we put forward the findings of two very specific cases that clearly
show how measures against acoustic pollution are actually used for different purposes. This,
rather than universally describing noise as an anti-productive force, demonstrates that it,
as an inextricable part of the social realm, can generate or shape political and economic
relations.
3.MARN Miguel Angel Sound and urban life in a small Spanish town during the Ancient Regime, Urban History, 29:1
(2002), 4859. http://www.campusvirtual.unirioja.es/titulaciones/musica/fotos/felipeV_Marin.pdf
4.San Sebastin en 1761 Joaqun de Ordoez (??-1769), Alfredo Laffite http://www.soinumapa.net/marker/
donostia-euskararen-disonantziak/?lang=en Date viewed May 27, 2014
83
1. Madrid noise
Madrid is characterised by abusive neoliberal urban planning. Within this context, regulat-
ing acoustic pollution has been a very relevant issue. Madrid-Noise has conducted a critical
study on how regulations against acoustic pollution are being used by the City Council of
Madrid.5 In the study, the noise measurements taken as part of the 2008 Strategic Noise Map
were analysed and compared with the measurements taken for the Special Acoustic Protec-
tion Areas map, of 2012.
5.The report on this investigation has taken various forms: as text in the catalogue of the exhibition ARTe SO-
Noro (p 63), at La Casa Encendida in Madrid; as a sound walk at the festival Volumen!, also at La Casa Encendida
in Madrid; as a series of posts in the blog The Ratzinger Times; and as a presentation in the seminar Espacios
Audiovisuales, at Universidad Autnoma de Madrid.
84
The Strategic Noise Map was drawn up in compliance with an EU ordinance issued in
2002. The Special Acoustic Protection Areas map is part of a City Council plan to control
areas with high levels of nightlife. A comparison of the two reveals that the noisiest areas
according to each map are not the same.
For example, the neighbourhood of Lavapis, which falls under the Special Acoustic Pro-
tection Plan, is the area with the most complaints concerning traffic and neighbours. The
handling of such issues would involve major architectural and urban planning changes.6 In
December of 2013, as part of the festival Volumen!7, a sound walk took place, comparing the
readings made for the aforementioned maps. It became evident that the acoustic space per-
ceived during the walk did not coincide with the readings cited in these maps.
6.CASCALLANA, Jara. Estudio de rehabilitacin acstica de los edificios del barrio de Lavapis. Masters Thesis.
E.U.I.T. Telecomunicacin (UPM) http://oa.upm.es/21506/1/TESIS_MASTER_JARA_CASCALLANA_OLMEDILLA.pdf
Date viewed: May 27, 2014
7.Volumen! At La Casa Encendida, in Madrid https://www.lacasaencendida.es/sites/default/files/docp_festi-
val_volumen_2013.pdf Date viewed: May 26, 2014
85
The hypothesis developed during the project is that the citys manoeuvres in relation to
acoustic pollution are not a reflection of its concern about environmental or social issues,
but rather of other interests.
First, the gentrification process that the city council of Madrid has been fomenting
consistently since 2008, which includes closing down leisure establishments, rais-
86
ing property prices and transforming the city centre for tourism purposes, with the
construction of luxury hotels.
The second is the effort to centralise leisure activities in venues operated by the
City Council. This manoeuvre became tragic when five persons died at a massive
event held in one of these venues. A lawsuit was brought in relation to the deaths,
and among the accused parties was the Councillor in charge of the public company
that managed the venue, who also happens to be in charge of drawing up the Special
Acoustic Protection Areas map.
These two details indicate that measures against noise pollution are in fact used for pur-
poses more related to business, and to illegitimate and corrupt use of public space.
2. Donostia noise
In Donostia (San Sebastian) leisure activities and tourism are a significant driving force for
the economy. The way the Donostia City Council treats this matter is practically the oppo-
site of the one seen in Madrid, and a comparison of the two allows some very interesting
conclusions to be drawn. The noise produced by leisure activity is sometimes ignored and
the citys noise map does not give adequate consideration to this type of noise. Donostias
noise map was drawn up in compliance with the 2008 EU ordinance and it mainly reflects
the noise of traffic. However, since the measurements are taken from a car, the map does not
reflect the true acoustic situation, nor the complaints lodged by the main anti-noise associ-
ations, because the neighbourhoods with leisure establishments are mostly pedestrian. The
areas with the most complaints are the area surrounding Monte Igueldo and the Old Town
(Casco Viejo).
87
The Donostia-Noise project, like its counterpart in Madrid, arose out of an interest in
analysing environmental regulations and the policies put in place to control noise in this
city. The methodology used in the analysis consisted of a working group that primarily car-
ried out two activities. One of the activities was a reading group that examined some sound
studies with a view to critically re-interpreting the soundscape and to sharing information
sources related to noise, architecture and urban planning.
88
Also, a series of outings took place, news clippings were collected and a podcast was
distributed. Finally, the study attempted to draw conclusions about the two areas mentioned
above. Although both areas are the object of complaints about leisure-related noise, the
reasons that their respective numbers are greater than those of the rest of the city are very
different.
The Old Town has a lot of complaints that go without response because, since the
streets in this neighbourhood are pedestrianised, the map is not in effect and there-
fore many of the acoustic pollution rules cannot be applied. In Donostia, to request
an official measurement of decibels, which is required before a complaint can be
lodged, costs the requesting party money after the third time. Since the income
levels in this neighbourhood are not very high, the neighbours often end up moving
away and the problem continues just as before.
The other area with problems, the area around Monte Igueldo, is a highly sought-after
neighbourhood with many high-income residents. The complaints revolve around a
club where wedding celebrations take place, in which the noise generated blocks the
sound of waves, considered a common good. In contrast with the Old Town, the res-
idents of this quarter can afford to keep paying for the official measurements, as part
of their effort to have the celebration venue closed down and thus recover the sound
89
of the sea. Although in this neighbourhood there is less noise, many more complaints
are lodged, although the problem persists in both areas.
The experience of Donostia Noise also pointed out suspicious relationships between
property prices, money and noise. Like in the examples cited at the beginning, it is clear that
peace and quiet is a luxury that certain social classes are in a better position to demand.
Noise is knowledge, but it obliges us to do politics from a position of dissent. Noise tells us
about our customs and our defects. In this specific case it tells us about a classist social sys-
tem in which laws can be used to make a profit or pursue other corrupt aims.
Noise, before the arrival of technologies for measuring and recording sound, was un-
derstood to be an emanation, like diaphanous music or a dreadful din. The poor sections of
ancient cities were inundated with the noise caused by metalworkers and with the stench
emanating from tanning activities. In response to this situation, such activities were taken to
the outskirts of the city. The industrial areas of 19th and 20th century cities, where workers
90
lived, also shared noxious air, water and acoustic space. Today cities in Taiwan and China,
where most of our consumer goods are manufactured, have very high noise levels.8 If we
think about this example in the context of todays global economy, the tactics used to solve
the noise problem are the same; moving it to areas where the consumers and upper classes,
in this case us, cannot hear it. It has already been said that the limits of the city (Polis) is
where the screams for help can no longer be heard.9
What noises are we responsible for? Can we imagine an acoustic space not governed by
authoritarian and productivity-based economic patterns? What would allow these spaces
to evade their purposes? A good example can be found in street musicians. What economic
model do they represent with respect to the worldwide music industry?
Acoustic space, when all is said and done, is a space of relationships. The rules and reg-
ulations analysed in this project contemplate a hearervictim, and a noisemakercriminal.
This leads to policies that are focused on policing and are therefore ineffective in matters of
this nature. Is it really reasonable to expect that all unwanted sounds will be controlled and
managed by government agencies?
To solve this problem what is needed are active listeners, who, as they acquire aware-
ness of themselves, become responsible for the noise they generate. This is not far from the
educational programs promoted by some governments. However, a better listening culture
would not focus solely on producing less noise. It would also understand that some of the
sounds produced by others are necessary, and that other sounds, for example a large part of
the sounds and objects derived from production and consumption, are unnecessary.
91
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Seckin Basturk
basturk@soundimensions.eu
Soundimensions SC., Seville, Spain
Abstract
Technical noise information, conventionally communicated through noise maps and num-
bers, is far away of depicting complex sonic environments and not comprehensible for gen-
eral public. For this reason, in noise action planning, the dialogue between the stakeholders
usually faces difficulties and the public information and participation process fails.
This paper introduces an innovative approach to enhance public information and partic-
ipation processes in noise action planning. This approach employs virtual reality technology
in order to enable public listen and see a priori the results of proposed corrective measures
in noise action plans. In this way, the public can comprehend the results in an intuitive man-
ner and generate own opinion on the issue without any requirement of technical acoustics
knowledge. The utility of the proposed method is evaluated by its application on a case study
(Plutarco Av. Noise Action Plan-Malaga/Spain) which deals with noise from places of enter-
tainment and agglomeration of people.
Keywords: noise action planning, public participation, virtual reality, noise from entertain-
ment venues
92
1. Introduction
In last decades, the scientific society has seen the gap between individuals experiences and
the actions taken (in a conventional manner) to improve acoustic quality of environments.
Conventional methods and actions taken were successful to a certain extent, especially re-
garding higher levels of noise exposure conditions (so-called black areas), but do not offer
consistent solutions for relatively lower levels of noise exposure (so-called grey areas that
are characterized with 55-65 dBA). In these areas, noise exposure is assumed to be accept-
able and not harmful for individuals health. However it can still cause serious annoyance
that plays an important role affecting the overall well-being and quality of life of the exposed
population.
In this context, in the last decade, soundscape theory (Schafer 1977)has been revisited by
the scientific society and practitioners in order to fill this mentioned gap and achieve suc-
cessful noise action plans(Brown 2007; Kang 2007; Botteldooren et al. 2008). These efforts
trigged a paradigm shift in our understanding of noise control. Today, it is widely accepted
that noise control engineering and soundscape concept are complementary approaches to
achieve a better acoustic environment. As a matter of course, the toolbox of noise action
planning practice has been enriched with techniques like soundwalks, narrative interviews,
listening tests, etc. that deal with full spectrum of human experience(Adams et al. 2008;
Fiebig et al. 2010; Schulte-Fortkamp 2010).
Beside the technical benefits, the use of such tools in noise action planning is also ad-
vantageous to enhance collaboration between different stakeholders and to achieve a more
democratic governing practice. The involvement of stakeholders in decision making process
enables a better understanding of users needs and expectations, and also helps to build trust,
increase user satisfaction and facilitates acceptance of new interventions in urbanarea.
As involvement process deals with different stakeholders with different levels of tech-
nical knowledge and utterly different agendas, these processes usually face communication
difficulties. The lack of comprehensible information flow between stakeholders underlies
such communication difficulties. Technical noise information, conventionally communicat-
ed through noise maps and numbers, is far away of depicting complex sonic environments
and not comprehensible for general public. Thus, usually the dialogue between the stake-
holders (public policy makers practitioners) faces difficulties and the public information
and participation process fails.
93
There are several attempts to achieve better practices covering these gaps of conven-
tional procedures of noise control and public involvement. Three dimensional representa-
tions and virtual reality simulations (Murphy, Rice, and Meskell 2006; Kurakula and Kuffer
2008; Law et al. 2011) have shown promising results to overcome these issues. With the
recent developments in VR technology and auralization techniques, it is much easier to
communicate complex noise information making it audible and present it in its multisenso-
ry context (Maffei, Masullo, and Basturk 2011). Thus the general public can experience the
urban environment with the changes in its aural and visual aspects in a realistic way and
understand noise information without any prior knowledge of complex noise indicators.
This paper introduces an innovative approachwhich makes use of virtual reality technol-
ogy to complement conventional noise control studies through active participation of the
effected people (end users) in decision process. With this approach it is intended to enable
an easy and intuitive comprehension of noise problems so as to encourage non-technical
stakeholders to participate in solution seeking and decision processes. In collaboration with
the Municipality of Malaga, the proposed method is applied to an actual project which deals
with noise from places of entertainment and agglomeration of people.
Virtual reality (VR) is a thriving technology which serves wide range of activities; basically
psychological therapy, technical training and education in numerous fields, social and pro-
fessional networking, gaming, art and any kind of design activity including urban design. In
broad terms, virtual reality can be defined as an environment generated in the computer,
which the user can operate and interact with in real-time. Virtual reality systems employ
various output devices (effectors) in order to reproduce full spectrum of sensory informa-
tion, and input devices (sensors) which provide lifelike interaction.
94
Figure 1. Range of possible input (sensors) and output (effectors) devices for a VR system (adapted, Biocca and Delaney1995).
95
3. Virtual Reality in Noise Action Planning
The proposed method is based on the use of virtual reality technologies to enable end us-
ers, who do not have technical acoustics knowledge, listen and see a priori the predicted
impacts of proposed corrective measures. In this way, users can comprehend the noise con-
trol measures in an intuitive manner, generate their own opinion on the issue and actively
participate in decision making. As it is shown in the figure, the proposed method includes
the virtual reality design step in addition to the conventional steps of noise action planning.
In accordance with the defined steps, field work comes first. In this step, in addition to
the usual techniques, it is necessary to capture detailed visual (video&photo shooting) and
aural (audio recording) information that will help to depict the existing situation of the stud-
ied area in virtual reality design step. Captured visual and aural materials provide input to
the acoustic simulation step together with the developed solutions (corrective measures). In
the acoustic simulation step, acoustic models of the study area (existing situation) and each
of the solution alternatives should be prepared in order to predict the noise attenuation in
case of application. In the next step, the objective is to create realistic audiovisual depictions
of the solution alternatives. In this context, to obtain a realistic audio representation of the
design alternatives, audio material captured in situ should be convolved with signal process-
ing algorithms in accordance with the noise attenuation values extracted from the acoustic
simulation. This process should be realized for multiple receiver points which will cover the
possible navigation area and head orientation of the virtual reality user.
Afterwards, these obtained auralizations should be merged with visual models so as to
complete the virtual reality application. This final virtual reality application should introduce
an interactive and immersive interface to its user letting him/her to navigate freely in these
96
environments. The last step of the proposed method is public information. In this step it is
intended to present the resulting virtual reality application as a common frame of reference
to the stakeholders and enhance communication and the understanding of the problem.
Thus better informed stakeholders can contribute to further decision making processes.
4. Project Plutarco
Places of entertainment are a major source of neighborhood noise problems in Europe. The
statistics show that the main reason for noise complaints in Spain is entertainment activities
(35% of all complaints (Contaminacion acustica 2005)). The noise from entertainment ac-
tivities arise not only from amplified music but also from agglomeration of people on public
spaces during night time in residential areas. Being directly related to behavior of individuals
and to culture and lifestyle of communities, for such noise problems do not exist neither
standardized assessment methods nor easy solutions.
In particular, in Malaga (Spain), noise problems from entertainment activities are fo-
cused on a recently developed residential zone (district of Teatinos-Universidad). The rapid
growth of this zone caused proliferation of commercial activities in the area without giving
any chance to assess progressively its acoustic and environmental impacts. Initial noise com-
plaints followed the emerging noise problems in 2005. In 2007 residents of the mentioned
district founded an association against noise(Asociacin de Vecinos El Romeral Contra El
Ruido, 2014). Efforts to solve the problem with bilateral agreements between the associa-
tion and the business owners gave no result and in 2008 the municipality started a study to
analyze the situation to take a legal action. The study showed evidence of high noise levels
but, according to the legislation in force, it was not sufficient for a legal action by the mu-
nicipality (AvanceSobre La Situacin de La Zona Del Romeral, 2008). Between 2008 and 2013,
the number of entertainment venues has increased by approximately 37%, outdoor seating
of these premises occupied major part of the sidewalks, the noise problem and related com-
plaints persisted. For this reason in 2013 a mediation and solution seeking process has been
started in which the proposed method employed.
97
4.1. Field Work
In accordance with the proposed method, a series of fieldwork was carried out in a selected
area on Plutarco Av. where noise problems concentrate.
Figure 3. Plutarco Avenue and the selected study area (top-right). Outdoor seating areas of entertainment venues are
marked in red.
During August and September 2012, acoustic measurements, audio and video recordings,
vehicle and pedestrian (users of outdoor seating of entertainment venues) traffic counts
were conducted especially in weekend periods when the conflict was more noticeable.
Audio recordings (16 bit/44.1 kHz) were realized using a portable two-channel device in
different timeframes of the day -12:00, 18:00, 21:00, 23:00, 01:00- along the center line of the
avenue and the south sidewalk. Concurrently, sound pressure levels were measured with a
Larson Davis 824 sound level meter. In addition, 24hrs long audio recordings and measure-
ments were conducted at a fixed point in a selected first floor residence. As shown in figure
4 the selected measurement point is situated just above the entertainment venues.
98
The results of the fieldwork show that outdoor seating on sidewalk can accommodate
approx. 220 people and the point of highest gathering of people is around 11 p.m. (65% oc-
cupancy), henceforward, even the number decreases gradually, the presence of people on
sidewalk lasts until about 3 a.m.
The change in sound pressure levels throughout the day was studied based on 24hrs long
measurements. As shown in figure 5, between 9 a.m. and 3 a.m. sound pressure level does
not show significant variations. However, it is expected to see a significant decline in sound
pressure levels starting from 11 p.m. as the night time period (11 p.m. 7 a.m.) require lower
noise levels to avoid sleep disturbance. Particularly, at his point, the measurements show
that sound levels persist between hours 11 p.m. and 3 a.m. because of the noise from outdoor
seating of the entertainment places.
99
4.3. Acoustic Simulation
After determining the solution alternatives, three-dimensional models of the study area and
the solution alternatives were prepared employing a 3D modelling software. These models
were transferred to CadnaA (DataKustik GmbH 2012) noise prediction software in order to
analyze how the corrective measures might affect the acoustic environment.
In acoustic modelling, outdoor seating areas were characterized with area sources at 1 m
height above the terrain. Considering the characteristics of human voice, emission of these
sound sources is adjusted to 86 dB sound power level between 500Hz and 4000Hz (Sepulcri
et al. 2011). One other sound source, road traffic, was also modelled based on the traffic
counts realized in situ.
On the other hand, in order to simulate the corrective measure that offers reducing
the number of tables by half, the sound power level ofarea sources was reduced by 3 dB. In
acoustic modelling of the other solution alternatives, commercially available and acoustical-
ly tested products were preferred (Diseo y Validacin de Carpas de Exterior Para la Mini-
mizacin del Ruido Por Actividades de Ocio 2011).
Solution alternative Description Sound absorption coefficient Altitude above terrain (m)
In order to complete the acoustic modelling, 2 receiver points were defined. One of them
(R1) was located at the same place where the 24hrs measurements took place at a height of
4.7m above the terrain. The other receiver point (R2) was located on the center line of the
avenue at a height of 1.6m above the terrain (Figure 6). The receiver point R1 was intended
to calculate the noise attenuation at the first floor residences in case of application of the
corrective measures. On the other hand, receiver point R2 was employed to test whether the
reflective pergola increases the noise immission level in other parts of the avenue.
100
Figure 6. Acoustic model of the study area and the receiver points.
The results of the acoustic simulation show that there is no significant impact of the
solution alternatives at the receiver point R2. The results obtained at receiver point R1 are
shown in the following table.
Pergola outdoor seating 8.6 6.2 8.1 8.8 8.3 8.5 10.8
+ road traffic
Awning outdoor seating 2.7 1.6 1.8 2.3 2.5 3.1 4.6
+ road traffic
Pergola + outdoor seating 8.7 6.2 8.1 9.0 8.4 8.6 11.0
Awning + road traffic
Pergola + outdoor seating 8.7 6.2 8.1 9.0 8.4 8.6 11.0
wning + Carpet
A + road traffic
Reduction of outdoor seating 0.5 0.0 0.0 0.3 0.4 0.7 1.5
outdoor seating + road traffic
by 50%
Reduction of outdoor seating 2.9 1.7 1.9 2.5 2.6 3.3 5.3
outdoor seating + road traffic
by 50% + Awning
101
As seen in Table 2 the corrective measure that introduces pergola has the highest noise
attenuation value with 8.6dB. On the other hand, the awning solution offers 2.7dB of noise
reduction at the receiver point R1. Different combinations of these solutions (pergola + awn-
ing and pergola + awning + carpet) do not offer significant improvements respect to single
applications. Even there is no significant effect in the results, the carpet solution may play
an important role in reduction of noise annoyance at night-time as it damps the noise gen-
erated by the moving tables and seats during the closure of the entertainment places. The
results also show that reduction of the outdoor seating by half does not offer a significant
improvement.
Figure 7. Reduction of environmental sound levels by proposed corrective measures. The lowest value indicated as
0dB.
102
Figure 8. Still images from the interactive application. Introduction of awnings (left) and prgola (right).
The completed visual model was merged with the prepared soundscapes employing
Worldviz Vizard (Worldviz LLC 2014) virtual reality development software. In this stage, pro-
gramming is the main task in order to define how each element will act in virtual environment
and interact with other elements. The final virtual reality application offers an interactive
and immersive interface that the user can switch between scenarios (solution alternatives)
and walk through the Plutarco Av. while he/she listens and observes in an intuitive manner
his/her surroundings. In this case, considering the complexity of the immersive virtual re-
ality hardware and difficulty to reach the large target audience, an informative video was
extracted from the mentioned interactive application. This informative video represents a
virtual walk in Plutarco Av. showing the existing situation and the proposed solution alter-
natives.
103
project and get feedback about new suggestions for the solution of the noise prob-
lem.
Internet: The prepared informative video and a poster which explains the details
of the project were published on the website of the municipality. Also a dedicated
webpage was prepared for the project.
The project aroused the interest of stakeholders in relation to noise problems in Plutar-
coAvenue. During the professional forums, many professionals from different backgrounds
(noise control specialists, urban planners, architects, economists and politics)contributed to
gain awider insight into the problem. On the other hand, the residents of the district found
possibility to discuss and express their opinions for the solution of the problem, both on
web (discussion forums related to the press news) and directly via the district meeting held
by the municipality. At the same time, the project has been a major awareness campaign for
general public of Malaga as it has brought the noise problem from entertainment activities
into view.
The stakeholder engagement process has not ended up yet with a definitive solution.
Notwithstanding, business owners, on their own initiative started to consider introducing
sound absorbent awnings in their premises. Almost all of the entertainment venueshavere-
cently installed new awnings to participate in the solution. Today, the municipality is study-
ing the efficiency of these installed awnings realizing in situ measurements and interviewing
local people in order to encourage a wider and correct application of this solution in future.
104
5. Conclusion
This paper introduces an innovative approach to noise control practice that usually lacks in
public information and participation as it conventionally uses complex acoustic parameters
to describe noise issues which are not comprehensible for general public. In this context, a
theoretical framework which makes use of virtual reality technology to enhance public in-
formation and participation processes in noise action planning process is developed.
Also, the proposed method is implemented within Plutarco Av. noise action planning
study and its efficiency is proved with this real life example. The results demonstrate that it
is a promising approach for the solution of the complicated noise issues related to behavior
of individuals and to culture and lifestyle of communities. Employing the proposed approach,
the municipality had the opportunity to evaluate the perception and the opinion of the pub-
lic before implementing any corrective measure. Moreover, with this approach, the overall
success of the action plan is ensured as it is the product of a consensus of the stakeholders.
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107
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Resounding Overbetuwe.
AnAcoustic Gradient in a
Sustainable Transport Corridor
Rosanne Weijers
rosanne.weijers@wur.nl
Student Landscape Architecture at Wageningen Univerisity, Netherlands
Abstract
108
1. Introduction
1.Randstad includes the Rotterdam harbour. Nevertheless, the distribution of goods will hardly affect the traffic
congestion at the A15, since this will be transported by water and rail traffic. This means an increase of traffic
noise produced by trucks on motorways, but an increase of noise produced by railways (Betuweroute) (Hav-
enbedrijf Rotterdam, n.d.).
109
with the A12 and current connection between Valburg and Ressen will be widened to 2x3
lanes (Projectbureau ViA15, n.d.).
Figure 1. Construction plan A15 (author; Projectbureau ViA15, n.d.b): Current connection between Valburg and Ressen
will be widened to 2x3 lanes and the A15 will be connected to A12.
Recently, the municipality of Overbetuwe introduced a new land use by setting the am-
bition to become climate neutral by 2030 (Berns, Willems, & Berg, 2009; Liberc-Kruit &
Uitbeijerse, 2010; Tempelman, Ahoud, Berns, Jaarsma, & Westerdiep, 2010). In other words,
the municipality wants to reduce the emission of greenhouse gasses (CO2, etc.) to zero with
regard to electricity and gas consumption by households, business and organizations (Berns
et al., 2009). Within the research conducted for the authors bachelor thesis both the im-
plementation of renewable energy technologies in the surroundings of the motorway and
acoustic landscape quality are taken into account. Nevertheless in the context of this pub-
lication this paper focuses on the implementation of an acoustic gradient in the sustainable
transport corridor of Overbetuwe.
110
Dobbelsteen and Stremke (2013) are doing this by postulating that landscape architects
should develop sustainable energy landscapes, rather than renewable energy landscapes.
Although a lot has already been written on sustainable energy landscapes, and designers
are anticipating on the topic, there is a need for a better integration of aesthetics and en-
vironmental psychology into the shaping of sustainable energy landscapes (Dobbelsteen &
Stremke, 2013). In other words, there should be a focus on the experience of sustainable
energy landscapes.
Traditionally, the focus of landscape experience, within the discipline of landscape ar-
chitecture, was always on scenic quality (Blesser & Salter, 2007; Hedfors, 2003). Especial-
ly acoustic landscape experience has been hardly studied so far (Benfield, Belll, Troup, &
Soderstrom, 2010; Hedfors, 2003). In case the acoustic environment was taken into account,
it mostly was integrated in motorway design for noise reduction. Brown and Muhar (2004),
therefore, encourage a more positive approach to sound. Accordance to them landscape
design should focus on environments that produce sound that people prefer or consider as
desirable. This thesis elaborates on both the knowledge gap and the statement of Brown and
Muhar (2004) by studying present and (expected) future sound changes in Overbetuwe.
111
acoustic signals are present that people get lost in orientation. It causes a soundscape that is
unpleasant to be in. The lo-fi system is therefore closely related to the term noise pollution.
Most of the time such loud sounds are unfavourable and perceived as unwanted. Brown
and Muhar (2004) made a distinction between wanted and unwanted sound signals. They
state that wanted sounds are mainly produced in the natural and human soundscape, such
as church bells, sounds of nature, sounds of city vitality, food steps, sounds of running water
music etc. (Brown & Muhar, 2004). Unwanted sounds are mostly present in the mechanical
soundscape, such as road traffic, human sounds, amplified music, machinery noises, etc.
(Brown & Muhar, 2004).
Within the study the term noise pollution will be used to make a distinction between
natural acoustic environment and the disruption of this acoustic environment by mechani-
cal sound (noise pollution). Furthermore, audio audio-visual interactions are taken into ac-
count; there is a contradiction between the dominating sounds and the visual appearance of
the landscape itself.
Traffic noise is a one of the most dominating sounds in the landscape of Overbetuwe, since
the region is intersected by three freeways, several highways and two train lines. The most
important linear structures are the A15, A50 and the Betuwe route, which transect the region
from East to West (figure 2). Although it is acknowledged that traffic noise has a disruptive
effect and can damage the auditory organ (Keulen, 1970; Maschke & Widmann, 2013), it has
been not proven that it is perceived as noise pollution or overwhelms natural and human
sounds in Overbetuwe yet. In order to do so this chapter identifies the characteristics and
acoustic environment of the Overbetuwe landscape in the surroundings of the A15, A50 and
the Betuwe route. In addition the chapter identifies the potentials for renewable energy
technologies in Overbetuwe in relation to its soundscape.
112
Figure 2. Topographical map (author): The landscape gradients still dictates current land uses and settlements.
Figure 3. Elevation map (Geodan, 2012): Situation of push moraines (red), natural levees (red-yellow) and river basins
(green-blue) in the landscape of Overbetuwe.
113
2.2. Natural landscape
Such a moving curved riverbed is called a meandering river system. Since the Netherlands is
a flat country rivers have the tendency to meander all the time. On the one hand rivers erode
in the outer curve due fast flow velocity. On the other hand sedimentation of sand and clay
takes place in inner outer curves due slow low flow (Jongmans et al., 2013).
The same principle takes place at high tide when the river overflows its banks. When a
river floods, sand and clay particles are transported out of the riverbed and deposited on
the river banks as soon through loss of flow velocity (Jongmans et al., 2013). Due the depo-
sition of sand close near the river natural levees (Dutch: oeverwallen) are formed. These are
sandy depositions that form elongated elevations along (former) beds in the river landscape.
Natural levees are covered with hardwood alluvial forest (Dutch: hardhout ooibos), such as
Fraxines excelsior, Quercus robur, Quercus palustris, Alnus Glutinosa, Salex Alba (Jongmans
et al., 2013). At the lower parts of natural levees alluvial forest is not able to grow due high
water levels. Therefore another vegetation type is present there, namely the swamp forest
(Dutch: moerasbos).
Behind natural levees, flood basins (Dutch: kommen) are formed. Since sand (coarse sed-
iment) is heavier than clay it is deposited very close to the river bank. Clay (fin sediment), in
contrast, is light and can be transported over a longer distance before deposition (Jongmans
et al., 2013). Flood basins are situated low lying parts or flat areas inbetween natural lev-
ees. Flood basins are characterised by high groundwater levels and open landscapes. Within
this open landscape some elevation can occur. This are river dunes (Dutch: rivierduinen
or d
onken), which are formed by wind depositions during the last ice age (Weichselien). In
Overbetuwe Valburg and Elmeren are built on these elevations.
As show in figure 3 and figure 4, the landscape of Overbetuwe is characterised by small
flood basins. This is the result of the meandering river system whereby a great amount of
large flat levees formed by fossil rivers.
114
Figure 4.Landscape type map (author): flood plains (blue), natural levees (orange), river basins (green), river dunes
(yellow) and historical occupation sites (brown).
115
started form the natural levees, but due the diking of the rivers it was also possible to culti-
vate the flood basins. Gradually, the land use in Overbetuwe changed with the introduction
of fruit orchards (17th century). In the 19th centuries agricultural land, which are close to
human settlements, are replaced by tree nurseries (Gemeente Overbetuwe, 2010).
Although the dyke system leads to more security it also changed the drainage system
in Overbetuwe. Traditionally water, originated from natural levees, is distributed by ditches
(Dutch: zegen) to the flood basin. Meanwhile, soil in the river basins were saturated with
seepage (Dutch: kwelwater) from the push moraines. The increase of excess rainfall could
not be infiltrated in the ground anymore. Therefore, river basins are dewatered by a system
ditches (Dutch: sloten or zegen), which transport water from the natural levees to the Linge;
a drainage canal (Dutch: wetering). In contrast with the natural part of the canal, the Linge in
Overbetuwe is dug around 1250.
The introduction of the dykes did not only change the landscape in the river basins, but
also the landscape wedged inbetween the dykes. Different processes have transformed this
area into an undulating landscape, which exist out old river beds (Dutch: geulen or strangen)
and deep water bodies that are remained after dyke breaks in the past (Dutch: kolken). At
the same time the brick industry (figure 5) had a great influence on the appearance of flood
plains (Gemeente Overbetuwe, 2010), since they excavate the clay soil for brick production.
Since the river still floods every winter, still sediments are deposed on in the flood plains,
which cause a micro relief for different grass habitats close near the river. In summer the
flood plains are these grasslands are used as meadow land.
Figure 5. Impressions of the natural gradient (author): (a) brick industry in the flood plains by the Nederrijn, (b) estate
on a high natural levee by Hemmen, (c) orchards on low natural levee by Slijk-Ewijk and (d) open field in river basins
between Andelst and Herveld.
116
2.4. Current landscape
The natural gradients of flood plains, natural levees and flood basins, still dictate current
land uses and settlements. In the Northern part of Overbetuwe this landscape, despite re-
cent changes, still very readable since most occupation still is situated on natural levees.
Nevertheless due urban growth of Arnhem, Elst and Nijmegen the rural area in the East of
Overbetuwe decreases, while more and more farmers are not economically viable anymore.
In the next 10 years, 100 farmers are, therefore, forced to stop their activities within the area
of Overbetuwe or switch to crop production in glass houses (Gemeente Overbetuwe, 2010).
Another option for farmers is to increase the amount of owned land. Nevertheless, this is not
always possible since land in Overbetuwe is not always available or farmers are not able to
pay for the land prices.
Both developments, the urban growth and changes in the agricultural sector, have led
to settlements and densification in the open water basins. Furthermore, it increases the
levelling of natural gradients in the landscape (Haartsen, 2009). Besides these developments,
urban growth will also increase the need for outdoor recreational space.
Down south, over the years large scale infrastructure has been introduced, which
also affects the clarity of the visual transition from one landscape type to another. First
infrastructural line that has been introduced is the rail connection between Arnhem and
Nijmegen (1879) (Gemeente Overbetuwe, 2010). Later on the rail line between Arnhem, Tiel
and Nijmegen was realised in 1882 (Gemeente Overbetuwe, 2010). More recently constructed
are the motorways: A15, A50 and A325 (figure 2).
The A50 is elevated in the landscape and forms therefore a physical and visual barrier.
The A15, in contrast, is situated at surface level. It therefore does not forms such a strong
visual barrier, but this changed with the introduced of the Betuweroute parallel to the A15 in
2007 (Haartsen, 2009). Both infrastructural transect the region of Overbetuwe form East to
West and split up the region of Overbetuwe in a North and a South (Gemeente Overbetuwe,
2010) since by the construction of both infrastructural lines the traditional landscape struc-
tures are not taken into account. Most unrecognizable is the traditional water system, which
transports water to the Linge. That is since the water system is intersected by the A50. Other
factors that suppose that the traditional landscape is not taken into account are the placing
of trees and scrubs at traffic junctions and the placing of sound barriers (screens) along both
sides of the Betuweroute.
Besides its appearance, the introduction of large scale infrastructure also included other
negative side effects, such as large-scale developments near the motorway, limited access
and pollution. Off all these negative side effects the introduction of large-scale develop-
117
ments by exits. By the motorway exits of Andelst, Heteren and Elst, for example are business
areas introduced, which just as the large-scale infrastructure not is adjusted to the natural
landscape. The business area of Heteren, for instance, is situated in a river basin that used
to provide an open view.
2.5. Soundscape
Not mentioned yet is the noise nuisance that is caused by large scale infrastructure in Over-
betuwe. In the south of Overbetuwe noise nuisance is most ubiquitous in the landscape,
since large scale infrastructure is concentrated here (figure 2). The nuisance concerns the
existence of road and rail traffic noise that is produced by motorized vehicles at the A15,A50
and Betuweroute (chapter 1). Figure 6 and figure 7 show the striking character of both sound
sources. Road traffic noise seems to have less impact then rail traffic noise, but appearances
are deceptive. Though it is true that the sound level (dB) of railroad traffic noise exceeds
the volume of road traffic noise the endurance of both sound sources is not indicated in the
figures. Since rail traffic noise is not always present in the landscape its impact is big large
but short-lived. In contrast, road traffic is ever present. Although its presence fluctuates
over time this omnipresence disrupts the perception of natural and human sounds in the
landscape. Where a train passing by makes the acoustic environment for a moment unclear
while motorways produces a continuous lo-fi sound system. Figures 6 and figure 7 also show
that this system is not limited to the surroundings of the motorway or train rail. Instead
traffic noise can still be heard at a distance of 2000 meters away from its sound source. The
presence of this mechanical sound has accordance theory a major impact on the acoustic
landscape experience.
Figure 6. Isobel contour map: railroad traffic (author; Gemeente Overbetuwe, 2007, fig. 17): 45-50 dB (yellow), 50-55
dB (yellow-orange), 55-60 dB (orange), 60-65 dB (orange-red) and >65 dB (red).
118
Figure 7. Isobel contour map: road traffic (author; Gemeente Overbetuwe, 2007, fig. 17): 45-50 dB (yellow), 50-55 dB
(yellow-orange), 55-60 dB (orange), 60-65 dB (orange-red) and >65 dB (red).
To indicate to what extends the presence of traffic noise in overwhelms the natural and
human sounds the soundscape of the south of Overbetuwe has been quantified and meas-
ured by an acoustic landscape analysis. This analysis focuses on human and natural sounds
that occur in the surroundings of the motorway and the dominance of road traffic noise
produced by the A15 and A50 to these sounds. In other words, the acoustic analysis indicates
what sound sources are present in the soundscape of Overbetuwe and how their appear-
ance is perceived. Railroad traffic is in the analysis not considered as a sound source, since
its presence is accidentally and therefore difficult to measure in time.
Along the A15 and A50 in total 8 strips of 4 measurements have been taken; 2 at both
sides of the motorway (figure 7). Since the appearance of sound is influenced by wind di-
rection and the distance from each measurement to the motorway should be approximately
equal the selection of measurement points is based on its accessibility. In other words, the
measurements are taken at transitions that are transverse to the motorway at about 25-50
and 200-250 meter distance from the motorway. In addition, the measurements are taken
between 10:00 am and 16:00 pm, to avoid intensity fluctuations during rush hours. At the
moment of measurement there the wind was coming from the southwest with a wind speed
of 4 Bft.
At each measurement the intensity of the ambient sound is measured by a Sound Lev-
el Meter and notations written down by the author in the field. This data analyses for the
sounds is based on the book The soundscape: our sonic environment and the tuning of the
world by Schafer (1997)gives an good guide for noting sounds within the field. To ground the
impression of the soundscape and minimize the effect of subjectivity sound records and
panorama photos are taken. Since it is hard to formulate and represent an exact expression
119
of a soundscape the measurements are analysed and visualised in (1) Isobel contour maps (2)
sound event maps , (3) visual impressions and (4) sound description diagrams.
The Isobel contour and sound event maps show the locations of the four measurement
points in one strip, in what direction the visual impressions are taken and where the sound
sources are appear. The visual impressions exist out of panorama photos show the (some-
times) present contradiction between the dominating sounds and the visual appearance of
the landscape itself. The sound diagram analyses the sound record by the following parame-
ters: (1) duration (time), (2) frequency (acoustic frequency patterns) and (3) intensity (volume).
Duration gives a time indication of the presence of sound, in this case minutes. Thus, it
indicates temporal patterns in the soundscape, such as seasonal (winter-spring,-summer-
fall) and day-night (dawn-noon-dusk) rhythms (Pijaonwski, Farina, Dumyahn, & Krause,
2011). In addition, frequency indicates the frequency patterns of a sound. So it indicates if a
sound is inconsistent or continuous if it is present. Continuous sound is continuously pres-
ent, while frequent inconsistent sound is contain repetitive patterns of silence and high/low
notes. In the sound description diagram a distinction has been made between inconsistent
sounds and frequent inconsistent sounds. Inconsistent sounds exist of long repetitive sound
patterns, while frequent inconsistent sounds are characterized by a rapid succession of re-
petitive sound patterns. The intensity indicates the dominance of sounds in the soundscape
by using the notation from very loud (ff) to very soft (pp) (Schafer, 1997). In contrast with the
Sound Level Meter measurement a notation of sound conducted by the author which indi-
cates the acoustic dominance of a certain sound source.
By comparing the sound diagrams can be made clear that road noise from the motorway
always present, as it runs from east to west and from north to south though the region. In
addition the amount of sound sources in the area is a limited number. Except from sounds
produced by motorized vehicles, only the sound of wind, birds and talking people are iden-
tified. These natural and human sounds, apart from wind, are hardly heard because of their
low intensity and the inconsistent character. Against the very loud intensity and continu-
ous sound of traffic noise and wind, the sound of birds and talking people is muffled away.
Traffic noise and wind are therefore dominating the soundscape The sound measurements
contribute to the statement found in literature that mechanical sound dominates acous-
tic landscape. Nevertheless, the acoustic analyses gained also new insight in the fact that
there is hardly any differentiation in sounds in the landscape. The visual impressions of each
measurement, state this this birds songs only occur in vegetation zones and wind is always
most dominant in open space. At all other places sounds are mostly submerged by traffic
noise. The appearance of sounds in the landscape is thus as monotonous as the visual land-
scape, which mostly exist of agricultural land.
120
3. Acoustic landscape design challenges and strategy
forOverbetuwe
In order to design such sustainable transport corridor it has been argued that landscape
architects should participate on the acoustic landscape quality. This quality is determined
by sound waves that are produced by natural, human or mechanical sound sources, which
all produce their own soundscapes. The appreciation these soundscapes is highly depending
on audio-visual interactions and personal preferences. They can be perceived as keynote
sound, sound signal and soundmark. Of all these soundscapes the mechanical soundscape
is the most polluting one since it produces lo-fi sounds which overwhelm the natural and
human soundscape.
The mechanical soundscape is most of the time produced by motorized vehicles. In
Overbetuwe the mechanical soundscape is dominated by road traffic noise and rail traf-
fic noise. In order to reduce this noise legislation has been formulated in terms of spatial
interventions and risk zones. Most effective spatial interventions against traffic noise are
the creation of distance, noise barriers and the use of slopes or sunken infrastructure. The
presence of vegetation is less effective as spatial intervention for noise reduction, but also
reduces air pollution and has positive impact on the landscape experience of both motorist
and residents.
The implementation of renewable energy technologies in the landscape asks for an
acoustic strategy. Soundscapes are not accidental by products of todays society; they are
produced on purpose by carrying out a particular activity in a given environment. Landscape
architectural design plays an important role in allocating actives to places, since a spatial de-
sign invites activities and therefore sound (Hedfors, 2003). This can result in places that are
associated with life but can also turn in lo-fi environments, such as roadsides of a motorway.
Due a vast increase and intensity of lo-fi sound produced by machines in current society the
connection with the natural soundscape is disappearing in Overbetuwe. Schafer (1997) states
that our soundscape nowadays not only tends to obscure natural sounds, but also creates an
inhuman environment.
121
desirable sound. In other words people prefer clear landscapes, where they can recognize
sounds and identify themselves with the landscapes.
In order make a soundscape attractive again design was focused on noise reduction for
a long time. Nevertheless landscape architects where designing for the deaf by playing with
distance, walls, heights and the texture of pavements. They aimed to make landscape more
attractive by noise reduction (Blesser & Salter, 2007; Brown & Muhar, 2004; Schafer, 1997)
rather than designing landscapes that are both visually and auditory attractive.
Accordance to Brown and Muhar (2004) a more positive focus on acoustic design is need-
ed in order to create soundscapes that people prefer or consider as desirable environments.
The challenge thereby is to deal with the dominant noises in an environment in an existing
environment. In other words, a landscape is always inhabited with sound and landscape ar-
chitect has to design with the many sounds are already present that landscape.
122
Second, sound masking refers to camouflaging an undesirable sound by a pleasurable
sound. In other words, when a undesirable sound is not to loud it can be turned into a back-
ground noise by overwhelming it with a pleasurable sound (Brown & Muhar, 2004; Schafer,
1997). Traffic noise, noise for example, can be overwhelmed by the noise of a flowing water
stream when this one is loud enough overrule the traffic noise. While reducing the impact of
the unfavourable sound, the sounds that give sense of a place are preserved. Accordance to
Schafer (1997) the preservation of a soundmark is one of the most important sounds to fight
for in a design, since they reflect the character of a place.
Third, sound experience allows unpleasurable sound or other sound signals at certain
places to create an attractive and stimulating environment(Brown & Muhar, 2004). In order
to do this human and mechanical sound must always grow out to a sublime acoustic experi-
ence at a certain location. This can, for instance, be done by creating a platform. Where the
first two strategies can cover a whole zone, the third strategy can carefully be placed within
a zone to create an unexpected experience.
123
Figure 8. Noise sensitive facade map (author; Kersteren & Snitselaar, 2009a, fig. 13; 2009b; fig. 1): residential area (red),
recreation area (yellow), business area (orange). The coloured spots are existing sensitive facades, while the dashed
line indicates planned noise sensitive facades.
Focussing on the South of Overbetuwe it becomes clear that the development of urban
areas on the regional scale, such as urban growth and changes in the agricultural sector are
threatening the readability of the gradient in the south of Overbetuwe. The urban growth
on the natural levee by Oosterhout (on the border of Overbetuwe and Nijmegen) threats the
quality and readability of the landscape. Current developments indicate already the appear-
ance of glass houses and citizen inherits (Dutch: burgererven) within this area (Gemeente
Overbetuwe, 2010). The urban growth will increase the need for recreational area which is
planned by the expansion of Strandpark Slijk-Ewijk. That is a place where sand has mined for
the development of the Betuweroute, but now is used as recreational pond. Meanwhile the
expansion of the motorway creates attractive location for the enlargement and development
of business areas.
In order to make the landscape gradient in Overbetuwe clear again the design should
contain elements that counter further urbanisation from the Waalsprong. At the same time
the natural gradient in the area strengths or even reintroduces.
Currently within the area three landscape types can be indicated: namely flood plains,
natural levees and a transition area from the natural levee to the river basin. The landscape
types form an gradual transition from a relative small scale landscape along the Waaldijk
(natural levee) to an opener and low laying landscape along the A15 (transition from natural
levee to river basin).
Recent years, the differences between these landscape types have become less readable,
except from the flood plains. These are still very recognizable in the landscape, because of
the present of the Waaldijk and the fact the flood plains remained unbuild (flood risk). In
124
contrast appearance of the natural levee has changed drastically; traditional orchards with
high trunks have been replaced by orchards with low trunks, tree nurseries are introduced
and reparcelling has taken place. This all resulted in the loss of small scale structures in the
landscape such as hedges on the plot slopes (Dutch: houtwallen).
Since the once relatively dense coulisse landscape on the natural levee has become an
open landscape, also the transition from natural levee to the river basin has become less
clear. Hence, the intensification of agricultural land and the introduction of large scale in-
frastructure in river basins only strengthened this effect. The intensification of agricultural
land introduces more building farms and plantings in the open landscape, while infrastruc-
tural lines, including the network of electricity transmission towers, intersect the landscap-
ing structures.
Nevertheless, some relicts of the natural levees and the river basins are still present in
the south of Overbetuwe, such as Landgoed Loenen, Huis Oosterhout and De Danenberg.
Landgoed Loenen and Huis Oosterhout are real estates, which are located at the east and
west site of the area. Both are recognizable due the presence of boscages and tree-lined
avenues. Danenberg is a former country seat, which is located on a site that is elevated
(Dutch: woerd). In addition there are old village centres, such as Slijk-Ewijk. From a top
view the structure of these villages stretches along historical transit roads where (former)
farms where located (Dutch: boerenlint or dorpslint) figure 9 and figure 10. Other important
structures that are still present are the Waaldijk, Rietgraaf, Oosterhoutse straat, Griftdijk,
Eimerensestraat, Reethsestraat and Esterveldsche Zeeg (figure 11).
125
Figure 10. Landscape type map (author): flood plains (blue), natural levees (orange), river basins (green), river dunes
(yellow) and historical occupation sites (brown).
Figure 11. Historical linear structures and elements in Overbetuwe landscape (a) and Dominant linear structures in
Overbetuwe landscape (b) (author).
Most important structures were the Waaldijk and Griftdijk. They formed important tran-
sit roads while protecting the people for flooding at the same time. In addition the Riet-
126
graaf is an old river bed, which has been damped and moved during the intensification of
agricultural land in Overbetuwe (figure 11). The Estervelsche Zeeg, on the other hand forms
a straight ditch that not has been changed of course. The Oosterhoustse straat, Eimer-
ensestraat, Reethstraat and Esterveldsche straat are historic linear structured villages in
the area. Of all the Oosterhouste straat was the most important one, since it connected
Oosterhout and Slijk-Ewijk.
127
Figure 12. Identification of different soundscape (zones) in the landscape of South Overbetuwe (author).
128
Figure 13. Sound event map: human soundscape (author).
129
Figure 14. Sound event map: natural soundscape (author).
130
Figure 15. Sound event map: mechanical soundscape (author).
4. Resounding Overbetuwe
The design strategy as suggested in previous chapter proposes a future for the development
of a sustainable transport corridor in Overbetuwe. It concerns a research-based-design that
challenges the implementation of energy technologies in Overbetuwe, but also aims the
acoustic quality in the surroundings of the A15 and Betuweroute.
4.1. Concept
Based on the historical lines of the natural gradient that is present in Overbetuwe, it is ar-
gued that the natural gradient can be strengthening with an acoustic layer. In other words,
this design aims the reintroduction of the natural gradient, whereby natural energy technol-
ogies (solar, wind and biomass energy) are used for the generation of a pleasurable acoustic
experience.
The natural gradient will be strengthened by making the transiton form a coulisse land-
scape at the natural levee to the open field in the river basis clear again. Therefore three
zones are identified.
Seen from the river Waal, the first estate zone is identified as natural gradient. In this
one two estates and former country seat are present. By expansion of existing boscages and
the introduction of new levelled hedges (Dutch: houtwallen) the small scale returns to the
natural level and produces organic waste (punnings).
131
As second, the orchard zone, which is characteristic for Overbetuwe, is reintroduced
in the form of an energy orchard. The orchard provides a pleasurable acoustic experience
since its covers a slope where PV panes are situated. In addition the orchard trees form living
habitat for different breeding bird species, such as the Steenuil (owl).
Third zone, the open field, covers the transition from the natural level to the river basin.
Here energy crops are harvested and can people experience the mechanical sound of a wind
turbine.
132
Figure 16. Design strategy (author): Dominant long structured lines form the basis for the implementation of an acous-
tic gradient in the South of Overbetuwe.
133
4.3. Site design
The site design and design detail indicate more precisely the strengthening of the landscape
gradient in Overbetuwe. Near Danenburg a new coulisse landscape has been introduced
(figure 19). Agricultural land has been replaced by a stronger structure of energy orchards
and an open field has been realized (figure 21). To deal with noise nuisance of the large scale
infrastructure sound barriers and a slope with elephant grass are introduced there were
noise sensitive facades or activities are located (figure 20). In conclusion are all the zones
connected by a foot/cycle path which stretches from the river plains to Elst. Along this path
different sound sources can be experienced.
Figure 19. Current situation and artist impression of the estate zone (author). Keynote sound: Gewone dwergvleermuis.
Figure 20. Current situation and artist impression of the field zone (author). Keynote sound: Boerenzwaluw; keynote
sound: wind turbine; sound signal: agricultural motorized vehicles.
134
Figure 21. Current situation and artist impression of the energy orchard zone (author). Soundmark: Steenuil; sound
signal: frog.
5. Discussion
This paper focused on acoustic landscape experience in sustainable energy landscapes and
how these could be improved by landscape architectural design. Although most literature is
focused on noise pollution by traffic, this thesis tried to encourage a more positive approach
to sound. In other words, it aimed to explore how a landscape architectural approach can
contribute to pleasurable acoustic experience while taken into account the impact of renew-
able energy technologies on the acoustic environment. This topic turned out to be relevant
for landscape architecture since the traditional focus within the discipline of landscape ar-
chitecture was on scenic quality and there is need for a better integration of aesthetics and
en environmental psychology into the shaping of sustainable energy landscapes. Although
the initial idea of this thesis was to show how a landscape architectural design can con-
tribute to pleasurable acoustic experience, it turned out that is impossible since acoustic
landscape experience is highly subjective. It depends on personal preference and peoples
associations with a certain landscape or sound in particular. In addition the time and place
also play an important role in acoustic landscape experience.
In order to ground the design interventions of the proposed design in this thesis an
acoustic landscape analysis has been conducted. The purpose of this acoustic analysis was
not only conduct an impression of the current soundscape, but also to minimize the effect of
135
subjectivity within this paper. By the comparison of sound description diagrams for example
could be stated why certain sound sources produce a lo-fi or hi-fi system and why they are
more or less preferred by the human ear. Nevertheless, since the observations are still taking
by one person and not repeated of time they can still be qualified as subjective.
In an addition the research lacks in a multisensory analysis to capture the whole land-
scape experience. Although the visual landscape experience is partly taken into account the
presents other features, such as smell is necessary to determine the whole landscape expe-
rience. Due limitation in time, this paper furthermore does not contain a field analyses of
differentiation in soundscapes in gradients. The same applies for the effectiveness of spatial
interventions to noise reduction and impact of different renewable energy techniques. All
are covered by secondary literature research, but field acoustic analyses should contribute
to valuable conclusions about the changes in sounds in place and time. Such numbers would
have strengthened the statement and proposed design of this thesis.
Since the design interventions are only based on theory, it is hard to forecast if the pro-
posed design actually contributes to a more pleasurable experience is. More research and
acoustic landscape analysis to the performance of executed acoustic designs are needed to
determine its effectiveness. Such research should not only exist of intensity measurements,
but also value judgement should be taken into account. This can be done by asking the users
of the acoustic design to comment on sounds they are. By visualizing these into sound event
maps can be indicated which sounds take place where and are less or more preferred by
others. Such maps only show hints for acoustic design improvement. By doing so it can be
guaranteed that an acoustic design can provide a pleasurable acoustic experience over time.
Despite of the limitations of this research the knowledge gathered in this paper can
be valuable for our discipline since the topic of soundscapes has hardly been studied in
landscape architecture so far. Let alone that acoustic experience has been associated with
the acoustic impact of sustainable energy technology. This paper (and the authors bachelor
thesis) can be therefore be interpreted as a first attempt to bring knowledge about acoustic
landscape experience in relations to the topics of traffic noise en renewable energy technol-
ogies together.
136
6. Conclusion
This paper started a fascination for soundscapes and aimed to explore the possibilities of
landscape architecture to contribute the development of a sustainable transport corridor,
with large scale-infrastructure and renewable energy technologies, which fosters visual and
acoustic experience in Overbetuwe.
The impact of renewable energy technologies has been taken in account. Since the
Netherlands limits hydropower resources and does not lie in a region of great potential for
deep geothermal, biomass is one of the leading renewable energy sources. Other leading en-
ergy sources are solar, wind and heatcold storage and a heat exchanger. Of all these tech-
niques the conventional wind turbine is most unsuitable for implementation in the sound-
scape, since it produces an unpleasurable sound. Most silent are the solar panel and thermal
heat exchanger: they are noiseless and can be in the river landscape of Overbetuwe without
changing the soundscape. Originally the landscape of Overbetuwe was dynamic landscape
with clear landscape gradients of floodplains, natural levees and water basins. Nevertheless,
due organic growth and the introduction of large scale infrastructure the landscape in the
south of Overbetuwe has become less readable. The presence of large scale infrastructure
and business area makes this part over Overbetuwe unattractive as recreation area. In ad-
dition the introduction of large scale infrastructure causes noise nuisance in Overbetuwe
that overwhelms natural and human sound if they are present. This notation contributes
to the statement found in literature that mechanical sound dominates acoustic landscape.
Nevertheless, acoustic analyses gained also new insight that there is hardly any differen-
tiation in sounds in the landscape. In addition, its present is closely related to the type of
land use and the presence of vegetation in Overbetuwe. This visual and acoustic appearance
of the landscape can be more or less attractive with the introduction of renewable energy
technologies. Highest local potentials for renewable energy in Overbetuwe are solar, wind
and biomass energy and are implemented in the acoustic design of Overbetuwe. The de-
sign as proposed in this paper not about quoting landscapes or banning out mechanical
sound. Instead it focuses at special places where the opportunity exist to reduce, mask or
experience (design strategies) certain sounds in order to increase human enjoyment. Zon-
ing plays an important role by the implementations of these strategies in order to strength
the qualities that are already present in a soundscape. For Overbetuwe a zoning has been
introduced by following the natural gradient and long historical lines that are present in this
landscape. Zoning provides here not only provides the opportunity to strength the natural
137
gradient with an acoustic layer, but also gives each zone a unique soundscape. Since me-
chanical sound made other natural and human sounds tend to be obscure in the Overbetuwe
landscape, the design tends to decrease the acoustic experience of mechanical sounds and
increase the occurrence of human and natural sounds in the gradients of Overbetuwe. The
focus hereby is on natural sounds; since its the appearance of different type animal sounds
can easily be created within the different landscape zones. In Overbetuwe the bad and three
endangered breeding bird species have the potential to become soundmarks. In addition to
mechanical noise can best be reduced by the creation of distance, the use of slopes and veg-
etation. Mechanical sounds produced by an solar, wind and bioenergy technologies can give
an extra dimension to the landscape experience in Overbetuwe since it provide both silence
and mechanical experience.
The zoning strategy, as applied in this report has resulted in a landscape architectural
design that contributes to the development of a sustainable energy transport corridor by the
implementation of renewable energy technologies in the design, which together can largely
foresee in the energy provision of 500 TJ. In addition the design is in theory able foster to
pleasurable acoustic landscape experience. Nevertheless its effectiveness is highly depend-
ing on personal preference and peoples associations with a certain landscape or sound in
particular. Since a total reduction of traffic noise is impossible it will always be present in the
landscape. Nevertheless, the design proposed in this paper has proven that zoning strate-
gies can create differentiation in soundscapes and therefore for a more pleasurable acoustic
experience.
In addition to this remark it has to be mentioned that the design proposed as proposed
in this paper is based on landscape characteristics and local circumstances of the Overbetu-
we landscape. Since this is the case and soundscape differs in time and space, it is impossi-
ble to give a one set approach for designing soundscapes in general. Nonetheless, the given
framework for the development of an acoustic design can be used as a guide for further re-
search, which is important since (traffic) noise pollution and energy provision are important
topics. That we, as landscape architectural designers, should not lose out of sight.
138
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S. Stremke (Eds.), Sustainable energy land- Liander. (n.d.). Werkgebied Liander. Retrieved
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htm
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140
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Angus Carlyle
a.carlyle@lcc.arts.ac.uk
Professor of Sound and Landscape (University of the Arts London / CRiSAP)
Abstract
Online sound maps been uploaded for nearly a decade and a half and they continue to prolif-
erate. This paper questions the specific abstractions that are projected through these online
map technologies, the little white lies that they tell. It explores how the view from above
that these maps impel us to adopt involves a charged perspective, one that is framed in a
particular institutional mesh of delivery and access, that is energised by the suspicion that it
involves a watching machine that has long been plugged into a war machine. Paradoxically,
the very height that this view depends upon obscures the urban vertical, that reaches below
ground as well as above and which might be a dimension of increasing importance.
When the base layer of the online map is re-assembled for a sonic geography, something
strange can happen: the apparently inherent abstractions of the view from above can be
partially disrupted: the drifting eye-ball can find itself a body, the slippery, icy gaze can be
roughened by friction, the high can be brought low, relations can be established between
stuff and people and animals and weather the Gods Eye can be misted by the buffalos
breath. What was once invisible can be rendered audible perhaps because sound might al-
ways already be a cartography. And yet, that cartographic potential still seems as it does in
the visual register to avert itself from the elevations and declinations of the vertical.
Keywords: soundmaps, cartography, power, view from above, the hidden vertical, abstraction
141
The following Generations, who were not so fond of the Study of Cartography as
their Forebears had been, saw that that vast map was Useless, and not without
some Pitilessness was it, that they delivered it up to the Inclemencies of Sun and
Winters
The landscape begins to look more like a three-dimensional map than a rustic
garden. Aerial photography and air transportation bring into view the surface
features of this shifting world of perspectives. The rational structures of build-
ings disappear into irrational disguises and are pitched into optical illusions. The
world seen from the air is abstract and illusive,
Maps abstract, of course they do. That is their function1. This paper is about the specific ab-
stractions that are projected through the online map. It seeks to explore how the view from
abovethat these maps impel us to adopt involves a charged perspective, one that is framed
in a particular institutional mesh of delivery and access, that is energised by the suspicion
that it involves a watching machine that has long been plugged into a war machine and
1.A good map tells a multitude of little white lies; it suppresses truth to help the user see what needs to be
seen. Reality is three-dimensional, rich in detail, and far too factual to allow a complete yet uncluttered two-di-
mensional graphic scale model. Indeed, a map that did not generalize would be useless. But the value of a
map depends on how well its generalized geometry and generalized content reflect a chosen aspect of reality,
(Monmonier, 1996, p. 25)
142
that, paradoxically, the very height that this view depends upon obscures the urban vertical,
a dimension of increasing importance.
When the base layer of the online map is re-assembled for a sonic geography, something
strange can happen: the apparently inherent abstractions of the view from above can be
partially disrupted: the drifting eye-ball can find itself a body, the slippery, icy gaze can be
roughened by friction, the high can be brought low, relations can be established between
stuff and people and animals and weather the Gods Eye can be misted by the buffalos
breath2. What was once invisible can be rendered audible perhaps because sound might al-
ways already be a cartography. And yet, that cartographic potential still seems as it does in
the visual register to avert itself from the elevations and declinations of the vertical.
There are pegs that are perforated and pegs enclosing dots, there are circles in blue and
red and green, there are triangles, there are inert markers and ones that animate with a
throb or a spin or which open and close as your mouse draws closer, there is an arcane
symbology of graphic forms, representations of the ears pinna, of silhouetted recordists, of
closed-capsule headphones, of musical notes, of wave forms. Activating an icon might trig-
ger a preloaded recording or cue access to a live stream; your speakers might receive a very
short burst of a signal or the auditory complexities might be given the space to unfold over
a lengthier duration; sounds can be deployed with sequential strictness or the user can be
left to set off several simultaneously; the sound might enter the world nude or be adorned
with a text that is either brusquely explanatory or more decoratively discursive; there might
be a photograph.
These online sound maps reflect a continuum of creative conditions that span from
sole authorship through editorial moderation to the most open and spontaneous models of
crowd-sourcing; some maps are discrete expressions of time-bounded projects while oth-
ers represent the accumulation of many years worth of collaborative enterprise. The web
map can locate its boundaries within a circumscribed territory or range far and wide; it can
2.Buffalo Breath is the label for a node on an online sound map I created during the Viso Come Territorio res-
idency in Southern Italy. This map was generously enabled through Peter Cusacks favouritesounds.org and has
been written about in (Voegelin, 2014, pp. 3036)
143
distinguish itself through a concentration on specific thematic concerns or adopt a more
ecumenical approach; it can encourage remixing or be more protective of the purity of its
holdings.
In the time that has elapsed since my earliest encounters with online sound maps nearly
a decade and a half ago things have changed and things have remained the same. Icons have
been shuffled and bits have got deeper but the articulations between the form of content and
the form of expression and the forces these forms mediate have remained surprisingly sta-
ble. This stability attracts more attention to itself because it has endured in the face of both
a relatively substantial proliferation of different web sound maps and a concomitant shift in
climactic conditions online that is measurable in technologies, user numbers and user be-
haviour3. The pleasures of engaging with an online sound map have similarly held their own
for me and hours can easily be lost in jumping from peg to triangle to circle todotto icon.
I have refrained from identifying specific sound maps because I want to focus on a shared
quality that persists throughout them all, almost without exception.
3. Universal Textures
While the screens may be different in size and sharpness, what they display draws out a
remarkable similarity, the earth tiled in universal textures, patched like mosaic tesserae4.
Everything is arranged in simpler shapes and softer hues: the seas look washed out, the
wilds seem cultivated, the cities streets aligned to the straight and narrow; everything is flat,
every incline smoothed, every depression filled: there are no clouds.
Google might have seemed a good place to start and yet its ubiquity is a particular one. A
colossal presence that casts a shadow to match, falling as much on the distinctiveness of the
companys dont be evil support for folding bikes and employees one day a week research
projects as it does on questions of national tax avoidance, monopolisation and monetisation
of searchable knowledge, capitulation with Chinese data laws and the Street View scandals
3.Online maps in general have expanded in number and significance. Sebastien Caquard claims that maps
have recently become the main interface for accessing data over the internet (Caquard, 2013, p. 139)
4.Clement Vallas 2012 project The Universal Texture brings to the surface a compelling haul of distorted
screengrabs that reveal in dripping detail the submarine algorithmic operations involved in rendering Google Earths
relief projections of landscape and architecture. See http://rhizome.org/editorial/2012/jul/31/universal-texture/
144
of the initially unpixellated faces and the netting of shoals of data swimming free from do-
mestic wireless hotspots.
Whether Google, Microsofts Bing Maps,MetaMap, Meipi, Goportail or OpenStreetMap,
the entry-level base layers ultimately deliver a complex blend of cartographic material de-
rived from remote sensing systems and aerial photography and do so within an institutional
environment that that favours free trade, an open market and privately funded research
and development (R&D). It requires a well-funded militaryindustrial complex that develops
defence technology (Lee, 2010, p. 910). Whatever creative adaptations are made to these
base-layers, it is important to recognize that they do so within a production environment
where their emancipatory potential is always constrained by institutional forces that govern
the production, storage and provision of geo-spatial data (Jethani & Leorke, 2013, p. 488).
However intoxicating the resources made available through Geographical Information
Systems (GIS) such as web sound maps, these institutional forces and institutional environ-
ments that structure their delivery demand more sober scrutiny. Parallel attention needs
also to be devoted to the mechanisms of access. The Economist magazines 1995 claim that
half the worlds population has never made a phone call may no longer be credible if ever
indeed it was5 yet the distribution and cost of high speed internet remains far from equal.
Jason Farmans 2010 article, for example, distinguished DSL in Japan as 6 cents per 100 Kilo-
bytes per second a price that amounted to 0.002 of the average monthly salary from the
cost for the same data transfer rates in Kenya at twice the average monthly salary (Farman,
2010, p. 869).
If the distribution of uploaded nodes on the online sound maps makes these disparities
of digital access palpitate,this inequality shouldnt disguise the distortions that are encod-
ed into the base layer itself. The base maps are never faithful analogues of geomorphology
nor indexical renditions of the built environment: they are the multitude of little white lies
(and some larger untruths) that Mark Monmonier told us about; they inflect a politics of
ontology6 that Martin Dodge and Robin Kitchen attribute to online cartography (Dodge and
Kitchen, 2013, pp. 1936).
5.http://answers.google.com/answers/main?cmd=threadview&id=20411
6.As such, the politics of ontology relating to the selective interests of capitalist accumulation or militaristic
agendas that underpin the ontological constitution of state-produced maps lies beyond the map itself. What,
for example, is the ontological constitution of Google Maps? It clearly has one and it certainly arose from some
debate within the company between GI experts, database specialists, interface designers, and business managers,
along with the various contracted data suppliers, concerning what about the world should be mapped and how it
should be presented, (Dodge and Kitchen, 2013, pp. 1936).
145
I want to zoom out from these uncomfortably sharp details of delivery, access and on-
tological constitutions and consider instead how the apparatus of the standard web map
interpellates its user. In what follows, Ill scale back and appreciate how the conventional
interface hails us with a specific perceptual subjectivity that Ill call the Gods Eye View: hov-
ering, weightless, with neither shadow nor friction, looking down7.
The floating, high altitude perspective is not devoid of lyrical resonance8. Staring out of
the cockpit permitted Antoine Saint-Exupery an observation post for ambiguous reverie:
from up there the earth had looked bare and dead; but as the plane loses altitude, it robes
itself in colours (Saint-Exupery, 2000a, p. 21). On a later journey he was afforded a dark
night, with only occasional scattered lights glittering like stars on the plain. Each one, in that
ocean of shadows, was a sign of the miracle of consciousness But among these living stars,
how many closed windows, how many extinct stars, how many sleeping men (Saint-Exupery,
2000b, p. 9). On still a another flight, through the different glass of Christmas Eve, the crew
of Apollo 8 recorded their fourth orbit of the moon with the earthrise photograph that was
said to have been a key part of the start of the new environmental awareness movement
(Farman, 2010, p. 869) and to have been imbued with a politics that subordinated the no-
tional boundaries of sovereign power in favor of swirling clouds that do not respect the lines
configured by human conquest or legislation (Sheila Janasoff cited in Phadke, 2010, p. 267).
It is not unexpected that the philosopher Paul Virilio manages to unearth gloomier ren-
ditions of the aerial view from both Saint-Ex9 and a peering astronaut.10 Not unexpected,
because for Virilio, the airborne vantage, the one which articulates us when we log onto a
web map, would bepart and parcel of the infiltration of the militarys movements into daily
life, (Virilio, 1990, p. 233) understood as an internalised perspective that is engineered by a
watching machine that is twinned to the war machine. [F]rom the original watch-tower
through the anchored balloon to the reconnaissance aircraft and remote-sensing satellites,
one and the same function has been indefinitely repeated, the eyes function being the func-
tion of a weapon (Virilio, 1996, p. 3).
7.For a philosophical perspective on the Gods Eye View see Puttnam, 1992.
8.Roland Barthes claimed that the literary instantiation of this panorama from on high begins with Victor Hugos
Notre Dame De Paris, where The birds-eye-view, which each visitor to the Tower can assume in an instant for his
own, gives us the world to read and not only to perceiveto perceive Paris from above is infallibly to imagine a
history (Barthes, 1979, p. 11)
9.All I can see on the vertical is curios from another age, beneath clear untrembling glass. I lean over crystal
frames in a museum; I tower above a great sparkling pane, the great pane of my cockpit. Below are men pro-
tozoa on microscope slide I am an icy scientist, and for me their war is a laboratory experiment, Antoine Saint
Exupery, Pilote de Guerre, cited in (Virilio, 1996, p. 75)
10.What I felt personally was like going back to, or having a vision of, the village where you were born. You dont
want to live there any more because youve grown up and moved away and now youd rather live the life of the city.
But it moves you as Mother Earth; you just know you wouldnt want to go back and live with her (Virilio, 1997, p. 97)
146
While the top-down view has other origins religious panorama painting, Hugos Paris11,
Nadars balloon photography12, Barthes Eiffel Tower13 this military-image nexus identified
by Virilio is neither a metaphor nor a coincidence but a literal consequence of the history of
remote-sensing technologies and the abrogation of state budgets to defence spending. It is
an uncomfortable connection that, for me at least, is tightened with each news package that
includes helicopter surveillance footage, each fictional account that has the darkened war
room lit by screens glowing with live satellite links.
The notion of a Gods Eye View has come to be rendered in the popular imagination
[as] myopic and sometimes malign (Lyon, 2014, p. 25) and as a short-hand for our panoptic
surveillance society. This conventional definition ignores other interpretative genealogies
such as the one developed by David Lyon, where to come under heavens sight did not nec-
essarily mean admonishment. Yet the high-altitude perspective that is stubbornly there for
me whenever I click onto a web-based sound map begins with the secular view from above
that Michel De Certeaualso encountered on the 110th Floor of the World Trade Centre. This
is a view that, at first at least, renders space abstract, diminishes its complexity, for [o]nes
body is no longer clasped by the streets Nor possessed, whether as player or played, by the
rumble of so many differences. The citys agitation is momentarily arrested by vision. The
gigantic mass is immobilised before the eyes [and the] ordinary practitioners of the city live
down below, below the thresholds at which visibility begins (De Certeau, 1987, pp. 9193).
4. Vertical City
This view from above is a strange thing. It depends on altitude, on height, on the axis of the
vertical but it paradoxically obscures that very dimension from its lofty scope. It is like Mar-
shall McLuhans parable of the fish that can know nothing of the water it swims in the view
from on high is ignorant of its own height. This blind spot in the web map means that we are
turned aside from navigating anything that takes place at any elevation from the surface of
the earth, both above and below contour zero.
11.http://www.bartleby.com/312/0302.html
12.http://www.geog.ucsb.edu/~jeff/115a/jack_slides/nadarparisfromballoon.jpg
13.http://operasj.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/eiffel.jpg
147
This optical deflection might be important because whether or not we physically ascend
the citys upper levels to look down ourselves, the view from above has become a general-
ised perspective, a perspective which coordinates verticality as the key axis of the urban
environment. The emphasis on verticality, at least according to Henri Lefebvre, tends to
produce homogeneity: to the extent that an edifice is constructed with upward momentum,
it abstracts from the local specificity of the territory at its base. Verticality, and the inde-
pendence of volumes with respect to the original land and its peculiarities are, precisely,
produced (Lefebvre, 1991, p. 337).
It is not just that verticality represents the espace conu through which the technocrats
negotiate the territory that we go on to inhabit but that the vertical continuum is where
things happen. And they happen in zones excluded from the top-down orientation of the
web map. The deep underground of the city, its meshwork of utilities and transport systems,
lost rivers, demolished buildings, storage facilities, domestic and industrial waste, the dead,
government bunkers, the subterranean lives depicted in the documentary Dark Days. The
heights of urban prestige, those placards of prosperity and success identified by Alfred
Bosson, one of the pioneers of skyscraper design (Sharp and Wyde, 1992, p. 27); the crystal
palaces and crystal edifices that, though beautiful and lofty, Dostoevsky saw in Notes
From Underground as the architectural equivalent of the the full triumph of Baal, the ulti-
mate organisation of the anthill (Dostoyevsky cited in Carlyle, 2000, p. 96).
In his brilliant book Explore Everything: Place-Hacking The City, Bradley L. Garrett lets us
accompany him into the invisible reaches of the deep and the high, unearthing the sense that
[w]hile the horizontal sprawl tangibly affects us, we often feel out of touch with the vertical
sprawl because tall buildings are built for the bankers, businessmen, advertisers, marketers,
media, and increasingly, tech people precisely the groups that create and maintain the
spectacle Increasingly the vertical city is about security from the insecurities of street
level (Garrett, 2013, p. 222).
5. Gone To Ground
Certain environmental sound practices have burrowed into the vertical or scaled its heights
but given the vast swathes of city space that are constructed above and below ground level,
it is remarkable how little auditory attention has been devoted to these zones of activity. The
148
problematic notion of the acoustic horizon (Blesser and Salter, 2006) has certainly been ex-
tended but at the expense of a parallel exploration of the perpendicular axis. The orientation
of the top-down sound map itself exaggerates this impression since it represents the icons,
dots or pegs as if they were strung out on an atopographic plane, aligned on an endless salt-
flat stretched to a blistered infinity. Overlays that visually represent terrain through polygon
shading can be switched on or off but the sound symbols hover on unperturbed, neither
shifting in their scale, nor tilting in accord with any gravity; floating as we, the user, float
above them, encouraged to maintain our high altitude perspective.
It is as almost as if sight has won again and the weighty visual inheritance of the map has
conspired even when it has been repurposed towards the heard world to flatten sound
into a grid of surface and source. And yet, as I said in the introduction to this essay, when
sound infiltrates the online map, the Gods Eye view elsewhere that omnipotent, instan-
taneous, disembodied, all-possessing eye (Sadler, 1999, p. 25) starts to become distracted,
to lose its certainties.
Part of the reason for this is that screens pock-marked with craters of recorded sound
contradict any implication of lofty height to be derived from the geomap interface itself;
these acoustic hotspots counter with what is evidentially terrestrial, with the distinct hug-
ger-mugger of De Certeaus down below. Moreover, it is harder for a sense of disembodi-
ment to blithely persist when recordings themselves intrinsically account for a human pres-
ence;ideally, it should be the soft but perceptible vibrations from the recordists breath or the
rubbing fabric of their clothes but at the very least we might hear the receding and careful
backward paces of someone cabling off a microphone. Further still, sound maps, especially
those which are crowd-sourced or collaborative, raise the subjective and fragmentary in
tension with any ontological constitution towards the all-encompassing and objective that
may otherwise radiate outwards from an online map.
6. The Onto-Sonic-Cartographic?
Levi R. Bryant has recently opened up a promising line of inquiry into what he calls the on-
to-cartographic, inviting a recalibration of map-making towards stuff or physicality or
material agencies, that is guided by the conviction that we cant fully understand why so-
cial ecologies take the form they do without taking into account the role played by non-hu-
149
man agencies in constructing these assemblages (Bryant, 2014, p. 253). The potential to map
the forces exerted byclimatic change, disease, animal migrations and extinctions, resource
depletion and pollution and concrete economic relations sounds as laudable as his notions
of modal maps(that project possible futures) and vector maps (that chart the destinies of
social ecologies assemblages left to their own devices). Yet it is disappointing that Bryants
maps turn out to be what you and I would call books inspiring, catalytic, books, but books
nonetheless. Equally frustrating is the sense left as you turn the very last page that Bryants
statement of his speculative realist enterprise has involved such an extensive polishing of
his methodological glasses that time has run out for any chance to look through them and
attempt anything of an application.
Environmental sound practices are already close to invoking this onto-cartographic.
They may not obsessively engage with the hidden vertical which may be little more than
my own obsession but they do reveal the stuff of life and non-life, the dynamic interactions
of human and non-human, of the organic and inorganic as the temporal reels out. The online
sound map is one agency through which the invisible forces of the city are brought down
to earth and into hearing range but there are other tactical interventions at our disposal.
Performative sound-walking with or without popping balloons, a singing voice or an ambi-
ent voice. Dialogic listening spurred by the imperatives of activist intent or by the desire to
triangulate the sonic ways of knowing place. Affective attentiveness to what goes on behind
the windows and walls, to the domestic beyond the architectural faade; intensified sensi-
tivity to magnetic fluxes, to the internal vibrancy of matter, to shifts in heat, in wetness and
wind, to the racket of the cicada and the buffalos breath, to the dangerous (however visibly
innocuous or, even, however audibly innocuous) and to the precarious (in whatever the
language it speaks).
Maybe this isnt the onto-cartographic, but, at the risk of the self-congratulatory, it also
absolutely does not involve any disembodied master subject seeing everything from no-
where (Haraway, 1991, 189). Our years of sonic exploration might ultimately constitute a
collective counter-mapping that makes audible that which struggles to be seen as visible.
150
References
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Ontology of Machines and Media Edinburgh Lyon, David (2014) Surveillance and the Eye of
Caquard, Sebastien (2013) Cartography I: Map- Monmonier, Mark (1996) How To Lie With Maps
Carlyle, Angus (2000) Beneath Ground in eds. Google Earth Age, Ethics, Place & Environ-
Nick Barley and Ally Ireson, City Levels Lon- ment: A Journal of Philosophy & Geography 13:
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de Certeau, Michel (1987) The Practice of Puttnam, Hilary (1992) Realism With A Human
Everyday Life Berkeley and Los Angeles, Face in ed. James Conant, Realism With A
Crowd-Sourced Cartography: Mapping Ex- Sadler, Simon (1999) The Situationist City Lon-
Farman, Jason (2010) Mapping The Digital Night Flight London: Penguin
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gy, obsolescence and preservation in digital cal Struggles New York: Semiotext(e)
151
Virilio, Paul (1996) War and Cinema: The Logis-
London: Bloomsbury
bartleby.com/312/0302.html
geog.ucsb.edu/~jeff/115a/jack_slides/nadar
parisfromballoon.jpg
operasj.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/
eiffel.jpg
favouritesounds.org
rhizome.org/editorial/2012/jul/31/
universal-texture/
answers.google.com/answers/main?cmd=
threadview&id=20411
152
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Valerio Signorelli
valerio.signorelli@cerma.archi.fr
CERMA, UMR CNRS 1563, Graduate School of Architecture of Nantes, France
Abstract
The European Noise Directive has introduced the need to identify, protect and enrich, places
characterized by a substantial sound quality aimed at reducing the harmful effects of noise
pollution by providing quiet areas for the wellbeing of city dwellers. However, the condition
of quietness cannot be addressed by applying just a noise control strategy as well as it can-
not be focused solely on its sonic qualities, but multi-sensory approaches are needed. More-
over, the visual representation tools commonly used in urban design practices have limited
capabilities in describing the sound components. The ongoing research aims to propose new
solutions, based on the use of interactive virtual environments, able to describe simultane-
ously the visual and auditory dimensions of the urban environments.
153
1. Quiet areas as an opportunity for applying a multisensory
approach
It is a decade since the European Noise Directive 2002/49/EC (END 2002) was issued and,
albeit with significant delays, which still persist (COM 321, 2011), the member States have
adopted in their legislative frameworks the recommendations contained in the European
text. The aim of the directive is:
Moreover, the END has introduced the quiet areas, conceived as places characterized by
a substantial sonic quality, that need to be identify, to protect and to enrich to deal with the
growth of the environmental noise that, together with air pollution, constitutes one of the
major threat to physical and psychological health of the city dwellers (WHO 2011; EEA 2010;
Kihlman et al. 2001; Berglund and Lindvall 1995). The quiet areas should be conceived as
places in which the sonic qualities must be carefully evaluated rather than considered them
as collectors of noise sources that affect the indoor environments. Furthermore, besides
the urban parks or the areas close to sensitive receptors (such as schools and hospitals), it is
necessary to consider the role of the small and medium sized open spaces (e.g. square, gar-
den, pocket-park) that, scattered in the urban fabric, can form an effective urban restorative
network (Figure 1).
154
Figure 1. Urban open spaces, in their different locations, dimensions, morphologies and materials, can define effective urban
restorative networks. Which characteristics should they have and how can we design these places from a sonic point of view?
The European directive did not provide guidelines or methods to identify or protect these
places but, by proposing two quantitative and average indicators, it maintained a reduc-
tive noise control approach (END 2002: art. 2). European projects (Quadmap1, Qside2,
Hush3, Harmonica4, Silence5, CityHush6, Hosanna7) and national research (Grimwood 2011;
Licitraetal., 2011; Payne, Davies and Adams, 2009; Faburel and Gourlot 2008; Symonds,
2003), were conducted in the years after the issue of the END proposing new indicators and
1.http://www.quadmap.eu
2.http://www.qside.eu
3.http://www.hush-project.eu
4.http://www.harmonica-project.eu
5.http://www.silence-ip.org/site/
6.http://www.cityhush.eu
7.http://www.greener-cities.eu
155
methodology for dealing with this lack. A common thread is that noise control strategies,
although necessary, are insufficient to define a quiet area since the harmful effects of noise
pollution are not exclusively related to the overcoming of specific sound level thresholds
(Lercher, Schulte-Fortkamp 2003): frequency range covered by the sound sources, as well
as their temporality, in terms of duration and repetition, are attributes equally important to
consider. Moreover, the indicators proposed by the END describe an average sound pres-
sure level over a long period of time. For this reason they do not allow us to distinguish the
presence of impulsive sounds, characterized by high sound pressure levels and short dura-
tion, as well as intermittent or periodic sounds. It is not possible to extract, through these
indicators, specific tonal components in which a certain range of frequencies prevails, e.g. it
is not possible to estimate the annoyance provided by the sound sources that cover the low
frequencies of the audible spectrum (EEA 2014; Berglund, Lindvall 1995). However, all these
physical attributes provide just a partial description of the acoustic environment. Sound
components are tightly linked with time, daily and seasonal changes and characterized by
the space in which they are emitted: morphology of the urban fabric, paving and building
materials, urban furniture and vegetation, local climate components, as well as the various
human activities, contribute to form unique soundscapes (Venot and Smidor 2006; Jeon,
Jang and Kim 2013).
In addition to this, any sound event can be perceived as pleasant or unpleasant regard-
less its physical characteristics but considering the value that a listener assigns to it or ac-
cording to the activities carried out by him/her (e.g. reading a book, having a conversation,
doing sport) (Booi and Van den Berg 2012; Axelsson 2011; Kang 2007; Amphoux 2003; Au-
goyard and Torgue 1995), and others sensory cues influence our perception of the sonic
environment (Pheasant et al. 2010; Southworth 1969). A broader sensory approach is needed
for the identification and design of these places, both in quantitative and qualitative terms
and new tools and methodology, able to support the design process of these sensitive places,
have to be developed . (EEA 2014; Gidlof-Gunnarsson and Ohrstrom 2007; Kang 2007; Zardini
2005; Martellotti 2004).
156
3. Representing the sensory form of the city beyond the car-
tographic media
Quantitative and qualitative dimensions of the sonic urban environment can be represented
through cartographic media. However, while the noise maps (Figure 2), that present the
geographical distribution of noise exposure, either in terms of measured or calculated levels
(Kang 2007) in a specific period of time and using defined indicators, are well known and
defined by regulatory instruments in urban planning8, the soundmap (Figure 3), that are used
for displaying a qualitative descriptions of the sonic environment , are rarely employed for
this purpose.
Figure 2. Strategic Noise Map of Milan. Representation of the LN data for the major roads, railways and airports. The
sensitive receptors (mainly schools and hospitals) as represented as well (AMAT 2013).
A soundmap can be defined as a form of locative media that links a place with its sonic
representation. Noticeable examples of these products were developed during the 60
(Radicchi 2012). The Worldv Soundscape Project, a research group at the Simon Fraser Uni-
versity of Vancouver (Schafer 1977), developed a series of soundmaps, using various graphical
techniques, for providing a visual description of the qualitative characteristics of the sonic
environment (Schafer 1977b). However, as Schafer claimed in his work:
8.The European directive has required to use two annual average indicators for the noise maps: a noise indica-
tor for annoyance during the day period (Lden) and a noise indicator for sleep disturbance (Ln) focusing in particular
on the noise emitted by the major transport infrastructures (END 2002). The noise data can be determined either
by computation or by measurement. In the first case the reliability of the computation depends on the algorithm
used, the accuracy of the urban model employed and the amount of sound sources data (e.g. number of vehicles
passing on a specific road).
157
Such diagrams are hints only, but perhaps this is all one should expect of sound
visualization a few hints which the ear can then follow up in its own way. []
The temptation of bad habits is no doubt still implicit in them, and it is for this
reason that I conclude this chapter with a warning that no silent projection of a
soundscape can ever be adequate. The first rule must always be: if you cant hear
it, be suspicious. (Schafer 1977: 132)
Figure 3. The FirenzeSoundmap, recently published in the OpenData catalog of Florence, Italy
http://www.firenzesoundmap.org/ (Radicchi 2012).
However, through a two dimensional representation we are still missing the possibility to
highlight the immersive and multimodal experience of the urban environment. Cartographic
media is limited to a planar description of the built environment that is also necessarily
coded and simplified. Moreover, the majority of the soundmaps consulted are conceived as
static archives of recordings, a freeze-frame that aims to collect the memory of the current
soundscape, partially disconnected from the others elements that forms the urban envi-
158
ronment. Considering the need to better communicate the sensory complexity of the quiet
areas, avoiding a technical jargon difficult to comprehend for non-experts, new tools and
methods need to be developed.
The ongoing research proposes a method to display simultaneously the immersive visual
and auditory stimuli through a game engine system in order to unfold the communication
capability of the two-dimensional supports by adding the third dimension.
Briefly the project is organized in three phases (Figure 4):
To develop an interactive digital map system focused on the representation and de-
scription of the quiet areas. The auditory data, in their quantitative and qualitative
forms, together with the others sensory and physical parameters and analysis will be
considered, stored and displayed.
To develop a 3D dimensional interactive environment used for presenting current
and expected scenarios of the quiet areas enriched with sound components by em-
ploying a Game Engine system.
To publish the final product on different platforms (e.g. immersive virtual reality de-
vices, online applications), and test the tool with different class of users.
159
4. Unfolding the maps through the virtual environments
In the last decades, virtual environments in urban studies have been extensively improved.
They have been used not only to produce visual communication outcomes of existing or
proposed urban development projects, but as effective platforms for conducting environ-
mental analysis and simulations which can be represented only partially on a planar support
(Crooks et al., 2010; Ceconello and Spallazzo, 2008; Batty 2007; Evans et al, 2005). Moreover,
the effectiveness of virtual and interactive environments in urban design practices, particu-
larly during public participation activities, have been investigated as well (Griffon et al. 2011;
Salter et.al 2009; Bishop and Lange 2005). However, to produce complex urban models a
large amount of data and time are required. These aspects are evident in particular if we
need to model small and medium urban spaces, that are characterized by numerous details
which need to be accurately displayed for ensure their understanding. Within this context,
we choose to use the 360 degree spherical images as effective and rapid prototyping means.
A spherical image is a visual medium obtained by the digital composition (e.g. through photo
stitching software) of various photos or virtual images, taken from a specific and fixed loca-
tion, covering the 360 degrees on horizontal and vertical axes. The result is a single image
(Figure 5), projected onto a flat surface, used as texture map for mapping the surface of a
three-dimensional primitive (a sphere or a cube). Afterwards, these images can be displayed
interactively giving to the user the impression of being surrounded by an urban environment.
The use of the panoramic images for developing virtual environments is not recent. Various
examples can be found since the 90ies when the limited computational capabilities of the
computer systems were not able to manage large 3D models (Hudson-Smith 2003). Nowa-
days, the improvement of digital photography and information technologies, makes possible
to produce easily these images using affordable devices and open source software main-
taining high quality outcomes. The prototype presented uses a high resolution panoramic
image developed at the Laboratorio di Simulazione Urbana Fausto Curti of the Politecnico
di Milano (Piga et al. 2013).
160
Figure 5. The final result of a high resolution panoramic image after being elaborated by a photo stitching software
(Source: Laboratorio di Simulazione Urbana Fausto Curti).
Several soundwalks were performed in different days of the week in order to identify
the different sound events that characterize along the time the chosen area, therefore the
various sound sources located in the area, and hearable from the location of the spherical
photos, have been recorded. Every recorded sounds has been described in detail (e.g. time
and duration of the recording, climate condition in the area , devices used etc.). Finally, vari-
ous three-dimensional models have been created for enriching the virtual environment with
dynamic objects, as well as the proposed urban furniture and the surrounding buildings.
The data collected have been imported in the game engine system. Briefly, a game en-
gine is a software system characterized by various components used to manage visual and
auditory dimensions of a virtual environment, animations, artificial intelligence, and physical
systems. Moreover, the game engine allows us to create highly interactive environments
where the user is not just a spectator but he/she can interact directly with the provided sim-
ulation (Andreoli et al. 2005). They were developed for the creation of video games, however,
in the last years, they have been increasingly used also in disciplines not closely related to a
playful attitude (Bishop, 2011; Signorelli 2013). The software employed in this research is the
game engine Unity3DTM. Due to its flexibility the final product can be easily customized using
various programming languages that permit also to interface the game engine to external
software (Unity 2014).
The spherical panoramic images were projected on the six faces of a cube and the six
images obtained have been modified in a photo editing software (Figure 6).
161
Figure 6. The panoramic image re-projected on a cube and divided in six images.
Specifically, in order to have the possibility to insert 3D models behind the elements
contained in the photo (e.g. a row of trees) the images need to be elaborated and a transpar-
ent alpha channel needs to be created. Thus the images were used as texture maps for three
cubes, with different dimensions, placed one inside the other (Figure 8). All these operations
were made using a map as a reference for placing the cubes generated at the correct distance.
Figure 7. The images are applied on the six faces of the cube. In the center is placed the camera.
Figure 8. The three cubes in the game engines environment. The alpha channels of the inners cubes are visible.
162
Afterwards, a camera was placed in the center of the cubes and a script for allowing
the interactive movement was attached to it (Figure 7). Finally, the fixed and moving sound
sources collected in the were correctly spatialized in the virtual environment. The sonic
environment was controlled using the internal sound engine of the software system that did
not allows us to employ advanced audio filters. Thus far just a distance attenuation effect,
a doppler effect and a pan effect are used together with a simple reverberation. A more
effective sound reproduction system will be investigated. Finally, the virtual environment
was enriched with static (e.g. buildings and urban furniture) and dynamics (e.g. pedestrians
and trams) 3D models that can project their shadows in real-time over the photo (Figure 9).
Both the objects and the sound components can be dynamically activated or deactivated by
theuser.
Figure 9. Screenshot of the tool, shadows and animations are controlled in real-time by the game engine. The user can
interrogate and interact with the virtual objects.
5. Conclusion
The ongoing research aims to highlight the importance and need, for the urban design prac-
tices, of new methods and tools to represent the qualitative peculiarities of the urban en-
vironment in order to enrich the current strategies based on a merely quantification of the
sensory components. The use of new technologies, also borrowed from disciplines not nec-
essarily connected with the urban practices, have been investigated. In particular the use of
virtual environments and game engine technologies, conceived as platforms for simulations,
and not only as a medium for visual communication, have been proposed. The game en-
163
gine technologies can be effectively used for describing in a multimodal manner the sen-
sory complexity that belongs to the urban environments, even if various aspects need to
be further investigated, e.g. the correct simulation, and consequently the reproduction, of
the sonic environment. Thus far the sound engine included in the game engine has several
limitations that do not permit to reproduce complex virtual soundscape scenarios based on
physical characteristics of the urban environment presented. It still remains a gap between
the visual render engine and the sound engine in term of qualitative outcomes that is pos-
sible to reach. The integration between the cartographic medium and the virtual environ-
ment proposed will be studied, paying attention on the possibility to make them accessible
online. Considering the recent improvements of web graphic technologies and in particular
of WebGL solutions, this aspect will be likely resolved. Finally, thanks to the flexibility of the
game engine used, the developed product will be tested with different output devices (e.g.
plan monitors, head mounted display, CAVE systems) in order to evaluate the more appro-
priate means for enriching the communication capability of the simulation and improve the
engagement of the users.
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167
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Abstract
This paper will discuss the integration of sonificationin urban design and planning. Being
both temporal and polyphonic in nature, soundcan assist in the representation of the mul-
tiple temporal flows whichcontribute to the urban dynamic of a city. Thus we propose a
sonified urban masterplan to represent the city in time as well as space, allowing us to better
compose urban flows such as movement. First, we introduce the Sonified Urban Masterplan
tool, and describe how it can be used to sonify the multiple layers of graphical information
used in urban design and planning. Then, we describe how we can use sound to represent-
different urban systems, before explaining the generation of a Sonified Urban Masterplan for
the city of Paris. Through adiscussion ofthe various reactions received from members of the
general public, we conclude with the different advantages of the integration of sonification
in urban design and planning.
Keywords: Urban design and planning, urban sound cartography, sonification, urban rhythm,
Rhythmanalysis
168
1. Introducing Urban Rhythm
The city is a dynamic organism consisting of a number of urban flows, including environ-
mental, transport, and activity flows. We can call these spatio-temporal relationships ur-
ban rhythms. Urban rhythms, as described by philosopher Henri Lefebvre, can be observed
everywhere where there is an interaction between a space, a time and an energy. (Lefebvre
2004) However, in order to be analysed, these rhythms must first be captured through some
sort of spatio-temporal representation technique.
The analysis of urban rhythm, named Rhythmnalysisby Lefebvre, can be used as a way
of understanding the city. The city, as a collective organiser of our spatio-temporal move-
ments, can be seen as a composer of our social and cultural rhythms. However, these urban
rhythms are also subjected to the larger rhythms of the environment, such as the seasons
and the tides. In fact, we can see our lives in terms of different types of rhythms at various
time scales, which occuron a yearly, monthly, weekly or daily basis. The routine of everyday
working life the cycle of leaving home to go to work in the morning and returning in the
evening - is an urban rhythm familiar to many of us.
Many urban problems can be attributed to a failure to appropriately design in space for
our desired temporal outcomes. For example urban sprawl, combined with an inadequate
provision of public transport infrastructure, has contributed to an over-reliance on the mo-
tor vehicle. This has lead to traffic jams and excessive commuting times,as well as a lack of
urban activity and undesirable pedestrian experiences. The problem of urban sustainability
can thus be viewed as a rhythmic one and addressing it calls for a more temporal approach
to urban design. (Adhitya 2013)
It is not surprising that urban design is primarily concerned with the spatial organisation
of built form, considering its reliance on visual representation techniques. The problem of
the graphic urban masterplan is that it is static in nature, as well as limited in the amount of
information that can be portrayed - too much visual information becomes illegible and thus
incomprehensible. Sound, however, has several advantages which graphic representation
lacks - it is both temporal and polyphonic in nature. It is thus well adapted to the representa-
tion of temporal information, such as the multiple temporal flows of a polyphonic urban sys-
tem. In fact, audition has been noted to play a greater role in the cognition of simultaneous
streams of temporal data. Sonification is a relatively recent technique which involves the
representation of data through auditory means (Kramer 1994).
169
Thus in this paper, we explore the potential for sonification in the representation and
analysis of urban design and planning. In our attempt to integrate sound in the urban plan-
ning process, we explore the sonification of urban cartography, which would allow the visual
information of an urban masterplan to be heard as well as seen. We discuss the development
of a Sonified Urban Masterplan tool the SUM tool which enables us to articulate various
urban systems environment, transport, form, activity, and design - in time as well as space.
As a case study, we apply it to the city of Paris and obtain the reactions of both the general
public and urban professionals. From their feedback, we discuss the effectiveness of soni-
fication in the representation of the urban system and the understanding of ones rhythmic
experience in it.
Existing urban sound cartography involves the integration of information concerning the
acoustic environment with its geographical location, whether quantitative noise levels (in
dB) or more qualitative soundscape recordings. This can involve geo-localised environmen-
tal sensing from official sources (e.g. Eyes on Earth - NoiseWatch1) or collaborative databases
involving crowd-sourced data from geo-localised mobile sensing devices (e.g. NoiseTube2
and Le MontreVerte3).
However, urban designers and planners are responsible for analysing and designing for
many urban rhythms which cannot always be heard, ranging from environmental, trans-
port and activity flows, to urban morphology and design. In determining where and how we
spend our time, the urban structure inevitably plays a role in composing our everyday urban
rhythms. The spatial composition of built form and the temporal connections between them,
determine the flow of people and their relative activities, whether commuting, working, or
recreational. How can we therefore represent these rhythms of movement and activity, in
order to better understand the dynamic of a place, and the way in which we spend our time?
170
Through image sonification, in which data has a position in time as well as space, the rep-
resentation of urban rhythms is possible.
With the objective to integrate sound into the urban design and planning process, a tool
for the sonification of the urban masterplan was developed in collaboration with Dr. Mika
Kuuskankare4 at Ircam-Centre Pompidou, Paris.5 The SUM tool is an image sonification tool
which can be used to transform graphics into sound, towards the creation of audio-visual
maps.
Existing image-sound tools, such as Xenakis UPIC6 and its modern equivalent of HighC7,
were intended for graphic music composition and consist of a single image layer read along a
single time line from left to right. However, in order to sonify the multi-layered, spatio-tem-
poral structure of the urban system, we required a tool which could support the sonification
of multiple graphic maps and their lecture from multiple directions and speeds. For ana-
lytical purposes, it had to be able to transform existing images, and for design purposes it
should be possible to create new ones.
The SUM tool was thus specifically designed to support this multi-dimensional struc-
ture. Developed within the visual computer-aided composition environment of PWGL8, it
provides a flexible environment for both sound design and graphic composition. It allows
both the importation of raster images, such as existing masterplans, as well as the creation
of vector objects for the development of future urban designs. It also allows the definition
of any number of spatio-temporal paths of varying speed, for the representation the various
urban flows of interest.
The SUM tool translates image into sound through the processes of image rasterisation
and parameter-mapping, as shown in Figure 1. After first rasterising the images along our
4.Sibelius Academy
5.Adhitya, Kuuskankare (2011)
6.Xenakis (1977)
7.Baudel(2008), Available from: http://highc.org/
8.Laurson (2009)
171
vector paths of interest9, the graphic parameters (RGB colour values) are obtained. These are
then converted into sound parameters according to a sound design strategy defined by the
user, generating an Urban Sonic Code.
The sound design strategy is crucial to the effective acoustic communication of the data
concerned. In our sonification of urban rhythms, we seek to represent a number of urban
systems environment, transport, activity, urban form and its design elements. Thus, in or-
der to be able to identify and differentiate between each urban system, we must consider
both how and what we hear.
Drawing on theories of acoustic perception and cognition, our urban sonic code thus
consists of a combination of soundscape recordings and acoustic modelling techniques, de-
pending on the nature of the urban data. Iconic sounds were used whenever possible in
order to assist learning through semantic association10 (e.g. a church bell associated with
a church). When objects are not associated with ecological sounds, sounding objects were
created.11 In order to distinguish between each system, we have associated each with a dif-
ferent timbre like the different sections of an orchestra: strings for transportation; brass for
environment; woodwind for activity; and percussion for urban form and design elements.
The idea was that when played together, due to their timbrel differences, an urban orchestra
would result.
The SUM tool was then used to generate a Sonified Urban Masterplan for the city of Paris.
After generating an image dataset for each urban system of interest environment; trans-
portation; activity; urban form; and urban design -the colour-coded data was translated
172
into sound using the SUM tool. The composition of one path could be listened to over time,
such as the evolution of a linear experience, as well as its simultaneous relationship to other
paths, such as the different lines of the transport system. The set of audio-visual maps could
also be played together, such that their interrelationships could be heard. As an example, we
sonified all the systems along a specific street in central Paris, Boulevard de Sbastopol, as
shown in Figure 2 below.
173
5. Results: Listening to Paris
The Sonified Urban Masterplan of Paris attracted a range of responses when presented to
the 25 members of the general public, who were not urban professionals. Their feedback to
the communicative power of SUM will be discussed below, including its ability to provoke
feelings of emotion and recognition; represent temporality and movement; communicate
urban data; and increase rhythmic awareness through embodied experience.
Evoking a range of emotional responses,SUM was recognized as a tool capable of trig-
gering powerful emotions.15 Aesthetically, the sonification was described as a natural and
almost playful data representation16, with several participants referring to it as a musical
composition.17 Intellectually, SUM inspired an interest in listening to other places, the curi-
osity to interpret more paths,and the desire to learn more about the composition of the city.
The sonification was also reported to have succeeded in igniting the memory and provoking
feelings of recognition.18 Those who were already familiar with the area claimed that the
sonification helped to transport them to the place represented and relive their experiences
with greater awareness.19 To those who were not familiar with it, the sonification was said to
have helped them imagine what it would be like to be there.20
The ability of sonification to represent travel and movement in a more experiential way
was also recognised, through its inherent temporality and capacity to give a sense of tim-
ing.21 The speed of the path was reported to help with ones understanding of distances,
as well as the necessary travel time, which is difficult to judge from spatial representation
alone.22 The sonification canal so be seen to have been successful in embodying movement,
with a cyclist, for example,able to recognize familiar rhythms of travelling down a road at a
certain speed.23 This included rhythmic qualities of density, repetition, and variation.
174
SUM was said to reveal a number of urban dimensions not normally revealed in the
graphic urban masterplan, including the plurality of a city. This included how the city was
used by its inhabitants, and the change of activities over time, described by one partici-
pant as the life of the city: The fact that the city is alive, that there are things that happen
and change, that walking in a street you can see many different things from one square to the
other and discover things.24 In doing so, the sonification was able to communicate the social
dimension of a city, rather than simply its physical urban structure,and was celebrated for
providing a much deeper experience than just looking at a map.25
Last but not least, other practical advantages of sound in urban representation were ac-
knowledged. Not restricted to physical scale, sound was able to represent the smaller-scaled
details difficult to communicate on a map. As described by one participant, including such
information would easily make the graphic masterplan very noisy and impossible to com-
municate with.26 In addition to scale, this was largely attributed to the polyphonic nature of
sound: While visually you can only focus on one thing, aurally you can have more than one
input.27 Sound also contributed to aiding the legibility of the map by avoiding frequent ref-
erences to the legend.28 Sonification was celebrated for enhancing the graphic plan, making it
more informative and enriching through another layer of representation.
The richness of the responses received with respect to the first application of the Sonified
Urban Masterplan of Paris, demonstrates the great potential of sonification in urban rep-
resentation. These initial responses demonstrate the ability of sound to communicate urban
movement, experience and rhythm, on both an emotional, aesthetic and intellectual level.
This was confirmed by feelings of recognition reported by those familiar with the area. The
polyphonic dimension of sound was celebrated for its ability to communicate the plurality
of the city often lost in the graphic plan, including its social dimension, while its temporality
175
allowed one to understand the rhythms of the various urban systems over time. For some, it
was an introduction to the invisible rhythms of urban composition more often than not ig-
nored on a conscious level.29 For others, it provided a way of capturing lived experiences that
the static masterplan could not. In both cases, sonification can be seen to have increased
awareness of the effect of the urban structure on the resulting urban dynamic.30 Through
the act of listening, not only to the soundscape but to ones embodied experience, we hope
to deepen our understanding of the urban composition on our urban rhythms, towards the
design of more enjoyable and sustainable experiences in the future.
29.Ibid. Im not even aware of it while Im walking in the city itself. Ill go through crowded places and more silent
areas but will not perceive the inherent rhythm consciously.Subject xiv.
30.Ibid. New and repeated sounds drew my attention to the variety and placing of different aspects of the city, and
made me realise that these might be more intentional and beautifully placed than I had first realised! Subject xxii.
31.Ibid. Subject xiii.
176
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Germany, 2011
177
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Abstract
The SamaKhana or the Sufi theatre (hall of listening) complex, an 18th century theatre and
monastery constructed for the confraternity of the Mevlevi Whirling Dervishes. It is located
in Suyufiyyastreet in the medieval Cairo that lies beyond the old Fatimid walls. The complex
was developed in the Mamluk period, and located near the pond of the Birket al-Fir and the
old KhaligMasri (canal). The SamaKhana is a wooden structure which features a circular area
reserved for performances and constitutes of two levels of circular galleries surmounted by
a wooden dome. The hall was used for spiritual listening, in order to listen to the harmony
of the cosmos, the dervishes whirled in the circular space, expressing the geometrical and
mathematical symbolism involved in the ceremony. According to the Mevlevi confraternity,
the complex was devoted to moral and spiritual education. The proportion of its architec-
tural space reveals the symbolism of geometrical and cosmological expressions. This study
explores the geometrical parameters of the SamaKhana, and its impact on the acoustic envi-
ronment. The modal analysis of the space revealed that the structure was found to resonate
at fundamental frequencies, which are further described to belong to the alpha wave pat-
terns found in the human brain. These patterns are associated with meditation, relaxation,
and altered states of consciousness. All this adds to the special soundscape patterns associ-
ated with the ceremony of listening to the cosmos, and outlines the importance of the sonic
properties of the SamaKhana.
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1. Introduction
Tasawwuf is method by some Muslims to adore god. The believers of Tasawusuf state that it
represents the spiritual dimension of god adoration, and the mysterious dimension of Islam.
Tasawwuf is seen as a method whose objective is the purification of the heart and mind to
take it away from everything except God. The practitioner of the Tasawwuf is known as Sufi.
The Sufis believe that they can embrace the Divine presence in life and they can achieve
the perfection of worship by performing their spiritual meeting (called Majeles) ceremonies.
According to the approach of performing Tsawwuf (which is known as Turroq) the perfor-
mance of ceremony is done. Approaches like Khalwaty, Riffai, Aleevi, Chishti, Bektashi, Mev-
levi, and Naqshabany are common. The meeting places of Sufis ceremonies are performed in
places known as zawiyyahs, Khanqqah, or Tekke. From the ceremonies of Sufis (depending
on the approach) there are Anasheed which is the use of Duf ( a type of drums) to sing Islamic
poems, Sama is the pronouncement of names of God while dancing or moving, and Whirling
is performing of Sama with customary revolving dance. In Whirling, the dervishes (revolving
Sufis) aim to reach the perfection ( in relation to God) through individual desires by listing to
melody concentrating on God and spinning ones body in repetitive circles, which is seen as
a symbolic imitation of planets in space revolving the sun.
2. Mevlevian Approach
The Mevlevi order represents one of the main orders or Turroq of Sufis founded in Konaya by
the well-known Persian poet in the 13 th century Galal El-Din Mohamed El Romi. The Mev-
levi approach in Tasawwuf, can also be named as Whirling Dirvishes which is based mainly
on the whirling. As previously discussed the Whirling is performing Sama while whirling.
The Sama represents a mysterious trip for the human spiritual ascent through mind to the
perfection.
179
integrate into the feelings of self-spiritual sublime, where they are freed from their psy-
chological feelings and go far away from the material world to the Divine Presence. These
Dervishes ceremony becomes a symbol of immortality and a sign of yearning for God and
neutralize the Earths gravity, to open the eyes of the heart to recognize the infinite immor-
tality, in order to free the dervish s spirit from the Earths gravity with the self-liberation of
the perception (that represents a constraint), to become a recluse in God(Farraro 2010).
The dance of the dervishes, whirling is an expression of the cosmic enjoy that is felt by
the impact of the vanishing, coincided with the remembrance of God Almighty, which repre-
sents struggling with themselves towards sky.
The process of rotation in the cosmos started with the beginning of the universe, where
planets were asked by the God once to rotate, then they revolved around their center (Sun)
as an immediate obey to Gods order and take the path of the galaxies to rotate in an an-
ti-clock wise in a way which makes the whole universe is worshipping to God. According to
Mevlevian Darvishes, if we take a look to the universe we will notice the whole universe is
in unstopped revolving. An atom revolve around one or more electrons in orbits , or orbits
of their own , and this means that all the atoms of solids , liquid , and gas in the universe are
revolving anti clock-wise. Also the electron spins around itself, and then revolves around the
nucleus of an atom in an anti-clockwise. Such rotation resembles the revolving of Muslims
around the Kaaba (the holy mosque of Muslims in Mecca). The living organisms through each
living cell protoplasm (is living material cell) is revolving anti-clock wise obeying the same
concept like the cosmos, the earth revolves around the sun, the moon revolves around the
Earth, solar systems revolve around the center of the galaxy, and the galaxy revolve around
the center of the group of galaxies, which all show the unity of the universe and the oneness
of the Almighty Creator.
180
The group of Galaxies revolves around the center of the universe in which no one knows
except God Almighty know this center, all of the whole universe is rotating counter-clock-
wise, everything in the universe is going on this wondrous rotation, the electricity, cells,
moons, planets, stars, solar systems, galaxies, etc.
The Mavlavi complex containing the Samakhana is situated at a short distance from the Cit-
adel in Cairo, on as-SiyufiyyaStreet which lies along the ancient north-south axis of medieval
Cairo. The cluster of buildings which make up this complex range from the early Mamluk
period (the madrasa/mausoleum of the Emir SunqurSadi/HasanSadaqa built in 1315 and the
palace of YazbakAqbardi dating to the 14th century to the late Ottman era (the MevleviSa-
makhana built in the 18th century)
The Samakhana is a wooden structure which occupies a 25*25m square and features
a central circular area reserved for performances and surmounted by a 10.65m/diameter
wooden dome. Two levels of circular galleries line the height of the central performance hall
and are supported on slender wooden columns(Giuseppe 1983), as shown in figure2.
The Samakhana has a great historical importance not only because it represents the last
building of the Mavlavi complex, but also for its unique presence in Egypt as the only build-
ing that was designed by Dervishes to perform their ceremonies. On the other hand form
the architectural points of view, the Samakhana (the word means the hall of listening) shows
181
an interesting architectural design concept that shows the function of the building which
is listening to the harmony of the cosmos ( names of god and music while performing their
ceremony by whirling) by generating the form that fulfills this sonic environment and also
embodies the philosophy of MevlevianDarvishes. The main listening hall is shown in figure3.
182
Figure 4. Left: the point as the big bang of creation, Right: is the projection of the point that creates the circular line.
Figure 5. Left: the first orbit of Darvish path, Right: the projection of the point that creates the circular line.
Other circles with their centre along the first orbit are developing and through their
intersections the circle of the second orbit of the darwish path is formed as shown in Fig-
ure6. The sequence of the large circles having the Sama area radius and their centres on the
first orbit, represent the mystical expansion over the spectators inside the Samakhana area.
Figure 7 shows the intersection of the circles with the perimeter circumference of the Sama
area marks the position of twelve pillars supporting the dome of the samakhana itself and
symbolically the celestial spheres of the sky and cosmos.
183
Figure 6. The second orbit circle.
Figure 7. Left: circles represent the mystical expansion over the spectaculars, Right: The twelve wooden pillars.
184
Figure 8. Architecture section of Samakhana shows the same proportions like the plan.
The square has symbolical reference to the earth, the circles and the geometrical design
of the Samakhana plan was linked on propose again with the same proportions in the verti-
cal dimensions in the architectural section. The cube is an earthly world, and the overhang-
ing dome is the support of the cosmos spheres, the resulting geometry is shown in figure 8.
4. Perception of Sound
185
Leitner (Leitner 1990) introduced a space for seeing and hearing. The Cylindre Sonore at the
Parc de la Villette in France is representing a new approach in architecture design, bringing
together the architect experience and the composer imagination and the will of the sculptor.
This soundscape feature lies sunken inside the bamboo garden. The upper edge of the dou-
ble cylinder is at the level as the pedestrian alleys.
This outlines clearly the importance a circular shaped space plays in the resultant acous-
tic environment and soundscape experiences for attendees. Generally if one stands in the
middle of vertical walls erected on a circular pattern the sound will propagate away hitting
all the circumference hard surfaces simultaneously and all energy packets will return back at
almost the same time, due to the equal path length. Depending on the space size a prominent
echo and reverberation will be produced by the late energy packets.
If the location of the listener is away from the centre near the edge of the circle then
the reflections will arrive according to the following sequence: The first reflection would
be sound packages reflected back from the nearest wall portion, the second when sound
hits the side parts of the walls reflects twice and propagates back forming a triangle. High-
er order of reflection will form a polygon shape path with n sides where n-1 is the order of
reflection. Thus in circular shapes form a reverberant field is created and additional echoes
are experienced as well.
186
It is the gateway to the human subconscious mind and lies at the base of the conscious
awareness. Alpha activity has also been connected to the ability to recall memories, lessened
discomfort and pain, and reductions in stress and anxiety(Williams 2006)(Nomura T 2006)
(HC. 2000)(Hall 1865). The 14Hz is described as infrasound; it is possible for humans to hear
notes below 20Hz they only have to be adequately loud(Till 2010), in addition periodic rhyth-
mic vibrations. One feels sound waves between 15Hz and 20Hz as much as one hears it; the
sounds between these ranges are felt as rattles or vibrations.
According to Till (Till 2010), from 1-14Hz one perceives sound as rhythms, often described
as number of crotches or beats per minute, table 1 outlines the human perception of sounds
at various frequencies.
Frequency Perception
14Hz-20Hz Vibration
1Hz-12Hz Rhythm
0-1Hz
1Hz 1 second
0.0167Hz
This outlines clearly the intended geometric proportions of the Samakhana design that
respond acoustically to functional aspects of being a place of spiritual religious ceremonies.
Table 2 and Figure X summarize the axial modes of the samakhana space.
187
Figure 9. Arepresentations of modes inside the Samakhana space.
Thus the acoustic of the samakhana seemed to suit sound making, participative, am-
plified, and rhythmic activity where the gathering of people take part in the Mevlevis ritual
ceremonies. These Mevlevis ritual resemble trance-like rituals. The body and mind were en-
tertained by specific frequencies produced by the acoustics that helped the brain to produce
alpha wave patterns; this consequently helped to achieve the desired state of consciousness.
5. Conclusion
This study revealed that the samakhana design demarcated visual relations as well as sen-
suous aspects. The building was proposed to house the rituals of the Mevlevis confraternity,
dedicated to spiritual dimensions. The conceptual analysis of the smakhana design revealed
that its plan and section are carefully laid out to correspond to the cosmos relations. The cir-
cle where the whirling dervishes performed was designed so as to mimic planet movements
in an orbital accurate tactic motion. Even structural elements represent connections with
188
spectaculars platforms. Thus being inside the circular ring would produce a powerful sense
of inclusion and involvement, with the surrounding set of configuration.
Having the samakhana designed for performances to achieve a coherent body and soul
connection, in conjunction with the exhaustion provoked by the whirling, during which the
dancers could reach the mystic ecstasy. Music was a powerful vehicle for the diffusion of
those new movements; often, remixing Oriental rhythms in order to meet the religious ex-
pectation. Having these parameters indicating a strong potential that the building could
have outstanding acoustic features, the paper examined the sonic impact of the building and
its effect on the resultant soundscape, and the additional semantics that could be added to
the space.
The investigation of modal patterns of the space revealed evidence of resonance starting
at low as 7Hz, which helped to induce alpha wave brainwave patterns. Alpha brainwaves are
associated with relaxation, altered state of consciousness, meditation, and consequently a
spiritual level of acoustic practice. Previous research revealed that the brain can synchro-
nize and entrain to such frequencies, this means that if the dervishes whirl at such tempo
their brain tend also to exhibit such frequency. Thus the samakhana acoustic atmosphere
was found to be prominent, specific and well specified, that it seems that the acoustic effect
was understood and designed to act in harmony with the ritual performances. Further inves-
tigation is needed to support such findings in terms of acoustic measurements, and analysis
to predict important modal patterns, to justify the findings.
References
Farraro, Valeria. From Literary Texts to Musical in the Years 1860, 1861, and 1862. New York:
Mevlna zleri Bildiriler, 2010: 147187. HC., Ossebaard. Stress reduction by technolo-
Giuseppe, Fanfoni. Il Complesso Architettonico gy? An experimental study into the effects of
dei Dervisci Mavlavi in Cairo, in Rivista degli brainmachines on burnout and state anxie-
Studi Orientali. Universit di Roma La Sapi- ty. Appl Psychophysiol Biofeedback 25, no. 2
Hall, Charles Francis. Arctic Researches and Life JH., Williams. Frequency specific effects of
Among the Esquimaux: Being the Narrative of flicker on recognition memory. Neuroscience.
189
Leitner, Bernhard. Le Cylindre Sonore. AEDES
190
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Ben Houge
bhouge@berklee.edu
Berklee College of Music, Valencia, Spain
Abstract
Music has become a ubiquitous element of the restaurant soundscape, one that even in the
most calculated dining environments is commonly relegated to the role of a background
mood enhancer. In a series of events that I call food operas, I have explored ways to pair
food and sound more overtly, using techniques adapted from my work in the video game
industry to synchronize music with different courses, to conform to the indeterminate du-
rations of dining room states, and to provide variation over the extended length of a mul-
ti-course meal. This paper describes the challenges of building a sound deployment system
for a restaurant that delivers and coordinates a customized soundtrack for each diner, while
also examining the expressive potential of this new genre.
191
1. Introduction
The art world has been taking increasing notice of the culinary world in recent years, in a
development that in some ways mirrors its appropriation of sound in the twentieth centu-
ry; examples include Ferran Adris G Pavilion at Documenta 12 (2007), Marina Abramovis
Volcano Flamb (2011), and Natalie Jeremijenko and Mihir Desais Cross[x] Species Adventure
Club (2010). At the same time, modern chefs have been increasingly interested in synchro-
nizing sound and visual information with dishes, as in Heston Blumenthals iconic dish Sound
of the Sea (2007), Paul Pairets high-tech and immersive restaurant Ultraviolet (opened in
2012), and El Celler de Can Rocas GastrOpera El Somni (2013).
In any aesthetic presentation that merges sound and food, questions of acoustic ecology
must be addressed. Background music while dining has become a ubiquitous component of
the urban soundscape, while at the same time, the murmuring of conversation is considered
a fundamental and inalienable accompaniment to any shared meal. The social institution of
communal dining brings with it a host of assumptions and conventions that must be carefully
negotiated.
In a recent series of events, I, along with a team that includes producer and designer Jut-
taFriedrichs and sound artist Stephan Moore, have collaborated with acclaimed chef Jason
Bond of Bondir restaurant in Cambridge, MA, USA, to present an immersive, evening-length,
audio-gustatory experience that we have termed food opera. In these events we explore
dining as a communicative medium towards a number of different expressive ends, including
using the format of a meal coupled with sound to tell the story of sustainable food practices
and the emerging locavore movement.
It is a rare phenomenon, the restaurant without music. That a public meal should be accom-
panied by music has gone seemingly without question, at least since sound recording and
playback technology made the deployment of music in restaurant spaces convenient and
inexpensive.
In a restaurant context, music serves several functions. It entices customers to enter
the restaurant, perhaps first by attracting them with desirable sounds, and also by giving the
192
impression of activity, which is often an indicator of a successful restaurant. Once inside
the restaurant, music raises the noise floor to mask undesirable sonic by-products of food
consumption and preparation, as well as to provide a measure of privacy for diners conver-
sations.
Choice of music conspires with interior design, restaurant name and logo, and other sig-
nifiers to establish a restaurants identity. For restaurants specializing in a certain regional
cuisine, it is common to present a corresponding musical tradition, for example, mariachi
music in a Mexican restaurant. For other restaurants, music may be chosen primarily based
on the demographic the restaurant is trying to lure. Conventions vary by locale; when I was
living in China, a small playlist of Western hits was inescapable (Hotel California, Another
Day in Paradise, Right Here Waiting, My Heart Will Go On), and now that I live in Spain,
the default restaurant soundtrack seems to belight jazz covers of old pop hits from the 80s
and 90s (even at as fine a restaurant at El Club Allard in Madrid).
Most music in restaurants is recorded and delivered to diners via a sound playback sys-
tem, and there is typically one soundtrack for the entire restaurant, deployed from speakers
positioned unobtrusively throughout the space. By increasing the number of speakers, the
sound may be more evenly distributed. As most recorded music is distributed in a stereo
format, a sound system for a large restaurant must incorporate a solution for deploying two
channels of sound across more than two speakers.
When live music is incorporated, it is usually presented in such a way that it is transmit-
ted to the whole restaurant at once, typically on a stage, although even when performers
move from table to table, the sound is usually audible throughout the space. Live music is
therefore not synchronized with any of the events of an individual meal in a typical dining
environment (in which each party dines asynchronously), and in fact it can detract from
appreciation of the food, as diners stop their eating and conversations to listen to the music
and accord the live musicians their due.
Certainly, music is but one determinant of the overall restaurant soundscape, and poor
acoustics may be more deleterious to a fine dining experience than poor music. The size of
a restaurant, and thus the number of diners it can accommodate, has an effect on the noise
floor. But I have thus far limited my investigations to music curation and deployment, trust-
ing that my architect and acoustician colleagues have succeeded in their work.
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3. The Genesis of the Food Opera
I first articulated my vision for what I now refer to as food opera back in 2006. I had long
been an aficionado of creative and experimental cuisine, as I felt that unusual juxtapositions
and methods of presentation encourage greater observation and engagement from diners.
It evokes an experience similar to hearing a piece of new, unfamiliar music, requiring a diner
to parse and organize sensory information over time to understand the full range of what is
being expressed, without necessarily assuming some historical or cultural context.
By 2006 I had already been working as a composer and sound designer in the video
game industry for ten years, and I was passionately exploring solutions to the challenges of
non-linear, real-time audio deployment that the medium poses. Simply summarized, these
challenges are to find ways to respond to unpredictable, user-generated game events, and
to find ways for music to continue indefinitely between these events. To address these
challenges, I had been drawing on my background in classical music, including the aleato-
ric works of John Cage, Earle Brown, and Karlheinz Stockhausen, as well as the algorithmic
works of Paul Lansky, Barry Truax, and Curtis Roads. By this time, I had already begun work
on the video game Tom Clancys EndWar (2008) for my employer at the time, Ubisoft, and I
had begun prototyping the cell-based music deployment system that would be the games
primary audio innovation.
My epiphany was to realize that the indeterminate events of the dining roomwhich
dish a diner chooses, how long a diner takes to finish a course, or when the next course ar-
rivesposed exactly the same challenges that I was facing in my video game work. I began
to formulate a plan to use video game music techniques to score a meal.
In my observation, music and cuisine share the quality of being inherently abstract,
which makes them well suited for pairing. Generally, they convey meaning through internal
relationships and references, but its difficult for either to be about anything else (except-
ing, of course, music that sets text, which is an incorporation of another art form, or music
that involves sampling technology in some guise). I remember commiserating once with
a composer friend over a meal at an Ethiopian restaurant about how the only thing worse
than a bad music review was a bad restaurant review, and I believe this illustrates how far
the world of the senses of hearing and taste is from the world of words.In a way, my entire
project is predicated on the notion of using one sense to describe another sense, bypassing
words completely.
194
I eventually settled on the term food opera because of operas multimedia associations;
this word choice sometimes confounds those who associate opera primarily with the voice.
Opera is one of the most multimedia art forms in Western civilization (a characteristic it
happens to share with video games), combining music, dramaturgy, literature, choreogra-
phy, visual art, sculpture, and architecture. My primary innovation has been to find a way to
combine two media that have historically been problematic to couple, and so I thought op-
era an appropriate term, to draw attention to this unconventional union, and also to situate
my efforts in the discourse of multimedia drama.
This project wended a slow road to realization. The first tangible evidence was a private
workshop I conducted with friends in Shanghai in 2010, during which I wrote some music
for woodwind trio inspired by a menu I developed with my friend, the accomplished chef
Caroline Steger. After much additional work, I eventually collaborated with chef Jason Bond,
of Bondir restaurant in Cambridge, MA, to bring Food Opera: Four Asparagus Compositions
to an invited audience at the 40K Curatorial Space at Harvards Graduate School of Design
on May 22, 2012. We presented two subsequent events at Bondir: Sensing Terroir: A Harvest
Food Opera on November 13, 2012, and Beside the White Chickens: A Summer Food Opera on
July 30, 2013.
To link sound to a dining experience is to enter into a social environment that is already full
of expectations and conventions. In order to aesthetically situate the scope of these food
operas, I determined a set of requirements and objectives:
The sound must be deployed and coordinated and real-time. Synchronizing music to
a meal with any degree of precision is a problematic proposal, but by using a computer to
control the music and trigger changes in real-time, tight synchronization can be achieved.
The sound must be able to continue indefinitely. Each course may last an indeterminate
amount of time, and an indefinite amount of time may elapse between courses, so the music
must be able to continue indefinitely in a steady state without resorting to repetitive loops
that would fatigue diners.
The sound must be electronically mediated, or acousmatic. In my conception of food
opera, the plate is the stage; live musicians circulating throughout the restaurant or posi-
195
tioned on a stage somewhere in the restaurant would present an undesired intrusion into
the dining experience, which is focused on the food, the table, and the people around it.
(Although one could imagine the sound of live musicians being piped in as is done in some
current Broadway productions, as a way to bring the spontaneity of live performance to the
food opera experience.)
The sound must be multichannel, with one speaker per diner. While one could imagine a
situation in which all diners were receiving exactly the same course at the same time, requir-
ing only one sonic accompaniment to be deployed throughout the whole restaurant, there is
a fantastic intimacy cultivated in having ones own unique culinary soundtrack, while at the
same time, being part of a space in which other diners are experiencing different pieces of
music creates a sense of connectivity through shared experience, as the whole restaurant is
transformed into a kind of sound installation.
The sound must be spatially deployed. Critical to my notion of food opera is to support
the traditional social institution of communal dining. I do not want to sequester diners with
headphones, but to allow them to freely converse during the meal. The audio should not
impinge on the agency of diners to act, converse, and interact. Filling the restaurant with
speakers for each individual place setting means that the volume of each speaker can be
relatively low, providing a high degree of spatial precision for diners.
I might make a fine distinction between the objectives listed above, which define my
notion of food opera, and the objectives that follow, which represent my somewhat more
subjective aesthetic stance as applied to our first three food opera events:
To meet the objectives stated above, the music must be algorithmically configured to
some extent. This is necessary for smooth transitions (e.g., a note-based algorithmic de-
ployment system can provide smoother transitions than simple crossfades) and for allowing
the music to continue indefinitely without looping. This is also important for variation; the
restaurant soundscape is enriched by having each instance of the same dishs accompani-
ment be a unique, algorithmic reconfiguration of basic sonic elements, just as the same dish
must be created anew in the kitchen for each diner. Most critically, since diners will be able
to overhear the music of other diners throughout the restaurant, the music must be coor-
dinated in harmony and rhythm to avoid cacophony; with music algorithmically deployed in
real-time from a single computer or network of computers, this can be easily achieved.
The music should conform to each dishs culinary contour. When food is consumed,
there is a necessary reduction in culinary information over the course of each course; we
start with a full plate and end with an empty plate, or at least a less full plate. Since my music
made use of real-time algorithms, I was able to program my musical textures to provide-
196
control over the musical density of each dishs accompaniment, so that I could begin each
course with high density music (when diners attention is focused on experiencing a new
dish), gradually evolving into less dense music (as diners become accustomed to the dish,
and food disappears from the plate). This mirrors a kind of crossfade I have observed during
a course, which begins with all attention on the food but gradually shifts from eating to con-
versation. How this generic density parameter was mapped onto musical parameters varied
from course to course, but it typically affected parameters such as how many musical layers
are playing, how long the musical phrasesare, how long the pauses between phraseslast, and
in what pitch range the phrases are sounding.
The meal should avoid well-known dishes. In encouraging diners to explore the links
between sound and food, it is helpful to present them with unconventional preparations and
combinations, rather than well-known dishes with which they may already have sonic asso-
ciations, to encourage them to evaluate every element of the experience without relying on
easily recognized culinary tropes.
The music should be based on manipulations of acoustic instruments. This is the most
subjective criterion, but for these first three food operas, I felt that by basing the music on
recordings of traditional instruments, I could mirror the alchemy that happens in the kitch-
en when familiar ingredients are transformed into new dishes. This also helped to situate
the project aesthetically in the discourse of multimedia spectacles involving music (akin to
dance, theater, film, and video games).
These objectives differentiate the notion of food opera as Ive elaborated it from similar
forays into merging food and sound. For example, Heston Blumenthals famous Sound of
the Sea (2007) from his Fat Duck restaurant in Bray, England, requires diners to don head-
phones. I have not experienced this dish, but I have experienced Marina Abromovis col-
laboration with chef Kevin Lasko, Volcano Flamb (2011), at Park Avenue Winter in New York
City, which also required headphones, and the disadvantages were numerous: I was cut off
from the friends who had accompanied me, who also wanted to try my dish and interact
with me while I was experiencing it; I was isolated from the restaurant itself, marooning this
dish from the context of the rest of the meal; the recording was brief, about three minutes,
far shorter than the time it took to consume the dish, and when it was complete, it simply
looped, and of course the experience of hearing something for the second (or third or fourth)
time is different from the experience of hearing something for the first time; donning the
apparatus presented a minor but noticeable physical encumbrance; and the presence of this
small digital device felt at odds with the rest of the very carefully appointed design elements
of the restaurant. (This is not to mention the content of the recording, which consisted of
197
the artists unaccompanied voice describing the dish, beginning with her intoning This is an
experiment, and ending [the recording, not the course] by thanking diners for eating with
awareness, which presumes that this is not the way we normally eat.)
What follows is a description of the technical set-up we installed for our second and third
food operas at Bondir restaurant in Cambridge:
Bondir seats twenty-six diners at a time, so we installed a speaker at each seat in a cus-
tom table centerpiece designed by the artist JuttaFriedrichs (who also produced the event).
The speakers were small and passive, connected with long speaker wires to a control table
near the entrance of the restaurant. Here they were connected to some inexpensive ampli-
fiers, which were connected to three multichannel MOTU audio interfaces.
We controlled all of the sound from a bank of three computers, networked together, each
connected to one of the MOTU audio interfaces. The computers were running custom soft-
ware that I developed in Max/MSP. Each computer controlled about one third of the sound
in the restaurant. Three computers were required for reasons of processing power and also
for ease in connecting to multichannel audio interfaces. The computers were networked
together to ensure that all of the sound could be coordinated in harmony and rhythm.
In addition to the twenty-six speakers at each seat in the restaurant, there were six ad-
ditional speakers providing an ambient background drone, compensating for the lack of low
frequency response in the table speakers, while also connecting the sound of each place set-
ting to the rest of the environment. We tapped into the restaurants existing speaker system
(four speakers, one in each corner of the restaurant, designed to split a stereo signal into four
channels). And on two log stools in the middle of the room, we featured two of sound artist
Stephan Moores custom-designed hemispherical speaker arrays.
Stephan also helped me operate the software during the event. The software controlled
the musical textures associated with each dish. When an order was placed, a server would
inform us, and we would input diners choices into the system. As each dish arrived, we
would push the corresponding button in the software, and the appropriate piece of music
would play from the appropriate speaker. As mentioned earlier, each piece of music was
algorithmically deployed, allowing real-time control over duration, density, harmony, and
198
rhythm. Harmony was particularly important, as the key of the music varied slowly over the
course of the evening to provide musical variation.
Our first food opera focused on the phenomenological links between the senses, which is
a rich area of exploration on its own. As examples of the kind of cross-sensory reinforce-
ment I explored, I linked wind chimes to foam, a woodwind trio to caramelized asparagus,
a slowly undulating marimba ostinato to a creamy soup, and a detuned triangle to Sichuan
pepper. The process was intuitive and fairly arbitrary; I would taste something (or often just
think of a taste) and then imagine a corresponding sound (in terms of timbre, register and
morphology as well as theme or gesture), and then set about replicating it some way, within
my self-imposed constraint to use manipulated instrumental sounds. Its a scoring approach,
composing appropriate sounds to support food, just as I would apply to a video game or
choreography.
But because the sound in a food opera is electronically mediated, any recorded sound
can be incorporated, and I became curious to explore other modes of expression, although
I should stress that I do not feel that the approach of using purely instrumental sounds and
exploring abstract sensorial connections is in any way deficient.
So for our second and third food operas, we decided to use sound to bring diners closer
to the farms and farmers that produce the ingredients for meals at Bondir, exposing the
entire chain of events that brings food to their tables at the restaurant, and by extension,
their homes. Chef Jason Bond is passionately committed to local farmers and sustainable
food practices. He makes everything in the restaurant from scratch, and he creates a new
menu every day, based on whats fresh and available. So, along with project producer Jut-
taFriedrichs, I visited the farms that provide some of his ingredients, including Sparrow Arc
Farms in Maine, Red Fire Farm in Western Massachusetts, and Pete and Jens Backyard Birds
in Concord, MA, to collect field recordings from the farms and conduct interviews with the
farmers.
These recordings were incorporated alongside purely instrumental textures, such as I
developed for the first food opera, to close the distance between the farm and the restau-
rant; diners could hear the ambient sounds of the farms, the clucking of chickens, the jokes
199
of farmers harvesting potatoes, alongside interviews with the farmers describing the chal-
lenges they face, their histories, their goals and dreams. Our second food opera was entitled
Sensing Terroir: A Harvest Food Opera and took place on November 13, 2012; the harvest
theme dovetailed nicely with the approach of the American holiday of Thanksgiving, as we
sought to give diners a heightened appreciation for all of the people involved in providing
their food.
Our third food opera built on the phenomenological and documentary strategies of our
first two food operas, while linking courses through a poetic framework. Chef Jason Bond
suggested showcasing his poultry providers Pete and Jens Backyard birds and featuring
chicken as the primary ingredient for our third event. At first I wasnt sure how to treat the
topic of chicken in music, but revelation came in the form of William Carlos Williams poem
The Red Wheelbarrow (1923). Our requests to obtain permission to use the poem in our
food opera went unanswered, so while it provided the inspiration, we did not use the words;
nonetheless, sous-chef Rachel Miller constructed a series of dishes around the four sections
of the poem, with the fifth, dessert course (involving chicken foot syrup) serving as a kind of
coda, and we entitled our event, Beside the White Chickens: A Summer Food Opera.
The form of a food opera is complex and emergent, closer in many ways to the genre of
sound installation than a traditional music concert or theatrical presentation. However it is
unique in that, unlike many sound installations, users remain in a fixed position for an ex-
tended period of time.
The form of a food opera experience for each diner is as follows. When a table is va-
cant, a default, ambient sound plays; at our second and third food operas, this was ambient
sound from one of the farms that provide Bondirs ingredients, reconfigured in real-time to
continue indefinitely. When the first dish arrives, the accompanying music plays, and when
the plate is taken away, the music is replaced by an interstitial sound, a rhythmic behavior
based on footstep sounds (drawing on video game techniques, as footsteps are such a staple
of video game audio), incorporating footsteps recorded at the farms, suggesting not only the
farm landscape activated by walking, but also the idea of traveling to the destination of the
next course. Then the next dish would arrive and its corresponding music would play, and
200
the process would continue until the last dish was removed, and the ambient sound present
at the beginning resumes until the next diner is seated at that table. While the sequence of
events is fixed, the time between each transition will vary for each diner, and the specific
music for each course will vary depending on the dishes chosen.
When this relatively simple sequence of sonic behaviors is multiplied across twenty-six
seats, the ambient texture of the restaurant becomes quite rich. The coordinating tech-
niques mentioned above ensure that the resultant sound is not cacophonous, but that all of
the music in the restaurant plays in the same key and the same tempo. This in itself might
not be sufficient to prevent an undesirably dense sonic texture, if not for the spatial deploy-
ment of each piece of music at each place setting throughout the restaurant. In effect, this
ensures that for each diner, the sound designed to accompany that diners meal will be most
prominent, emanating from the speaker positioned at that diners place setting. Simply due
to the nature of sound propagation in space, the sound designed to accompany the meals of
neighboring diners will be less prominent, taking on more of an accompanimental role. And
sound deployed from speakers on the other side of the restaurant will blend into the general
restaurant ambience, along with the drone described earlier.
Since diners are being seated throughout the evening, a unique kind of nonlinear ex-
position and recapitulation emerges. A diner may overhear a dish from a future course at a
nearby table and glean something of its character, or later in the meal, a new party may be
seated at an adjacent table and receive their first course as a diner is on her or his fourth
course, and the music may trigger sensory memories from earlier in the meal that affect the
diners experience of the current course.
Recall that these musical textures are not static in terms of musical density; when a new
musical texture starts, it is programmed to start at a high level of musical density, and over a
certain amount of time to drop to a low level of intensity, which is then maintained until the
plate is taken away. This means that each course starts with a sudden increase in intensity,
followed by a gradual denouement. To have these sudden changes happening periodically
throughout the restaurant results in an interesting spatial pointillism and keeps the sound-
scape of the restaurant in constant flux.
In a nonintrusive way, the music reinforces an awareness of other diners, heightening
the sense of a shared, communal experience; each new dish that arrives becomes a small
celebration, shared by the community. Each of the twenty-six speakers at each seat in the
restaurant indicates a unique person, and that uniqueness is enhanced by the choice of
dishes; the music emanating from each place setting does not impinge on diners privacy, but
it still allows diners to be aware of each others presence. In fact, a full appreciation of the
201
event depends on the presence of other diners, to achieve the fullest sonic texture, and this
interdependency can be thought of as representing our shared social responsibility in caring
for the environment and making healthy and sustainable food choices.
8Conclusions, Observations, and Directions for Future Work
I have come to feel that, with these food operas, we are establishing a new genre for au-
dio-gustatory expression, something that has never been possible before, due to the techno-
logical requirements, and something that presents tremendous communicative and expres-
sive potential. The feedback from diners who have experienced our food operas has been
extremely positive, which further encourages me in continuing to explore this line of inquiry.
Avenues for future development include additional sensing and control systems, al-
lowing certain elements of the music to be affected directly by diners, not only through
their choices and pace of consumption, but perhaps by individual bites, sips, or biofeedback
measurements. The deployment system could be enhanced by allowing servers to input din-
ers choices directly into the computer system via a custom app and to indicate themselves
when a new dish has been delivered. There is potential for increased visual counterpoint as
well, including incorporating responsive lighting systems or subtle video to match each dish.
But more exciting is the potential for new kinds of narratives, abstract or otherwise.
Our focus so far has started with the purely sensorial (which, incidentally, mirrors a major
strand of sound art practice) and has grown to encompass the documentary, or what might
be better classified as a form of sensory ethnography. In our third food opera, we sought to
provide a poetic framework for the meal, and this is the direction I envision for the immedi-
ate future, incorporating poetic text not as a descriptor, but as a third element in cognitive
counterpoint with the music and the meal.
By pairing food and music, there is tremendous opportunity to increase diners aware-
ness of both. Perhaps more importantly, this new, communicative genre of food opera has
the potential to investigate the relationships among diners, and between diners, food pro-
ducers, and the wider environment.
202
References
Allen, Jennifer. Critics Weigh In on Documenta . Food Opera: Merging Taste and Food in
12 and Art Basel; Ferran Adris Role in Docu- Real Time. New Music Box, September 11,
menta 12. Artforum. Accessed June 24, 2014. 2013. Accessed June 24, 2014. http://www.
http://artforum.com/news/week=200725 newmusicbox.org/articles/food-opera-
Interview with Natalie Jeremijenko and Mihir Kessel, Jonah. Ultra Dining at Ultraviolet. New
Desai. October 27, 2010. Accessed June 24, York Times, October 15, 2013. Accessed June
crossspecies-dining-an-interview-with- http://www.nytimes.com/video/dining
natalie-jeremijenko-and-mihir-desai/ /100000002498301/ultra-dining-at-ultra
June 24, 2014. http://www.elsomni.cat/en/ Mail Online. Seafood served with an ipod:
Fabricant, Florence. Marina Abramovics Art Heston Blumenthals latest recipe. April 16,
Doubles as Dessert. New York Times, Janu- 2007. Accessed June 24, 2014. http://www.
http://www.nytimes.com/2011/01/12/ Seafood-served-ipod-Heston-Blumenthals-
dining/12art.html latest-recipe.html
ings/?p=855
203
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Alex Arteaga
arteaga@udk-berlin.de
Berlin University of the Arts
Abstract
This lecture has been developed at the intersection between two research frameworks: the
Auditory Architecture Research Unit1 and Architecture of Embodiment2, both at the Berlin
University of the Arts. The Auditory Architecture Research Unit is a platform devoted to de-
veloping a new conceptual approach and new practices of architectural research and design
based on auditory experience. The Architecture of Embodiment is a research environment
dedicated to establishing an enactivist perspective of the build environment.
I have structured this paper in two sections. First I will briefly introduce the most rele-
vant concepts of the enactive approach to cognition implemented in the auditory research
and design of the environment. Second, I will present the outline of a research and design
practicethe auditory mappingdeveloped in this conceptual framework.
1.http://www.udk-berlin.de/sites/auditive-architektur/content/index_ger.html
2.http://www.architecture-embodiment.org/
204
The enactive approach to cognition was formulated 1991 in the context of theories of em-
bodied and situated cognition.3 This cognitive approach provides a new description of the
relationships between living beings and their environments that implies and, at the same
time, produces a new understanding of these two items. In this formulation, living beings
and environments are conceived as entities that are not pre-determined independently from
each other. Instead their interactions are thought to be constitutive of each other. Living be-
ings and environments are in a fundamental relation of reciprocal specification. The enactive
approach concretizes this general view through the concept of co-emergence. Living beings
and environments co-emerge. They constitute one system, one closed network of relations,
in virtue of, and just in virtue of which, both are continuously specified. Environments and
living beings emerge out of the enabling conditions they establish through their interactions,
creating through their respective emergences constraints for their mutual specification. The
enactive approach is, therefore, radically relational, processual and transformational. It is
radically relational, because the emergence of living beings and environments depends ex-
clusively on the very particular connections both establish to one another. It is radically pro-
cessual, because these relations change constantly in time, and furthermore, because living
beings and environments are not the result of processes: they are themselves processes. And
it is radically transformational, because theses processes are nothing other than a ceaseless
modulation of their own course.
The process of the co-emergence of living beings and environments is also denominated
the process of sense-making. This results from the idea that this process implies the appear-
ance of two senseful entities: a self and a correlative otherness. The process of sense-making
can be outlined as the transformation of a living being and its surroundings into a self and its
environment, respectively. In this formulation, the transition from a biological perspective
to a phenomenological one, or, formulated in enactivist terms, the fundamental circularity
between life and mind, finds a clear expression: due to the very specific form of systemic
topological, chronological, material and energetic relations between two items their phe-
nomenal presences arises.
3.Varela, F, Thompson, E and Rosch, E. The Embodied Mind. Cognitive Science and Human Experience, Cam-
bridge, MA 1991. For an exhaustive account: Thompson, E. Mind in Life. Phenomenology, and the sciences of mind.
Cambridge, MA 2007.
205
There are basic distinctions that can be made in the emerging phenomenal sphere. There
are, as Alva No posit, different varieties of presence.4 These distinctions are fundamental in
order to define precisely what an environment is and how we can cognitively access it. The
most relevant distinction is the one between objective and non-objective presences.
The self and the things around it appear as objects, that is, as clearly contoured pres-
ences, which allow a non-ambiguous differentiation between them and the rest. I can clearly
differentiate between myself and others and between an object and another one standing,
for example, above it. These objects are constituted primarily through perception. They ap-
pear to us, first and foremost, spontaneously, in virtue of our capacity to perceive. Among all
emerging objects, the self appears as a very special and unique one. Although this distinction
is fundamental, I am not going to address it in this paper. Instead I am going to face another
fundamental differentiation: the one between objects and wholes.
This distinction can be outlined in two steps. The first refers to the container in which
objects appear. I and all objects around me appear somewhere, in a common space. Although
the contours of this container are eventually less precisely defined than the ones of the
objects it contains, we still can set its borders. The container, therefore, appears as well as
anobject.
It is in a second distinctive moment, attending to other qualities and forms of relations,
that the difference between objects and whole can be established. All the objects I perceive
share not only a containing topo-chronology but also and more fundamentally the manner
in that they all appear at once. They share not only a where and a when but most fundamen-
tally a how. They all appear in a very specific qualitative kind of simultaneity. They not only
appear at the same time, but rather as coalescent presences: as presences sharing coalescent
dynamics. Simultaneously to their single, objective presences they all appear as a whole de-
termined not only by their synchronic presence in a common space but primarily by the very
spontaneous dynamic coherence in which all they appear. They do not appear as a simple
group of objects. They all spontaneously conform one single coherent processual presence, a
subtle but pregnant presence that makes sense.
This dynamic, relational and transformational wholeness, which emerges out of the coa-
lescence of all phenomenal objects but, as an emergent entity, can be reduced neither to any
of them nor to them as a group, is what I call environmentUmwelt, the world around. The
environment is not an object, it is even not a phenomenon, and therefore it is not perceiv-
able. We do not perceive the environment but, nevertheless, the environment is present for
206
us. Places are invisible. Not because we can address them by listening but basically because
they, although present, are as such non-perceivable.
On this conceptual ground, I would like to present a research and design practice conceived
in order to achieve cognitive access to the environment through the performance of dif-
ferent varieties of listening. We call this practice auditory mapping. The strategy under-
pinning this practice is defined as a pragmatic response to two of the basic ideas I already
outlined. First: environment and listener co-emerge. They continuously and simultaneously
emerge constituting conditions for their mutual specification. And second: the environment
is present for the listener but not perceptually. The listener can perceive conditions for the
emergence of the environment but not the environment itself. The strategy underlying the
practice of auditory mapping correlates to the most primary strategy that underpins the
phenomenological method: to gain access to what is not perceptually accessible through
what is perceptual accessiblethe phenomenon itself, die Sache selbst. The practice of au-
ditory mapping intends to achieve access to the sound environment, that is, to an environ-
ment co-constituted by the performance of different varieties of listening, through auditory
objects, that is, perceptual objects, whose emergence is conditioned as well through the
performance of various forms of listening.
As a base for this practice we have compiled a list of auditory objects possible to be con-
stituted by listening in different manners. We have identified four varieties of listening: an-
alytical, emotional, associative and imaginative listening. After characterizing in detail each
of this varieties as concrete forms of action, we have identified those auditory objects that
can emerge by practicing each variety of listening. Thus, it is possible, for example, that we
hear the time structure of a specific sound if and just if we listen analytically. It is possible
to hear the level of differentiability between single objects, the grade of diversity of auditory
phenomena or their topological configuration if we listen as well analytically. It is equally
possible that phenomenal objects like oppressive, delicate, sweet, boring or chaotic
emerge if we listen emotionally. And similarly objects like my childhood in South England
or a space for fruitful social interchange arise if we listen respectively in an associative and
imaginative manner.
The performance of the practice itself consists in the linguistic notation of all these
emerging auditory objects, bringing them in relation to each other through their respective
207
position on a surface, and recognizing their respective relevance in the emerging context
marking it by changing their size in the emerging map.
According to this practice, to map an environment aurally means to engage adaptively
with its process of emergence. What it is intended is to access the form the environment
takes by listening, reflecting it through a minimal mediation: the process of realization of the
map and the map itself. The arising map mirrors the emergence of the environment for the
listener. It reflects, it bends the ongoing interaction between environment and listener back
to the listener in order to make this interaction accessible for her as a geography of linguistic
signs. Listening in this context is not understood as the apprehension of an outer reality and
its representation in an inner mind but, in a noetic sense, as the performance of different
perceptual actions all them focused on what emerges as listened as something I hear
and, in a noematic sense, as a field of perceptual emergence, in which the environment can
be accessible through the interaction with discrete entities. In this field of emergences, the
environment not only appears in its actuality but also in its potentiality. The practice of
auditory mapping, therefore, constitutes the first step in a possible transformation of the
environment through design.
In this paper, I showed succinctly how the concepts of sound environment and listening
can be reinterpreted according to the enactive approach to cognition. Then, I described a
research and design practice the auditory mapping conceived within this framework.
In this context, research is not understood as the generation of explicative artifacts
about the object of research. Accordingly, design is not understood as the addition of ob-
jects onto a terrain, conceived independently of its transformative phenomeno-logic, that
is, the manner in which the terrain emerges as environment. Research and design can be
conceived and practiced as two varieties of a single process of understanding the environ-
ment, as two slightly different but intimate interlocked forms of reflective engagement with
its emergence.
Alex Arteaga
208
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Luciana Roa
lusroca@gmail.com
Nomads.usp - Architecture and Urbanism Institute - University of So Paulo, So Carlos, Brazil
Marcelo Tramontano
tramont@sc.usp.br
Nomads.usp - Architecture and Urbanism Institute - University of So Paulo, So Carlos, Brazil
Abstract
This paper aims to discuss sound and space conversational relationship, combining theo-
retical research and the practice Urban Reverberation, a sound intervention held in public
space. First, the paper introduces the context of the intervention briefly and after presents
its theoretical framework concerning space, interfaces and sound interventions. Then, the
article presents the sound intervention discussing its concepts, methods, the interface role
and the reactions and comments of the audience, gathered by video recording, photos, and
semi-structured interviews. At last, the paper presents its findings and theoretical reflection
about the sound intervention.
209
1. Introduction
Sound and space interplay goes beyond acoustical features. From certain subjective, the
sound environment is ubiquitous: sounds never cease to hearing and is impossible to deprive
listening completely as it is possible to close the eyes to not see. Sounds, as a result of phys-
ical vibrations, reflect our own actions, movements, habits, and ways of living.
In this paper, we do not consider space as a delimiter package or a container of physi-
cal objects; space owns reflexive and heterogeneous character and is formed by social and
cultural dynamics and also physical instances. The sound environment is part of it, formed
by a set of different sounds and it is influenced by the physical space through acoustics and
also modifies the apprehension of space. Thus, sound environment is an element of space
and both have an intrinsic relationship, which can be more complex by the use of sound
interfaces.
This article discusses the juxtaposition between physical spaces and sound environments
through the use of sound interfaces in public spaces. In order to discuss these theoretical
matters, the article includes practical contribution: a sound intervention accomplished by
Nomads.usp (Centre of Interactive Living Studies, University of So Paulo, Brazil), named
Urban Reverberation, held in a public square at So Carlos, So Paulo State, Brazil. The in-
tervention was accomplished as part of an experiment of a broader research which discusses
the juxtaposition of sound and physical environments by the use of sound interfaces and
collective listening in public spaces.
Urban Reverberation consists in the relocation of trains sounds, recorded in a periph-
eral neighborhood, into a square located at the commerce centre of So Carlos, So Paulo
State, Brazil. The train is part of historical and current context in this city and nowadays the
railroad is only used for cargo. The railroad had a great role on the city development in the
first half of 20th century but until today the railroad crosses the city and is present in the
daily life of several people who lives nearby, imposing its rhythm in several passages. There-
fore, due its meaning to several city inhabitants, the trains sounds had its meanings altered
by the exchange of context as well as the apprehension of the public square itself through
the intervention.
As a part of an experiment of a research, Urban Reverberation addresses three constit-
uents: the Waldomiro Lobbe Sobrinho social housing complex, informally called as CDHU by
city dwellers; the Municipal Market Square and, finally, the railroad which crosses the city.
210
2. Theoretical framework: elaborating hybrid environments
Systems of Objects and systems of Actions interact. On the one hand, systems
of objects condition how the actions occur; on the other hand, the system of
actions leads to the creation of new objects or held on pre-existing objects. This
is how space has its dynamics and changes. So, from this perspective, space is
not limited only by its character determined by physical instances, even though
such instances may own different categories. The actions are of people them-
selves and are results of natural needs or created in diverse scopes: materials,
immaterial, economics, social, cultural, moral, affective. (Santos 2001, p.82)1
1.Translated by the authors. Sistemas de objetos e sistemas de aes interagem. De um lado, os sistemas de
objetos condicionam a forma como se do as aes e, de outro lado, o sistema de aes leva criao de objetos
novos ou se realiza sobre objetos preexistentes. assim que o espao encontra sua dinmica e se transforma.
Tem-se a partir dessa perspectiva de que o espao, portanto, no est somente limitado ao seu carter determi-
nado por instncias fsicas, ainda que tais instncias possam possuir diversas categorias. As aes so prprias
das pessoas e so resultantes de necessidades naturais ou criadas de diversos mbitos: materiais, imateriais,
econmicas, sociais, culturais, morais, afetivos.
211
The variety of human activities depends on contexts from complexes of segregation, so-
cial and historical conflicts, to physical space conditions. According to Edward Hall (1977) the
use of space is a specialised elaboration of culture: culture is responsible for the use of space
and its organization; and the human sense of space is result of various sensorial syntheses.
Space is heterogeneous and reflexive; and sound play a role in the apprehension of space.
Due to these discussed aspects sound is considered a conversational element of space: it
is shaped by acoustical phenomena as well as it is produced by several actions and dynamics
that occurs and forms space. It is a mutual and interdependent interaction, one affects the
other. The apprehension and interpretation of space can change according to the result of
this interaction. Listening can be considered beyond a complementarity of view and beyond
its physiological sense: it acts in the apprehension of space, evokes feelings, memories, and
creates engagement.
The sound environment consists of sounds elements that may be resulted directly by
sound sources or sounds obtained through processes established by interfaces: recording,
reproduction, synthesis, and others which generate abstract constructions. The juxtaposi-
tion between sound and physical environments is always present in spaces configuration
due to the characteristic ubiquity of the sound environment. Still, the use of interfaces pro-
motes other situations in which these combinations can be reconfigured. The processes
established by sound interfaces are not neutral because they inscribe social, historical and
cultural processes and purposes.
Hybrid environments are created by the combination between physical and virtual in-
stances and can be verified in a crescent scale on daily lives. The architectural space becomes
denser by the virtual instances which give to its physical nature a hybrid character (Tramon-
tano 2007, p.49). This process of hybridization is given by the use of interfaces, information
and communication technologies, electronic and digital media, and can be considered as a
powerful mechanism of bringing forth not-so-noticed characteristics of space.
The use of digital and electronic media associated to the context of diverse sound arts,
which are difficult to determinate among the many existing categories, strengthen the pos-
sibilities of urban space sound interventions. Interventions aggregate information or attach
new manners of musical and artistic expression. It makes cultural expressions emerge, ei-
ther from the group or artist, or providing and creating means for audience expression.
212
sion. An intervention is inscription in a broader and more complex flow which is the urban
dynamics and implies to understand the city as something in motion (Peixoto, 1998). Being
space formed by physical instances and also it own dynamics, an intervention should con-
sider spaces previous context to act.
Interventions may take into account different meanings that space may already have. It
is a contextualized relationship with the city. Considering interfaces as connectors that form
a field of interchange where parts communicate, interventions which make use of interfaces
provide a change of certain situation in space as well as are relevant in an epistemological
aspect: they may foster questions and thinking among people involved. Thus, interfaces have
the potential to provide a field where representations and interlocutions happen, beyond
action and consequence, providing and creating hybrid environments. Therefore, there is a
broader and less technological approach to the meaning of interface.
Regarding interface, Bolter and Gromala (2003) consider interface as the form a dispos-
itive presents itself to its users, which should be adaptive and visible. The authors use meta-
phors of windows and mirrors to argue that interfaces should transit between transparency
and reflexivity: windows by framing perspective, allowing the user look through and not at
the interface, and maybe also as an extension of what can be seen; mirrors because reflects
the context, assisting the users to perceive themselves and understand their own context.
Considering sound interfaces as only sound generators or reproducers may offer a tech-
nical concept, besides crowding a multitude of physical and virtual instances, placing acous-
tic, electronic and digital media into a single category. Nor is appropriate considering sound
interfaces as transducers, coding and decoding sound data, and describe them only as tech-
nological mediation tools, not considering the whole inscribed process. Sound interfaces are
considered as connectors which build a field for interlocution and interaction, consisting
in elements which sound plays an important role. Sound interfaces change and transform
modes of listening as well as sound production. Depending on the desired results at the end
of the process, production may be directed to this end. Thus, sound interfaces contain an
interdependent process which is not neutral but guided by intentions, purposes. Sound in-
terfaces can also increase the diversity of sound environments through its technological me-
diations: the listener is no longer limited to its surroundings, i.e., is no longer required prox-
imity between listener and sound source at the same time, despite the differences caused by
its process and by its technological nature.
When held in public spaces in the city, interventions are immersed in a site that is not
impartial and has its own context and dynamics. Thus, there is a two-way communication
between public space and intervention: spaces contextual dimension that should be consid-
213
ered in the concepts of the intervention; at the same time, the intervention that momentarily
alters these dynamics.
Public is not only physical and social spaces of interaction: public also includes to the es-
sence of the communication which takes place in a common social-cultural meaning, shared
interests and values, transcending the private sphere (Castells 2008). According to Castells
(2008), the public sphere is also the cultural/informational repository of the ideias and
projects that feed public debate. A public space is not formed only by urban furniture or
a physical space built with the intention of being a reference or meeting point. The public
exists due activities, absorption and appropriation of space by people. Sound interventions,
using interfaces, may foster discussions and ideias, establishing a locus of communication
where the public happens.
Sound interventions, due to the conversational relationship between sound and space,
have potential to change spaces apprehension by fostering questions and thinking that
would not show up in daily situations. Moreover, being endowed with cultural content and
being capable to dialogue with diverse spaces characteristics, interventions may arise propi-
tious communication loci, which are formed only by its use for public debate and expression.
214
Figure 1. South-central area of So Carlos, dashed line corresponds to the path of the railroad.
Night and day, the cargo trains cross the city as well as the CDHU. In order to provide a
political dimension to the sound intervention, sounds of train were recorded at its passage in
the CDHU. Former researches conducted by Nomads.usp involved the CDHU social housing
and its dwellers, which also collaborated for this sound intervention. The CDHU is a social
housing complex located right next to the railroad, in the periphery of south of the city. It
has 928 apartments, divided in 6 apartment complexes, dedicated to low-income people.
The railroad is next to the apartments and buildings and it crosses the street as well.
So, after this process of research, it was decided to relocate the trains sounds to the
commerce centre of So Carlos, the public square of the Municipal Market. By relocating
trains sounds, the periphery got into the city centre. This process in the sound intervention
is considered relocation instead of dislocation (Emmerson 2012). Dislocation refers to a neg-
ative process, as something is where it was not supposed to be in a negative way (Emmer-
son 2012). Due to the sound and space conversational relationship, sound gathers different
meanings through this process, instead of losing meaning. It reconfigures space and, in turn,
space recontextualises sound. By reproducing the set of trains sounds collectively, a com-
mon and shared matter was introduced among those people present in the square, enabling
the rise of thoughts concerning an issue that may be latent.
215
audio was edited to have a longer duration. This way, more people just passing by the square
was aware of the sounds and the researchers had more time for interviewing them. Beyond
that, the process of recording and editing shows the whole process carried out by sound
interfaces.
First, only by recording and deciding the microphone placement, favouring certain sound
elements of the train, indicates an intention and suggestion. Just the choice of recording the
train and relocating its sounds indicates that this sound is worth of noticing. It is partially
derived from the objet trouvs ideia: the recorded sound is quotidian, but it deserves a more
attentive listening. The sound also directs attention to a certain subject which is a basis for
other derivations. By editing, sound is domesticated, sculpted and combined with others.
In Urban Reverberation, the recorded audio was edited in order to create a continuity of a
longer passage and spatiality, suggesting that, sonically, a train was crossing the square.
The loudspeaker has, in effect, allowed us to set up a virtual acoustic space into
which we may Project an image of any real existing acoustic space, and the ex-
istence of this virtual acoustic space presents us with new creative possibilities.
(Wishart, 1996, p.136)
This process implies virtual instances, which provides a hybrid character as a result of
its reproduction, juxtaposing the physical space with sound environments and reconfiguring
space. The set of selected and reproduced sounds acts as a new information in the space
where it is relocated and it reconfigures space.
3.3. Methods
In order to gather information during the sound intervention there were three methods of
register: two kinds of video register; photo register and semi-structured interviews.
The video register was divided in two ways: one static camera, recording two minutes
before, the reproduction and two minutes after it; one moving camera, operated by a re-
searcher. This type of video register was useful and important due the fact that one reg-
ister complements the other one. While the static camera gave a panoramic view of what
was happening during the intervention, the changes of reaction, the moving camera was
able to record a more directional perspective, more detailed reactions. The photographic
record aimed to gather the publics reactions as well as the researchers role and organiza-
tion. Therefore these registers helped the analysis of the public as well as the influence of
researchers and the interface in the intervention. These registers also collaborated for pro-
viding inputs for future interventions and also for the evaluation of the intervention process.
216
The semi structured interviews were recorded under consent of the interviewees. This
type of qualitative method favours the access of the opinions, thoughts, values and mean-
ings the interviewees had about the intervention, its sound and the situation. The interviews
aimed to approach the interpretations and thoughts derived from the juxtaposition and aid-
ed to broad the influence of the sounds relocation and its conversational relationship with
space.
The basis of the questions was: 1. Have you listen the trains sound?, as strategy to initi-
ate the conversation; 2. What do you think about the square with this sound?, intending to
stimulate thinking about the current sound and space interplay; 3. This sound was recorded
at CDHU, where the train passes several times, day and night, and about a thousand families
lives there. What do you think about it?, with an informative character, bringing the CDHU
issue and trying to stimulate the approach of different contexts or perspectives. In this arti-
cle, we focus on the answers and reactions to the second question What do you think about
the square with this sound?.
65 interviews were made during the intervention: some were punctual and very short,
others had complex thinking. Some explanatory leaflets about the intervention were also
distributed.
Figure 2. Diagram corresponding to the methods and the dynamics of the intervention.
217
3.4. Listening modes, Reactions and Interpretations
The visibility of the technological system such as speakers, cables, mixer and the computer,
does not lie only in the technical aspect. Its visibility was an important factor to the interven-
tion as a whole, denoting an intention, something new about to happen. Due to the collective
listening and the ubiquitous characteristic of sound, the people present in the square didnt
have to go to the interface. They could listen the reproduction in most part of the square.
The speakers became referential points, corresponding to the sound source. The equip-
ments also reports the processes inscribed in interface, recording and reproduction, and
suggests intentionality. The relationships between view and listening appear very intrinsi-
cally in the interviews and videos registers. The attempt of correspondence between view
and listening demonstrates the referential listening as discussed by Katharine Norman (1996).
Being acousmatic because of reproduction system, the listening may reinforce the at-
tention. Considering sound as an element which may cause mental images, memories and
emotions, the set of trains sounds in Urban Reverberation, easily identifiable, can provide
a stimulus for subjective associations according to the experience of the listener. As Michel
Chion (1994) explains, the causal listening is when the listener seeks the sound source, but it
also gathers an imaginative thinking when the listener can imagine physical aspects of the
sound source when it cannot be seen, like in Urban Reverberation.
I dont think it is bad, I just was searching for it, I said wow guys, theres a train
noise, where is there a train here?
I even found strange huh, I was coming here and I looked that one said it
comes from the market! then I said Not, its not from there, I think it is the train
far away from here [at the station]!
I think it is cool. I live far away [] I didnt know it wasnt the sound of a real train
and then I saw the speakers []
However the change of context offered by the interface, some comments, photos and
videos show people searching for the sound source. It is also a search for spatial reference,
not in the sense of total loss of physical space referential, but searching for spatial dynamics
218
in order to justify the sound; to build relationships between the sonic experience and tem-
poral reality.
Many answers to the question What do you think about the square with this sound?
were vague or merely adjective, establishing dualities. Noisy, cool, annoying, interest-
ing, good, bad, odd and others. This occurred due the fact it is a dense question: albeit
the question was simplified, it still has a very abstract character and it is usually difficult to
describe sounds in a qualitative way. Despite of that, many interviewees answered to the
question based in their immediate context in the square and, on the other hand, their own
previous knowledge and experiences.
I dont see many differences because next to my home, for example, the train
passes and the sound gets worse every day. I felt strange because it is here
downtown.
It is bad. Cause I have already lived in a place where the train passed. We were
sleeping and, wow, woke up thinking that the house would fall down.
Some comments demonstrate an association between the context of the market square
and the relationship people have with their homes, which characterises the role of the inter-
face as a mirror (Bolter, Gromala, 2003): in such cases, the interviewee makes a direct corre-
spondence to his/her own context, since the interviewee has a past that can be related, lives
near the railroad or somewhere else where the train can be heard. Moreover, is remarkable
on some comments the strangeness to the situation, often due the exchange of contexts.
The contextual listening (Norman, 1996) may also be referred in Urban Reverberation. It
joins reflection and reference, concerning the conceptual meanings of the sound through
private and personal associations. The evaluation of the sound given by the listener joins the
current context and experience, influencing the imagination about the sound and its mean-
ings. By the exchange of context, the listener can build relationships among lived experience,
context and sound material, which are inter-related and evaluated. Thus the affective mem-
219
ory takes part of the listening process in which the memorys qualities of subjectivity and
affection motivates the engagement of listening.
Some groups indicated attitudes directly related to the sound. People began to look at
each other, sometimes laughing, and many others pointed to the speakers. A woman pushed
a man she was with, playing with the sound and context like there was a railroad and the
train was passing. These attitudes show that the listening occasioned by the intervention
caused changes in relations between some groups, also responding to the sound with their
attitudes.
The set of trains sounds is a representative element which rouses listening as an active
practice. The recontextualised sound brings forth shared subjects to many city dwellers: it
inserts aspects which are related to the quotidian routine of many people, and it happens
through the sound environment. Through sound a possible communication locus is formed,
acting as a convergent point that incites thinking and reflections, which can be externalised
or not.
4. Findings
Practices as sound intervention in research aids its scope by approaching it to a wider and
more diverse audience and also creating opportunities to the approach of the researcher to
different communities. Concerning this, in Urban Reverberation the researchers got access
to a broad set of answers with different qualities, including people at different ages and who
live in different neighbourhoods. Thus the intervention as a procedure of research allowed
a situation that was an alternative and differentiated way to explore sound-space interplay,
getting answers and observing different people, and also proposed a communication locus.
The inscribed processes of interfaces include social and cultural processes and the sound
interfaces collaborate to a qualitative leading of sound interventions and also reelaborate
conditions concerning listening and sound production and it can be availed the propose of
the sound intervention.
The juxtaposition of sound environments is made possible by the use of interface, which
generates in the intervention a favourable locus for various interpretations and reflections
not only related to sound. It is not about a total relativism, when each one has a unique
impression that generates a diversity of interpretation that undermines the achievement of
220
objectives, but rather singularities which and be embraced in a set of themes that shows the
produced features and understandings regarding the sound and space relationship.
Denis Smalley (1996, p.86) argues that the apprehension of musical content and struc-
ture is connected to a world which is outside of the composition: not only auditory experi-
ence, as well as non-sonic experience. Although this argument refers to music, it can also
be perceived in the Urban Reverberation. From various perspectives, the recontextualised
sound became a material which motivates interrelations of a broad field of references. In
many comments, some people related the sound intervention to their own experience, way
of living, history. Making a parallel with the thought of Bolter and Gromala (2003), it is pos-
sible to understand the sound interface in Urban Reverberation as a mirror and window: as
a window, it allows the contact of people to other reality through listening and it also de-
limitates a common subject; as a mirror, the interface proposes a field of reflection related
to the train, the railroad and its use and impact likewise about their experience. The space,
dynamic and heterogeneous, becomes denser by virtual instances (Tramontano, 2007), the
edited sound, and gets a hybrid character.
At last, one perspective of future research can be summed up as the study of social and
urban potential of sound interventions which can aid the manifestation and appropriation of
what is public, opposed to its silencing.
Acknowledgements. We thank to the Agency for Research Funding of So Paulo State for
supporting the development of this research.
References
Bolter, Jay David and Gromala, Diane. Windows 616(1) (2008): 78-93. Accessed September 18,
and the myth of transparency. Cambridge: Chion, Michel. Audio-vision: sound on screen.
Massachusetts Institute of Technology Press, New York: Columbia University Press, 1994.
Castells, Manuel. The new public sphere: Global Francisco Alves Editora, 1977.
civil society, communication networks, and Lynch, Kevin. A imagem da cidade. So Paulo:
global governance. The Annals of the Amer- Editora Martins Fontes, 1982.
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Norman, Katharine. Real-world music as
doi:10.1080/07494469608629686
Hucitec, 1996.
doi:10.1080/07494469600640071.
Lom, 2007.
222
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Abstract
This article aims to understand and compare the use of sounds and music as a tool to disput-
ing, sharing and lotting space in two squares in Belo Horizonte, Minas Gerais, Brazil. In order
to do so, citizens manipulate sounds and their parameters, such as intensity, frequency and
spatiality. We refer to research data collected by Nucleurb/CCNM-UFMG constituted by a
set of methodological procedures that involve field observation, sound recording, photo-
graphs, field notes and research on archives, gathering and cross analyzing texts, pictures
and sounds, in order to grasp the dynamics of conformation of place within the urbanspace.
223
1. Introduction
A street cryer screams constantly, as pedestrians pass by him, advertising a cellphone chip
stores services. During his intervals, another street cryer asks whether people want to have
their hair cut or not. On the background, a succession of popular songs are played on a Re-
cord store, and groups of friends sitting on benches talk. An informal math teacher tries to
sell a DVD in which he teaches how to solve quickly square root problems. The other side
of the square, beyond the crossing of two busy avenues, Andean musicians prepare their
concert, connecting microphones and speakers through cables, as street artists finish their
circus presentation.
Later, in the same city, but in a different square, bossa-nova musicians start their set on
a permanent stage settled in the sidewalk, just in front of the caf that hired their presenta-
tion. Though the music fills the space full of tables where costumers drink, eat, talk and date,
about 30 meters away the songs are not heard anymore. The bakery on the corner plays a
pagode (a very popular kind of samba) CD, radio, or even soap operas on TV. A similar scene
can be found on different blocks in the same square, again, the other side of the crossing of
two very busy avenues, where duos present a Brazilian popular music repertoire in front of
a bar, or Djs play pop and rock songs for pubs costumers.
As members of the research group Nucleurb/CCNN-UFMG weve been investigating
the dynamics of conformation of place within the urban space, mainly interested in how
the uses of different media converges for such purpose. Currently, the group studies focus
on four squares within the centre of Belo Horizonte, one of Brazils biggest cities. Squares
mark points of convergence in the urban fabric. Their cultural, social, economical and politi-
cal centrality is shown just in everyday life as well as in specific contexts created by civic life
like public celebrations, popular demonstrations or musical performances. If those scenes
described above seem to confirm what is usually repeated by academic work on the problem
of sound in urban space, a thesis that states that the very loud and crowded sonority of the
city points to a distracted listening and a unawareness to the sound environment, a more
close listening to those settings shows that not only the rainforest demand and favor acute
auditory perceptual skills from which people developed the kind of ideological and aes-
thetic scaffolds for these skills that humanize them and provide a coherent cultural frame-
work for their acquisition (Feld, 1984, 389).
This work highlights two of those squares, Sete de Setembro (September the 7th, Brazils
Independence Day), and Diogo de Vasconcelos, better known respectively as Praa Sete and
224
Praa da Savassi. This paper deals with the problem of identifying and understanding how,
in order to take part on these urban conformation processes, sounds are very often manip-
ulated and used as technology by the city inhabitants. Screams, loud or soft sounds, music,
positioning of loud speakers among other sound practices are used as affective devices, in
which, as DeNora puts it, actors produce the aesthetic textures of social occasions, situa-
tions and action styles (DeNora, 2004, 111), conforming a repertoire (Faulkner and Becker,
2009), through which people in the streets share, dispute or conquer property of public
space. Our field work applies different ways of registering (audio recordings, digital photos,
digital videos and written accounts) made during derivative walks through the squares. Tak-
ing soundscape (Schafer, 2001) as a methodological technique that allows us to access sound
in its materiality, we discuss the way people manipulate its properties (intensity, frequency
and spatiality) to produce place. In consequence, people give shape to mobile and transi-
tory but recurrent - sonic borders and ambiences. Thats what our investigation intends
to capture and analyze, adopting a comparative perspective. In order to do so, we, at first,
discuss the relations between sound and space, eliciting how the citizens of the city use so-
norities as techniques to disputing, sharing and lotting space, by manipulating sounds and
their parameters, such as intensity, frequency and spatiality. Then, we present and discuss
field work made on the two referred squares in Brazil, so we can elicit how these dynamics
work in Belo Horizonte, Brazil.
Although sound is usually associated to duration and the constitution of temporalities, spa-
tiality is also a key feature of sonorities. The phenomenologist Don Ihde points that Insofar
as all sounds are also events, all the sounds are within the first approximation, likely to be
considered as moving (Ihde, 2007, 53) in order to conclude that if the primary feature of
the audible world is temporal; a weaker, but still important, characteristic of audibility is its
spatial properties. He, then, explores how we can listen to shapes, surfaces and interiors
through listening to sound properties, such as the continuity/discontinuity of a rolling body
sonority, the timbre produced by two objects scrubbing into one another, the reverberation
and echo effects. His discussion evidences how those spatialities are heard through tempo-
ral variations, showing that even the division of space and time are not, strictly speaking,
225
primitive experiential significations. Existentially there is a concrete space time that is also a
signification of nave experience in its thematized appearance (Ihde, 2007, 61).
This interconnection of temporality and spatiality is fundamental for the understanding
of place as used space, as some authors have already shown (Tuan, 1983; Certeau, 1994; San-
tos, 1996)1. By social practices, that are variable depending on the hours of the day, seasons
of the year, among other time spans; citizens inscribe meanings to the urban space, using
its material features such as characteristics of the sidewalks, the presence of benches and
buildings, etc. The city is also the place where different kinds of people meet and dispute
its use and meanings, bringing to front its dimension of both space appropriation and dom-
ination, evidenced in the notion of territory (Haesbaert and Lemonad, 2007, 2). All of these
dynamics require movement, and as such produce sound. Thus, in this lived-time-space
(Haesbaert, 2004), not only sonic materiality operates as micro-epistemologies, with the
echo, the vibration, the rhythmic, for instance, opening up to specific ways of knowing the
world (Labelle, 2010, XXV), but also represents a whole scheme of acting in the world, since
we understand sound, supported by Wisnik (1989), as the communication of a movement
signal within the environment, as a body that resonates another. And in doing so, the sound
becomes a presence, and as that presence it becomes an essential part of the buildings [or
the places] infrastructure (Sterne, 1997, 23).
Tia DeNora, in her book Music in Everyday Life maps how people use music to do certain
things, one of those being producing the aesthetic textures of social occasions, situations
and action styles (DeNora, 2000). She then studies how slow or fast music is manipulated in
a party where the host wants his guests to dance or talk, or how stores use ambient music
as a means of delineating retail territory, a way to projecting imaginary shoppers on to the
aesthetically configured space of the shop floor (DeNora, 2000, 135). Her argument is that
if on the one hand the sound material manipulated by music brings about some affordances,
privileging some uses instead of others; on the other hand, music does not do it by itself, it
needs the agency of its users so it can produce what it was intended for, or even a contra-
dictory effect.
Faulkner and Becker (2009) have described how different settings where jazz music is
performed require not only different repertoires of songs, but also different techniques of
playing those songs. In their ethnographic report, they tell us how, in an American Inn in
New England, the confortable, rustic-feeling room, with oak and walnut floor and a large
oriental rug, has a warm sound (Faulkner and Becker, 2009, 10). They also mention the own-
1.Certeau (1999) inverts the relation among those two terms, understanding space as used place.
226
ers apprehension with the sound levels (intensity) a trumpet player would produce, disturb-
ing his clients in the dinning room. In their proposal of understanding the repertoire in ac-
tion, as they are practiced by its users, they try to shorthand sound elements involved in the
production of music, as event, which congregates a list of possible tunes to perform, asking
another player what he wants to play, deciding (before or during a performance) what to
play and when (Faulkner and Becker, 2009, 194). One of those elements are the performing
situations musicians are in, that delineate what the public expects to hear, in terms of what
songs and of how they are performed, with the objective of making the music in a certain
setting happen.
For our intention in this article, we find it useful to articulate both DeNoras and Faulkner
and Beckers ideas in order to understand how the city inhabitants use sounds in order to
occupy space, being in a disputing, sharing or lotting way. In this tasks citizens use not only
certain sounds, but manipulate them, by intertwining sound properties, such as intensity,
frequency and spatiality. On an article about Jazz in the City of New Orleans, Sakakeeny, tells
us how Buddy Bolden widely regarded as the first jazz musician in New Orleans at the turn
of the century () would point his trumpet to the heavens and blow loud and hot, enticing
the audience to leave nearby Lincoln Park (Sakakeeny, 2006, 41), where another musician
played a different kind of music. In this example, the musician manipulates the directionality
and intensity of his blowing horn in order to make a call. Further in his article, he reports
how, during Mardi Gras, brass bands responds to the passage of the Zulu parade underneath
a bridge by blowing their horns as loud as possible, the sound careening off the concrete
infrastructure (Sakakeeny, 2006, 43). In doing so, they manipulate the intensity and the
reverberation produced by a specific place to defy social exclusion, since the mentioned
overpass was built in the 1960s to segregate an African section in the town.
On a similar way, we believe that some sound properties are manipulated by people,
most of the times, in order to make certain appropriation and domination of the space: dis-
puting space is the tonic when the main parameter of sound manipulated is intensity the
urge of making loud noises is necessary to silence opponents; frequency (both in terms of
melodies, or in terms of the period in which a repetition occurs, or even duration) is mostly
used when one wants to share space since as Lefebvre argues, for there to be a change,
a social group, a class or a caste must intervene by imprinting a rhythm on an era, be it
through force or in an insinuating manner (Lefebvre, 2004, 25) it brings about the potential
of entraining and synchronizing different bodies, so sounds accommodate to one another;
and spatiality (be it in the arranging of the position of sound fonts, the reverb of a space, or
the direction of the sound) is usually accessed when comes to lot space, inserting in place a
227
fixed, though sometimes ephemeral, border, that states where a certain territory begins and
ends the manipulation of these properties make possible to control the range of a certain
sound. We are not arguing, though that those parameters are used only for those tasks, but
that they afford those uses that are virtual and need to be accomplished by its users. What
we delineated here represent some guidelines, that can be changed according to the situa-
tion, to how people access them, and to what other parameters are also in play. As Augoyard
and Torgue put it, as soon as it is perceived contextually, sound is inseparable from an effect,
as subtle as it can be, a particular colouration due to collective attitudes and representations
or to individual traits (Augoyard and Torgue, 2011, 11).
September the 7th Square, also known as Praa 7 is one of the main areas of interest in the
city and is an excellent example of some of the contradictions present on the modern ur-
ban tradition, namely the one that offers up the city only to those few who enjoy the rights
of citizenship (Maricato, 2000). It is estimated that every day around 10,000 people travel
the squares streets and sidewalks during peak hours (2:00 pm to 3:15 pm), because it is one
of the main traffic articulators for the city. At Christmastime, it is estimated that 800,000
people per day circulate through this place. The space also serves as host to certain bank
headquarters and government buildings responsible for issuing official documents such as
identification cards and passports. At the same time, various commercial and recreational
activities (street trading and services, as well as artistic and circus presentations, for exam-
ple) can be found in the Seventh of September Square. The Square is also known as a place
for criminals to acquire illegal guns and false documents.
During 2003 and 2004 the square was reformed under the argument that it was a dead
place, even though it still attracted a large number of people everyday. In order to implement
such marginalizing policies, and just before those urban interventions occurred, a series of
derogatory news stories about downtown Belo Horizonte were published in the newspapers
and broadcast by media, reinforcing an image of criminality, drug abuse, and prostitution
already present in the citys collective imagination. This media campaign contributed to the
arguments supporting urban reform that built in the square 4 pedestrian zones, under four
different architectural projects, named with four Indian tribes from Minas Gerais (the state
228
where Belo Horizonte is in), that expelled the hawkers that used to work there from its side-
walks. Some urban practices kept occupying the place, though.
We have discussed somewhere else (Franco and Marra, 2008) on how street criers can be
heard as sound indicators of the levels of noise and flux of cars and pedestrians in the streets.
In Belo Horizonte downtown, we found out that the longer and louder street cries are the
more intense is the car flux and theless frequent is pedestrian flux. In Praa 7, with its four
pedestrian zones, there are street criers advertising cell phone stores and services such as
hair cut and photography for documents. They entrain themselves with the large flux of pe-
destrians and small number of cars in the middle of the block, emitting their screams in a not
so loud fast rhythm. According to the time of the year, they also spread their occupation to
the sidewalks close to the crossing of the two busy avenues, up to the corners a block away
from the squares center (figure 1).
Figure 1. Localization of street criers in Praa 7. In blue, the regions where they usually are. In red regions they can
occupy, according to the time of the year.
Sometimes, a math teacher is found in the middle of the street criers, teaching informal
lessons on how to solve problems on the subject the easy way. He wears a headset micro-
phone and battery small loudspeakers to amplify his speech, although it also imposes a me-
tallic timbre to his voice. As he speaks continuously, for around 15 minutes, he demonstrates
the solutions to his problems on topics such as square roots, financial math, and so on, on a
white portable board he carries with him. People stop around the informal class and eventu-
ally buy the DVDs he sells with the lessons, organized by subjects, he has just taught. As the
229
teacher speaks, street criers keep their rhythmic screams. A strange kind of collaboration is
established between those two categories of informal workers. Now and then, another per-
son arrives the square bringing snacks and drinks for the street criers. They offer the teacher
a cup of soda, as he stops his classes to rest his voice. Although informal, both kinds of tasks
in fact show a loose structure, as the teacher is also helped by his wife, who brings him new
DVDs every time he stops to rest.
If street criers and the math teacher seem at first to compete with each other, they in
fact share the acoustic space, so everyone is heard in the noisy ambience of the square. To
do so, they manipulate the intensity of their emissions none of them sound loud but also
the frequency the number of emissions at a time of their emissions, as no street crier
shouts at the same time and the math teacher takes a break from time to time, not only to
rest, but also to talk to the costumers that stop by. This pedestrian loitering around the
classes also helps the street criers, as they see their chances to be heard grow.
Thus, the sonorities produced in Praa 7 sound alike the lifting-up-over Feld found
among the Kaluli people. In this style of singing, even when the situation involves a single
voice, the sound is coordinated with the surrounding acoustic features of the environment;
this is particularly so when Kaluli sing at work (Feld, 1984, 393). In a similar way, street cri-
ers adjust how often they scream to the frequency of pedestrians passing by. The layered
texture of street criers and the math teacher also points to a coordinated vocal polyphony,
similar in structure, but in different conditions, to the ceremonial songs sung by the people
from Papua New Guinea. Each sound on the square seems to tune in as they embed to one
another, manipulated in their frequency and intensity by their users, in order to share space.
Those tune in procedures can be found also on other popular manifestations that take
place in the same square. The 7th of September square is also the stage for a number of popu-
lar concerts by Brazilian or Andean Indians that come about one after the other. Both groups
occupy the pedestrian zone with their portable sound equipment and play their songs the
Andeans usually play global pop songs on their pipes, the Brazilians play what sounds like a
mixture of indigenous and popular music. As one group unpacks, the other prepares their
presentation, on an unpredictable schedule, since one group or the other can open the ses-
sions, and as they can manage their concerts in two of the four pedestrian zones in the
square (figure 2). Brazilian Indians also use the place as a fair, where they sell craftwork, such
as wooden spoons and bowls, necklaces, earrings, etc. The place is also shared with people
that present circus numbers and challenges, such as acrobatic and clown performances,
riding a defective bike, or kicking a ball in order to make it pass through two empty bottles
without hitting none of them the space between the two bottles is just enough for the ball.
All of those people use their voice to announce their work.
230
Figure 2. Localization where Peruvian and Indian musical and circus presentation happen.
The 7th of September Square is, as we have already described in this article a very busy
and important place to the city, as it concentrates in it and around a large number of bus
stops and as it is located in the borders of a popular and a fancier commercial zones. In some
of their benches, people remain seated, talking a language full of incomprehensive slangs
and carrying bags with different kinds of objects, apparently stolen. The commercial negoti-
ations in the stores turn to negotiations of space in the sidewalk. Once in field work, one of
the researchers saw, early in the morning (around 8 a.m) a record store opening while home-
less people that use to sleep in the square were waking up (figure 3). The store was playing
songs such as boleros, as the homeless people were banging on benches in the rhythm of
samba. The insistence of the banging made the store attendants change the record they
were playing to a samba one, tuning in with the homeless people who showed satisfaction
as they saw their rhythms intertwine with the stores. What was previously a flow of music
[] established through song compatibility and cross-facing so that all transitions from song
to song are seamless (Sterne, 1997, 32) abruptly becomes handling of spatial difference []
intimately tied to its handling of social difference (Sterne, 1997, 41)
231
Figure 3. Localization of the record store in blue. In red, area where homeless people use to sleep. On the right, picture
of the record store facade.
This kind of interaction can also be found on another pedestrian zone in the square,
where hippies sell their craftwork: one of the buildings in this block is occupied mainly by
stores that sell rock, punk and heavy metal records, but also some instruments, clothes re-
lated to those music genres, and skate board equipment as well, also known as Galeria do
Rock (figure 4). The sound of the skaters maneuvers and of the small wheels rolling on the
sidewalks can also be heard during some hours of the day (usually the late afternoon and
early evening) as there are steps, plain and upper areas in the pedestrian zone that can be
used as obstacles to the sport practice (figure 5). Tuning in to this rebellious tonic, we find
the protests that usually take place in this pedestrian zone. They arrive at certain arranged
times, usually at noon or late afternoon, around 5 or 6 P.M, with cars equipped with loud
speakers that can be heard almost two blocks away, as some recordings the group made in
the place show. Here, the loud sound is used as a manifestation of power, defying the sacred
noise (Schaeffer, 2001, 114) of the traffic jam, spreading messages by workers on strike, and
other social movements in favor of better public transportation, houses for homeless people,
etc. In doing so, they manipulate intensity, in order to dispute the squares space and take
possession of it.
232
Figure 4. Localization of Galeria do Rock in blue. Localization of hippies selling craftwork in red.
Figure 5. Pedestrian zone in front of Galeria do Rock, with its steps and plain areas.Picture taken from the internet,
http://www.arqbh.com.br/2007/04/praa-sete-revitalizao_2448.html.
Those manifestations, though, dont take long in the square and are usually moved to
the front of the city hall. This also happens when big protests burst into the city streets
and close the square, causing traffic jams. And during manifestations, street criers dont
stop their adverts, although they also become louder. These observations evidence that any
233
practice that intends to get fixed in the 7th of September Square in Belo Horizonte has to
deal with the sharing of the space. The place is occupied by a great diversity of people and
groups, what makes it difficult, most of the times, to conquer it for a long time. The solution
for this dilemma is finding ways to live together with the other forms of the occupation of
the place. Listening to its sonority is one of the ways to sense its layered polyphony in order
to find a gap where you can fit in. Labelle, writing about the Muzak and the ambient music
on Shopping Malls, advocates that introducing ambiguity into the equation, and letting the
ear mishear, I hope to accentuate background music as one of many auditory experiences
through which we still may learn to listen(Labelle, 2010, 200). In the case of Praa 7, hearing
it right is listening to its layered background in order to understand the ambiguity and ran-
domness introduced by the diversity inhabiting the place, so one can insert his own sounds
in the squares sonority.
A last example helps us grasp those dynamics. Every Friday, a restaurant in the pedestri-
an zone where the skaters train their maneuvers turns into a bar placing tables and chairs
in the sidewalk in front of it and serving beer to clients. A musician playing Brazilian Popular
Music on guitar and singing establish an ambience for the costumers to talk to each other, as
we discussed somewhere else (Garcia and Marra, 2012). The bar, though, does not place ta-
bles in the plain area, next to it, where the skaters usually ride their boards. One Friday, Belo
Horizonte downtown was busy since people were buying presents for Christmas it was De-
cember the 20th. It was about 7 P.M. when the researchers recorded the musician playing his
repertoire. In the background, you can hear the sound of the skateboards hitting the ground,
as the skaters tried to jump on it. None of the music, nor the noise of the sport practice made
it hard for people sitting on the tables to talk. More than a distracted listening, we believe
it was a matter to listen to the background in order to fit each sonority to each practice in
space, with its respective mode of hearing. As Eric Wilson wrote about cries in Londons
streets, in 17th century, these sonic manifestations avail a means of negotiating space within
a particular economy, without such (romanticized consequences of exile) (Wilson, 1995, 21).
The Diogo de Vasconcelos Square, demarcated by the intersection of Getlio Vargas and Cris-
tvo Colombo avenues, is better known as the Savassi Square. At one of its corners, in the
234
early 1940s, a bakery was opened up that received the surname of their owners, the Savassi
family, of Italian origin. The Funcionrios district, eminently of residential character, was
changing around this period:
Already in the 1950s, the first trading services have been deployed in the district
and its area was the Savassi Bakery at Diogo Vasconcellos Square and, beside
it, on Pernambuco St., there was So Flix Drugstore. There was also a hab-
erdashery, near Diogo Vasconcellos Square and next to the bakery; Colombo
e Trinngulo warehouses at Cristvo Colombo Av. Two other services began
to attract the attention of the belo-horizontino [Belo Horizonte city dwellers]:
the construction of Cine Path and the first supermarket in Belo Horizonte, the
Serve Bem, both located in Cristvo Colombo Av. (Lemos, 2007, 7)
In bars, warehouses, and the bakery itself, the middle and upper class youth gathered to-
gether. At the surroundings, several public and private schools arose, becoming pathway for
passing-by students, from elementary to university. As new neighborhoods appeared in the
city South Zone, the Savassi region became a center to which flocked the upper and middle-
class in search of sophisticated shops and social spaces corresponding to their preferences.
From the 1970s,the transformations in space intensified. Celina B. Lemos points out, in her
study on consumption and formation of a centrality in Savassi, the strong presence of pri-
vate investment following the movement of consumers with high purchasing power, forming
a () locus of consumption and leisure of privileged groups (Lemos, 2007, 8). According
to interviews conducted by the author, the noble consumers saw the City Downtown asa
deteriorated space, unsophisticated and without exclusivity, thereby () growth and legit-
imization of Savassi coincided with the semi-saturation of the Traditional Center (Lemos,
2007, 8). Accompanying these changes, development legislation drafted in 1976regulated the
mixed use (residential / commercial) within the district.
The consumption activities were articulated to forms of leisure and sociability that
matched the expectations of goers in search of refinement and good taste. Not by chance
in the 1980s the reemerged the bookstore Agencia Status in front of the main bus stop on
Cristvo Colombo Av., opposite to which was the Cine Path, a movie theater by then en-
shrined as a meeting point for intellectuals, associated with art movies where attendees
from the neighborhood remember having watched films of directors like Bergman, Fellini
and Godard. Thus, Lemos (2007, 13) considers that there have been a continuity and use
transitions between these two points of concentration and gathering on opposite sides of
235
the avenue. Thus, a typical ride of the inhabitant of middle or upper class by Savassi could
include shopping, watching a movie, buying a book and ending the evening at one of the bars
or restaurants nearby.
The practice of frequenting Savassis bars was already integrated into the rou-
tine of working people on site, as well as people belonging to middle and high
extracts that inhabited the South Zone. It is possible, therefore, to identify fre-
quency patterns at bars and eateries that were in fashion at Savassi, where out-
lined a territoriality by means of use, based on the groups and subgroups who
frequented the place. (Lemos, 2007, 17-18)
Also on that decade, part of Pernambuco and Antonio de Albuquerque streets (both cross
diagonally the space that shapes the square) were turned into pedestrian zones. Flowerbeds
with plants and some urban structures such as benches and public telephones (then still as
relevant equipment) were built there, and the parts that remained regular streets received
parking spaces. If sometimes this space was configured as pathway, several situations could
attract and retain the bystanders, as the presence of street vendors, artisans, artists selling
paintings, beggars and even the police, anxious to suppress assaults and control the fre-
quency of individuals considered threatening. As an idyllic space for empowered and en-
riched groups-in opposition to the social representations of the dirty, outdated, cluttered,
filled with undesirables, Center Savassi should be an adjusted and comfortable place for
its privileged consumers.
We can consider that from 1990 the scene of the square has become more complex and
heterogeneous. The large number of bus lines that travels and stops at points of the avenues
that intersect it, the existence of some affordable shops and eateries, the diversification of
services and eventually its own centrality, significantly increased affluence and variety of
people circulating and appropriating the space. It also became a place for further meeting
to watch games and celebrate conquests of soccer teams from the state capital. This has not
eliminated initiatives that are consistent with the image that was already consolidated about
the district. We can mention the fad of cafes and bookstores, post-modern spaces with
retro atmosphere, then perceived as exquisite loci of sociability for groups of certain cultural
capital. Caf 3 Coraes and Livraria da Travessa became poles of this type of activity, using
live music-performed by small groups or even one musician with a repertoire considered of
236
good taste (jazz, MPB2, choro3) to attract and please demanding attendees used to spend
more money, even on food.
Sign of the times and changes in cultural consumption habits, Path Cine would be closed.
In its building were to run an evangelical church, a cheap cloth stores and a parking lot. The
building was listed by the Municipal Historical and Cultural Heritage, but plans to recover it
as a cultural center havent left the drawing board yet. In the 2000s, the main corners came
to be occupied by stores of multinational mobile operators operating in Brazil, in addition
to the one already occupied since the previous decade by a McDonalds franchise, marking
the squares insertion to the mass-produced and globalized circuit consumption while there
still remained traditional shops at a regional level (Elmo [shoe store]) and local (Centro tico
[eyeglass store]). Significantly, the Claros store dislodged Caf 3 Coraes, which eventually
returned to business on a much smaller shop behind the one occupied before, after the sup-
port by a campaign moved by traditionalists of the day before yesterday.
The Savassi Square witness in many changes and bumps the maelstrom of our time, and
as pointed out by Andreas Huyssen, Already the globalization fantasies of the 1990s have
themselves become part of the memory archive and its cabinet of delusions. (Huyssen, 2003,
6). Also do not cease to be interesting counterpoints to McDonalds the persistence of snack
bars and restaurants serving snacks, cakes and petiscos associated with local or eventually
regional cuisine, as in the case of the Baiana do Acaraj. Huyssen, proposes the city should
be read asa palimpsest, calls attention to the nature of the changes brought about by glo-
balization in the cityspace:
2.MPB is a trend in post-Bossa Nova urban Brazilian popular music. It is not a distinct genre but rather a com-
bination of original songwriting and updated versions of traditional Brazilian urban music styles like samba and
samba-cano with contemporary influences, like folk, rock, pop and jazz.
3.A Brazilian popular music genre, mainly instrumental, which emerged in Rio de Janeiro in the mid nineteenth
century.
237
The last refurbishment was carried out between March 2011 and May 2012, and have
cost, according to information by the Municipality of Belo Horizonte (PBH) gathered by the
press, between R$ [reais]10.4 and 11.8 million [US$ 4,6 to 5,2 million]4. It became part of the
mayor election campaign5 agenda by requested from local merchants through an alarmed
rhetoric that pointed the danger of loss of the distinctive features of the square and the
neighborhood. The most obvious physical changes were the creation of pedestrian zones,
lifting the Getlio Vargas and Cristvo Colombo avenues tracks, the construction of light
sources, benches (over the pedestrian zones and their edges), and changes in the gardens
and lighting. The recent intervention signals the attempt to adjust the face of the square to
a gentrified project. However, if the regulatory standards for the appearance of shops, the
installation of standardized street furniture in the zones, added to the increasing of estab-
lishments operational costs signals the intention of selecting socially the public to attend it,
undesirable groups still mark their presence, indicating a dispute, albeit unevenly, for the
square space.
4.NOVA Praa da Savassi inaugurada em Belo Horizonte. Portal G1. 10/05/2012; HEMERSON, Landercy;
HOLANDA, Tiago de. Revitalizao: enfim, a Savassi ficou pronta. Estado de Minas (on line), 09/05/2012. Access on
May 29, 2014.
5.The current mayor, Mrcio Lacerda, was reelected in 2011 for another term from 2012 to 2015.
238
The square refurbishment took part of the dividing space of by modifying it, closing
streets and setting new street furniture. However, the proposed structures are also appro-
priated in ways beyond the project.
I gaze at the stone bench, at the edge of the block. These structures deserve
attention. This space is usually occupied by youngsters, pickers, homeless, beg-
gars eventually. Sometimes they approach McDonalds and address other by-
standers. There are no explicit conflictive situations, but it is literally as if there
was an invisible force field, and many bystanders end up avoiding the edge.6
This is the context in which our current research is been conducted. Our fieldworks at
Savassi Square were performed in aperiod between May2013 and May 2014.Usingaudio re-
corders, smartphones and notebooks, we made sound recordings, videos, photographs and
notes. Although cut by two avenues with heavy traffic during peak hours, besides its proxim-
ity to another very busy avenue of the capital (Contorno Av.), at Savassi Square we may hear
violin players indifferent to cars, the noisy atmosphere of the bars, and live music which has
become a landmark.
The walks we conducted aimed to capture the production and organization of space and
soundscape from parameters such as intensity, frequency, and spatiality. Each pedestrian
zone has its own configuration, and is conditioned by their daily routine activities and uses
performed by anyone who lives, works or passes through them. Mornings are all in relative
silence until the stores and other places start to open at around 9 am. Throughout the day
we watch the movement and the profusion of sounds increase by the lunch period and then
decrease slightly in the afternoon until closing time at around 6 PM. At night, all week, espe-
cially Thursday through Saturday, there is intense movement of customers in bars, especially
concentrated in the blocks from Pernambuco St. to the corner with Tom de Souza St. and
Antonio de Albuquerque St. to Paraba St. In the pedestrian zone from Pernambuco St. to the
corner with Fernandes Tourinho St. is the Ateli, caf and restaurant that usually has musical
performances nightly but not as busy as the schedule it had at the time it was the Livraria
da Travessa. An account of these type of hiking is like the following:
I walk to the pedestrian zone where is Elmo (Pernambuco St.). A violinist plays
right in front of the traditional shoe store, which exists for a long time in Savassi.
6.GARCIA, Luiz H. A. Relato de campo. Praa da Savassi. Belo Horizonte, 18 de maro de 2014. 1p.
239
It is a classical repertoire, recognizable pieces, such that you can hear on the ra-
dio or even commercials. I made a short film. Not a lot of people paying attention
to the musician. The movement is already low (compared to the larger influx of
people on the avenues whose intersection marks the square) and decreases. Few
people are sitting in the borders stone benches and also few staying in other
edge of the pedestrian zone (Fernades Tourinho St.). I believe that the design of
these benches within the zones does not favor long stays. The stone benches,
especially under the shadows are much more inviting. The tables of the Ateli
are sparsely occupied. Here, as in Caf 3 Coraes people come together to work
with notebooks open on the tables. I listen to music from the caf sound-system,
however badly, a song by Chico Buarque. It plays Ensaio Geral and then As Vit-
rines - which are remarkable songs that refer directly to the urban space.7
On many occasions we have followed a specific roadmap out of Paraba street, inside the
pedestrian zone toward Getlio Vargas Av., crossing to Pernambuco St. to the corner with
Tom de Souza. That route makes possible to see how bars and cafes use the placement of
speakers to provoke certain kinds of ambiences. Their position at the top creates environ-
ments for conversation that does not conflict with the space of neighboring property. In
bars where the boxes are on the floor, the sound is louder, causing the need to increase the
intensity of the conversation. Those sound dynamics resemble the ones found by Sterne
(1997) in the Mall of America, regarding the position of loudspeakers as strategies for differ-
entiating inside and outside of stores, and its surroundings as well, but in a more strategic
fashion: this more overt sonic interference (an attempt to transform the street in nightclub?)
indicates the intention of marking an almost institutionalized division of the sidewalk space.
This demarcation also makes use of musical preferences associated with the public profile
that bars attract and to which they seek to identify by the menu, the decor and the forms
of sociability they promote. So we have a repertoire of hard rock playing nonstop in Vintage
pub, meeting point for motorcycles aficionados, and pulsating music and DJs playing in the
Anos 80, with constant references to the repertoire of the new wave decade that appears on
the bars naming.
In live performances we can determine that prevalent musical genres are rock, bossa
nova repertoire and voice and guitar of typical MPB mingled with jazzy, bluesy songs, or pop
flavor. In the Ateli, a duo with singer (voice + guitar) and instrumentalist (bass) presents
7.GARCIA, Luiz H. A. Relato de campo. Praa da Savassi. Belo Horizonte, 18 de maro de 2014. 1p.
240
weekly, whose repertoire according to its own set includes MPB, Pop, Xote, etc., including
a proper garb (arrangements of authorship of the duo). In Status, rock bands predominate,
but there also occurs jazz ensembles, including important instrumentalists around the local
scene, with singers and crooners with basic bossa-nova repertoire with a few strokes of
MPB. It is noteworthy that the stage shows are strategically located so that a presentation
does not compete with another. When a presentation with greater intensity happens in the
biggest stages that are mounted closer to the avenues, the shows are synchronized and the
other musicians keep waiting for the end of the noisier spectacle.
It should be noted that the pedestrian zones provide a proper acoustic as they configure
gaps between two rows of buildings that, while not high, act as walls. The bars or cafes that
promote live music performances take advantage of this architecture in the blocks, position-
ing improvised stages and musicians sound equipments with their backs to the avenues and
facing the interior of the closed streets, where their tables and folding chairs are positioned.
This is what happens at the Ateli (where previously was the Livraria da Travessa) and Caf 3
Coraes. The former Agncia Status - Status Caf, Cultura e Arte in the 2000s - took a differ-
ent and very effective solution, installing a stage under the awning of the building in which
McDonalds operates. This strategy points to an extension of the emporiums space onto the
street, while performing an allotment of this public space. We realize, on one side, an effort
to demarcate the boundaries of the property and mark out the profile of the public who sit
at their tables to eat while chatting and listening to music, and, at the other side, a number
of practices which challenge or attempt to adapt to the imposed boundaries. The Status case
seems particularly significant:
Overt partitions actually reinforce the division that somehow already operates
in the pedestrian zone of Status and McDonalds. The poor boys, scavengers,
homeless, hippies and beggars stayed at the border, although sometimes ven-
tured to pass between the tables and people were standing in the area bounded
by them in front of the bars, usually to ask for money or picking cans. One of
them interacted with me, a man carrying a bag in the back, but that was picking
nothing. He drank a beer and offered to put some in my glass, but this had little
churros I had bought at Fujiyama, on the next corner. I offered and he accept-
ed one, we exchanged smiles, and he went through the midst of the people. At
another point, while one of the bands (Nelson e os Besouros, a Beatles tribute
band) played Twist and Shout, a teenager passed me by, barefoot, dirty and rag-
241
ged, trying to follow the song singing a fake English as the one used by street
car washers otcheiquirobeibe, pissensau and stuff like that.8
The activity of picking cans marks a liminality there, in that both cans are the rest of the
consumption of bar costumers and livelihood of pickers. The fake English in turn represents
a marker of difference. Appadurai (1996, 178) asks what locality might mean in a situation
where the nation-state faces particular sorts of transnational destabilization. As he pro-
poses, we wish to use locality as a relational and contextual category, () constituted by a
series of links between the sense of social immediacy, the technologies of interactivity, and
the relativity of contexts (Appadurai, 1996, 178). Although he speaks of several situations
approached by the ethnographic record that can be rewritten and reread as concerned with
the production of local subjects (Appadurai, 1996, 179), we wish to underline those concerned
with the spatial production of locality.
The appropriation by the young man who passed by me demarcates the tension between
globalized English that circulates through a lot of songs conveyed by cultural industry and
its localized form that keeps the sound but imposes a Brazilianized diction. Singing it that
way the boy manages to point out that he finds away to integrate the global flow of which the
song participates, while at the same time he is devoid of the cultural and social capital that
would enable him to study English regularly to appropriate precisely the words he is singing.
It is possible, without being a customer, to follow the shows sitting in the other stores
(some have a more affordable menu), on the fixed seats added after the refurbishment of the
square, or even on foot. It is also interesting to note the different behaviors of those who
are sitting in bars in which the musicians are playing. Generally the first two lines are seated
facing the stage, as an effective audience, while the rest seats with their back or side to the
stage, basically maintaining an attitude of indifference, except on ends of the numbers when
some also clap mechanically.
() Dudes, sitting in the Status table just in front of the stage, after splurge on
food and drink, which are not cheap there, questioned the waiter about the
couvert charge, for he had just notified them that they should pay R$ 20.00 per
person. They claimed that they had not been informed and that they expected to
pay 20 for the whole table. And retorted that Aggeu [musician and responsible
for organizing the event] had just flaunt the microphone that the event had no
8.GARCIA, Luiz H. A. Relato de campo. Praa da Savassi. Belo Horizonte, 14 de dezembro de 2013. 1p.
242
sponsorship and the bands would not receive cache. Apart from the fact that
many are unaware of the mechanism of extortion behind couvert charges (the
musicians do not receive all of it), it is a sad fact that the majority does not dis-
pute the exorbitant price of food for the body, but is always willing to complain
too much about the price of food for the soul9
In one of the last field works we observed different behavior from a homeless man who,
standing right next to the stage, accompanied with the body a trio (bass, drums, keyboard)
performance, playing himself alternately an imaginary keyboard or guitar in the air10. Clearly
in his own world apart, no one molested him, probably because, somehow, he penetrated
the partition without making his presence uncomfortable. But the undesirables can trigger
conflict. We recorded an interesting and revealing episode at April 16th, 2014, when South
Americans11 strolling musicians, advanced to the fenced area of Status and played near some
tables. They got some applause of those nearby them. After the ending of their presentation
the waiter comes and talks. By his gestures I deduce he is commanding the musicians not to
play here anymore.12. A few days before they had played on stage, but it is possible that such
exotic attraction was not being considered for other presentations.
5. Conclusions
We have shown how the use of sound by the citys inhabitants delineate different sound prac-
tices used to share, dispute and lot spaces in two squares in Belo Horizonte, Minas Gerais,
Brazil. To do so, they manipulate sounds and its properties, such as intensity, frequency and
spatiality, negotiating place. Further work should be spent, on comparing the cites squares,
trying to elicit how musical and sonic repertoire is enacted, by choosing songs played by
musicians, djs and stores, by manipulating intensity to conquer space, by entraining to the
sonority of the place to find room for ones own sounds, and by strategically placing speakers
to build invisible, but stable borders in place.
9.GARCIA, Luiz H. A. Relato de campo. Praa da Savassi. Belo Horizonte, 14 de dezembro de 2013. 1p.
10.GARCIA, Luiz H. A. Relato de campo. Praa da Savassi. Belo Horizonte, 20 de maio de 2014.
11.As the World Cup approaches, their presence is increasing as the city is going to host same games.
12.GARCIA, Luiz H. A. Relato de campo. Praa da Savassi. Belo Horizonte, 16 de abril de 2014, 1p.
243
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245
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Abstract
Cities can be aggressive environments for every sense. However they can also offer pleasant
atmospheres in line with the human, social and economic dynamics. The perception of the
quality of the ambient sound plays a relevant role on the sense of place and well-being. Urban
parks are part of every city fabric and they are usually well appreciated by the citizens for
providing restoration, some quiet, and more pleasant sites, at least when compared to the
surrounding areas. Research on the soundscape of parks in cities in Portugal and in Brazil
have been conducted in order to assess the coherence of the sound with the park dynamics
and to understand what makes such areas interesting for the visitor. Work is being directed
toward the differentiation of the sound components of the overall sound environment in
different types of parks and to the development of techniques for mapping the perceived
sound components. The work also aims at understanding effects of climate and culture on
the perception of the soundscape. Results will be presented and discussed.
246
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Aimilia Karapostoli
emiliearch@gmail.com
Aristotle Universityof Thessaloniki, Greece
Nikolaos P. Tsinikas
tsinikas@arch.auth.gr
Aristotle Universityof Thessaloniki, Greece
Abstract
This study constitutes the first attempt to architecturally represent the sounding city of
Thessaloniki. The writers approach sonic urban environment as a field that has always inter-
fered with the formation of architectural realities. The creation of a sound framework and
the notion of sonic architectural ecologies construct a new approach towards the urban
ecologies, concerning especially Thessaloniki. Solids, networks and communities compose
an invisible urban fabric with vast amounts of information concerning the reality of a city,
beyond the typical urban studies and sterile three-dimensional geometry.
247
1. Introduction
In October 1995, angry zealots entered Rotonda, a monument that used to be a roman tomb,
a christian church and an islamic mosque through the centuries (Ministry of Culture and
Sports 2012) and violently interrupted a concert by breaking a piano. They believed that
sounds of contemporary music did not create a suitable soundscape for a christian orthodox
church (Kannelis 2005).This event created numerous questions to the writers. Is it possible
for temporal and immaterial sounds to transform entirely the character and significance
of a building and provoke such extreme reactions? Does a structure or a specific area have
an appropriate soundtrack? And if soundscape is so important, concerning the identity of a
place, why not be exploited by architects?
Due to the economic crisis, there is an existing plethora of built space and empty archi-
tectural shells searching fiercely for inexpensive architectural transformation. So, the time
has come for architects to start using sound as a major factor in the transformation of the
built environment. Hence, how do architects proceed if they want to use sound as an archi-
tectural material?
The reality is that architects have already used sound as a factor of the process design.
Architectural design describes an architects utopiain a detailed drawing representation. Ad-
ditionally, an architectural plan by definition includes methodology and philosophy. Being an
architect, means to articulate complex environments. In this paper, the writers reveal how
planning and designing of a desired sonic environment, is one of them.
Furthermore, the writers support that by studying the changing urban sonic environ-
ment in the field; architects can identify the real questions concerning a city, and under-
stand the essence of its unique residents. An urban exploration related to the older concept
of the flneur (Benjamin 2006) is significant for the formation of an architectural project that
really matters.
Lastly,the writers attempt to outline the essence of Thessalonikis contemporary archi-
tecture and highlight the plethora of deep connections with its unique sonic environment.
248
2. Contemporary architecture theory
Regarding the global architecture history, the twentieth century began with notes of opti-
mism, visions of futuristic utopias and slogans like Towards a new architecture. It closed
with pessimism, reflection and a rethinking of architecture (Leach 1997). Crisis has already
been a reality in all the domains of art, science and real life in the past decades. Architecture,
that traditionally considered to be the creation of forms, autonomous and self-sufficient in
relation to other fields of studies, became uncertain towards its identity and created many
issues and reconsiderations (Leach 1997). Moreover,praise of individualism over collectivism,
alongside with trends having to do with escaping the reality and the city, created new chal-
lenges for architectural theory and practice.
249
2.2. City of Thessaloniki
Thessaloniki, the second biggest city in Greece, is located in the north part of Greece, with a
waterfront facing Aegean Sea and a current population around 1.100.000 people (Greek Sta-
tistical Authority 2011). The city of Thessaloniki can be sensed as a feeling of the other, the
love of the neighbor (Moscof 1978) because of the numerous different religious, economic
and cultural communities,Greek, Israelite, Slavic, and Muslim, that coexisted for many cen-
turies in the citys territory. Thessaloniki, Salonica or Selanik had a lot of different names
through the history and changed fundamentally after the 1950s, when the majority of Mus-
lims relocated in Turkey and most of the Israelites were killed by the Germans (Mazower
2004). The big fire in 1917 had already destroyed a big part of the spatial construction of
Thessaloniki and, in the 1960s, the modern block of flats started to prevail over the urban
landscape (Papastathis and Hekimoglou 2010).
The idea of sounding Thessaloniki was born mainly due to the realization that no sound event
can be isolated from the spatial and temporal conditions of its physical signal propagation
(Augoyard2006). Also, researching towards archetypes shaped by G. Bachelard in order to
form his response at different scales, from the domestic scale to the city, in everyday shared
conditions (Ballantyne 2005) and having as guides Acoustic Territories by B. LaBelle and
Image of the city by K. Lynch, the writers of this paper, interpret the city as a topography
of auditory life (LaBelle 2010) inextricably connected with its architecture and its residents
spatial practices. There are many narratives of Thessaloniki, regarding mainly urban studies,
capturing main monuments, infrastructural formations, changing geography, demographics,
social communities and economic relationships. For the first time, the writers confront the
city as a sum of dynamic, real life, sonic, architectural ecologies and not as a system of static,
sterile, three-dimensional, mute objects.
Architectural ecologies, proposed by R. Banham,have nothing to do with the environ-
ment, sustainable and green politics, although many scholars believe the opposite (Banham
2009), and do not just signify how to study major buildings in relation to their geographical,
social and historical contexts. In order to signify architectural ecologies, it is important to
embrace all forms of human structure, from the freeway to the hotdog stand;a plurality of
250
expressions that is not confined only to the aesthetic codes of high architecture (Banham
2009). The writers add to this concept of architectural ecologies the notion of soundscape
and they confront the citys contemporary auditory reality as a result of its architecture
practices. Furthermore the writers believe that the study of this urban,sound footprint can
reveal and interpret the influence of architecture towards the citys inhabitants, a hidden
palimpsest of acoustic communities (Schafer 1977) and the existence of changeable tempo-
rary and fragile soundscapes of high value.
3.1. Solids
The first major category of sonic architectural ecologies has mainly to do with sounds, sonic
effects (Augoyard2009) and soundscapes (Schafer 1977) connected with closed private spac-
es and some intimate outdoor environments. The design of the house, cell of built space,
is responsible for numerous spatial and sound practices of its inhabitants and, according
to F.Guattari, architects are those responsible towards the well-being of their construct-
ed spaces inhabitants (Rawes 2013). Hence in Greece, like most countries of Europe, state
has set very detailed instructions towards the construction of a building, depending on its
use, geography and size, leaving controlled freedom regarding design. Architecture of sol-
ids, from the house to the district, is based mainly on the principles of the modern archi-
tecture movement that theoretically does not deal with an individual building but with the
city as a whole (Lazaridis 1980). The writers believe that regarding the sonic environment,
the modern movement truly did not distinguish the public from the private space and the
soundscape of the road,unfortunately, occupies intimate areas of a house. Moreover, the
absence of any kind of noise control in real life intensifies this existing stressful state. There
are three categories of solids: house, block and district.
3.1.1. House
Classifying the majority of Greek residences, primarily apartments in buildings constructed
by private initiative and using socioeconomic criteria, the main categories detected are: the
peoples, the urban and the luxurious apartment buildings (Vlachos 1979). The layout of the
block of flats and the analogy between communal and private space is almost the same in
these three categories. The variable factors are size, materials and topography. The private
urban apartment forms the typical Greek house divided in the main space categories: bed-
rooms, bathrooms, kitchen and common rooms like dining and living rooms. The soundscape
of a house is usually consisted of sonic practices of the residents and filtered sounds from
neighborhood apartments, which are perceived as an embarrassment. Surveys showed that
251
reinforced insulation blocks the sounds from the outside that could mask the neighborhood
soundscape. As a result this unwanted phenomenon of filtration is being amplified (Augoyard
2009). Moreover, the height level of an apartment, whether is on the ground floor or on the
highest floor, 8thfloor is the highest in Thessaloniki, is very crucial towards the flux of the
roads soundscape inside the spatial territory of a private apartment. Sound travels through
the ground and through the air. Although it is possible, due to the proper insulation,to be
protected from unwanted sounds like traffic drones, bass frequencies related to traffic are
almost impossible to be cutoff. Furthermore windows stay open most of the time in Greece
because of the mild climate, making the studied sound insulation almost impossible. The
sound practices concerning Thessaloniki residents cars have to do mainly with transforming
keynote sounds to sound signals(Schafer 1977). Or the practice of creating aselfie (Adewun-
mi 2013) inside the sound space of a territory.
3.1.2. Block
The next category of solids is constituted by apartment buildings studied in a bigger scale
than this of an individual building, the block. There is a plethora of state and private agencies
responsible for urban planning of an area. The institutional framework regarding the for-
mation of blocks and further building development is defined by laws regarding the totality
of the Greek territory and settings formed by local municipal governments. The function
of buildings in certain areas is being defined by Land Use Plan. Basically,the soundscape
of a block is inseparable connected with defined use categories, meaning that sounds of
industry, commerce, entertainment, housing and free spaces do not mix. The Greek con-
tinuous building system that used to prevail regarding urban blocks until 1985 (Aravantinos
1998) ordered apartment buildings to create a closed wall barrier around a block, behaving
as a sound barrier between the street and the core of the block (Kang 2007). The design
of a private apartment usually places bedrooms facing the open space in the center of the
block, and common rooms facing the external part of the block. Therefore, when a resident
is placed inside a bedroom, she can listen to a mixed soundscape of neighbors private mo-
ments: sounds of sleeping, making love and personal discussions. Mixed replicated sounds
of residents characterize the blocks soundscape. Another common spatial practice among
residents is to place their private cars in numerous open space garages existing in the core
of the block, which is mainly used as a parking lot and not as a shared green space, or on
the ground floor, the so called pilotis. As a result, it is questionable whether the bedrooms
of an apartment building should face either the road or the core of the block in order to be
suitable for relaxation, sleeping and experiencing private moments.
252
3.1.3. District
The last category of solids is the district. Until 1870 Thessaloniki was limited to its walls and
every district corresponded to the national and religious origin of its residents, having a
population around 80.000 people (Karadimou - Gerolimpou 2008). Each national group had
its own sound practices concerning their usual occupation and religion. For example Mus-
lims were responsible for a vast textile production for the Turkish army, as a result sounds
of countless looms in the upper city, the Muslim district, were a common phenomenon.
Another distinctive religious theme that occurred at the time being all over Thessaloniki was
the calling of a muezzin, climbing a minaret to announce time for prayer, whilst now almost
all the minarets have been torn down. A turning point in the course of Salonicas history was
the big fire in 1917 that burnt a major part of the city center, the down town, and gave birth to
a new functional,urban planning based on modern planning principles. Architect E. Hbrard
commissioned by the Prime Minister E. Venizelos to design the contemporary image of the
city; a big part has fortunately not changed until today. After the Second World War Thessa-
loniki started to spread east, west and north, but without central urban planning and design,
and have not stopped until recently. The population stopped growing and remained stable
at 750.000 people in the 1990s but, after recent events in neighborhood countries,it is now
unofficially around 1.500.000 inhabitants (Karadimou - Gerolimpou 1999).
The contemporary districts of the city can be categorized in; upper town (old), down
town (modern), east, west and north part of the town (contemporary). The upper town of
Thessaloniki is the oldest part, the one that was not destroyed in the fire of 1917. This district
was characterized a traditional landmark in 1979, as it has not been significantly altered by
the changes occurred in the rest of the city(Technical Chamber of Greece 2010). The build-
ings are small in volume, the street layout is serpentine and the soundscape is characterized
by direct, tangible bio and geo sounds (Pijanowski 2011) and also a notable absence of car
traffic. The down town is constructedbased on the planning of E. Hbrard, having an orthog-
onal road system and monuments as focal points. The existence of the car can be underlined
by investigating the soundscape. But here is where the heart of Thessaloniki beats and the
soundscape is always changeable, unpredictable and interesting.
The west, east and north districts have many similarities regarding a plethora of roads
of high and low traffic, apartment buildings, blocks and their typical soundscapes. One large
difference among them is that a major part of the west district is characterized by industri-
al and degraded areas. Nowadays very few sounds have to do with industry in contrast to
the past decades. In contrary, music in large volume from low fidelity speakers and traffic
dominate this soundscape. The east district is designated by the water front, many luxuri-
253
ous buildings and villas. The drones of traffic are of lower density, except some high speed
roads, and the average environmental ambience is calmer. Lastly,the north district,placed in
a higher altitude than the others, is nearer to the forest of SeichSou with a low building ratio
and small structure volumes. The bio and geo sounds of the nearby forest are noticeable, the
traffic is much lower and the soundscape resembles to this of a rural area.
3.2. Networks
The second major category of sonic architectural ecologies has to do with sounds, sonic
effects and soundscapes connected with flows and public, open space environments. The
design of roads and nodes has preceded the shaping of solids and the edge, a natural border
between the city and the sea, played a major role in the formation of the city. Concerning the
soundscape, sounds of the street scar urban life and mark indelibly everyday routine. The
recent creation of a network of pedestrianized streets and the relief of car traffic, especially
in the city centre, mitigated the intrusion of vehicle engine sounds in the daily soundtrack.
But flows and places where people concentrate constitute the foundation of public urban
life, the places where citys inhabitants coexist and interact. So,sounds related to networks
constitute the soundscape of urbanization.
According to K. Lynch, the image of the city was defined by five elements: paths, edges,
districts, nodes and landmarks (Lynch 1960) but these element types do not exist in isolation.
Therefore,sonic architectural ecologies, proposed by the writers, do not have solid and invi-
olable boundaries but, coexist in fragile and variable relationships. The soundscape of a path
is mixed with the sounds of a house;a place can be considered as a node and at the same time
as a landmark. There are three categories of networks: path, node and edge.
3.2.1. Path
The first category of networks is the path, namely all the channels for directed movements.
They could be roads, sidewalks, canals and railways. Thessaloniki, one might say,is a city
exclusively constructed to facilitate car movement. Sidewalks are very small and usually oc-
cupied by parking cars. Urban planning uses a functional prioritisation of roads: main roads
in favour of long and high speed transportation, secondary roads serving middle length and
middle speed transportation, collective routes and local roads (Andrikopoulou2007). Fur-
thermore, the shaping of the roads, rectangular or radial, is relevant to the age of their for-
mation and the way the city has developed over the centuries.
The soundscape of the road is characterized by a constant drone effect (Augoyard2009)
as a continuous sonic background in everyday practice. While sounds of engines prevail
254
for those outside a vehicle, the soundscape inside a car is a whole different situation. Ra-
dio, deep bases and popular tunes distinguish from keynote sounds of constant high speed
movements of vehicles. However, the street occupied by people can be transformed entirely
and bear different messages, ones that have to do with demonstrations and public require-
ments;a usual phenomenon in the city of Thessaloniki through the history and, especially,
the last five years due to the economic crisis.
The soundscape of a sidewalk has a different formula. Sounds that have to do with the
body, walking, speaking and personal stereos (Bull 2000) manage everyday movements and
flows of people on foot. There are also means of public transport, like buses in this case, that
create a unique soundscape for a passenger,mixing sounds of numerous people coexisting
in a small, closed, moving place. Again the body is staring in this mass flow, confounded with
the recorded voice through the speakers of the bus, informing the passengers in which bus
stop they are being at the moment. A last addendum in this category is the occurrence of
bike roads lengthwise the seafront. Petals and sounds of cycling redefined movement in the
city and also the usual, monotonous soundtrack of motion. The water paths are still pending.
3.2.2. Node
The second category of networks is the node, mainly a place where flows intersect and peo-
ple concentrate. A node is usually the epitome of a district and shapes its temporary identity.
The sounds of the nodes play a very important role in the shaping of the districts character
(Almasy 2014). As each district has its own nodes, the writers present the main nodes of
the down town, where the heart of the city beats twenty-four hours a day. The main nodes
can be categorized as: a. Educational Aristotle University and University of Macedonia, b.
Cultural and commercial exhibitions Helexpo and museums district, c. Pedestrian Roads
Aristotelous, Dragoumi and AgiasSofias Street, d. Entertainment Ladadika, e. Commercial
closed markets of Modiano and Kapani (Kesidis2014).
Sounds that have to do with the body prevail inside the nodes. Some nodes,like Aristotle
University and Helexpo, are large free spaces with few buildings,where direct sounds of in-
dividuals fade out. On the other hand, other nodes, like Ladadika and closed markets,are part
of the urban network, where the individual does not lose herself. Soundscapes of the nodes
are characterized by their function. Sounds of educational nodes have to do with young peo-
ples sound practices: dialogues, concerts, music and demonstrations. Sounds of cultural and
commercial exhibitions are unfolded inside the museum buildings and Helexpo buildings.
The soundscape of the museums is marked by the same silence asserted inside religious
buildings except for some peculiar sounds generated by works of sound art. Helexpo build-
255
ings are marked by the sounds of hordes of different professionals attending commercial
exhibitions throughout the entire year. Pedestrian roads and Entertainment nodes have al-
most the same soundscapes except for the fact that roads are characterized by the notion of
public street art while entertainment nodes are described by indoors private entertainment.
Street musicians on pedestrian roads are being replaced by professional musicians and D.J.s
inside the premises of Ladadika. Lastly, closed markets, hybrids of morning commercial life
and night entertainment, create varying soundscapes. From the voices of merchants trying
to sell their unique products in the morning to the post rock music genre that fills the closed
stands during the night, the transformation of these places is spectacular.
3.2.3. Edge
The third category of networks is the edge. The most profound, interesting edge and im-
pervious barrier of Thessaloniki is the waterfront. Sounds of sea and traffic mix together in
a very interesting formula. After long years of political struggles, Thessaloniki acquired an
amazing seafront (Nikiforidis 2014) which highlights the continuous flneury along the sea.
Cars are prohibited, so the traffic noise is calmer and the cycling roads welcome bicycle use.
Ambience is calmer and relaxed, in contrast to other small green public spaces that are van-
ished among the urban solids, and the soundscape is truly unique. The obligatory urban void
created by the sea makes urban habitation almost beautiful.
3.3. Identities
The last category of sonic urban architectures has to do with sounds, sonic effects and
soundscapes which are unique and unrepeatable. There are countless studies and con-
cepts concerning identity, given that identity is always multiple, unstable and paradoxically
enduring (Andermatt - Conley 2013). The previous categories of solids and networks have
many similarities with other Greek coastal cities. But this category has to do with particular
sounds, acoustics and acoustic communities that shape the dynamic and changeable iden-
tities of what is called Thessaloniki today. The spatiality of this category is clearer towards
landmarks and voids, but very uncertain towards communities. The difficulty, in this case,
lies also towards the absence of a plethora of landmarks that exist only in the memories of
older people. It is true that a cognitive map of space is a private construction that includes
response to sensory stimuli modified by personal experience (Blesser 2007). So this last cat-
egory attempts by design to set an impossible unified sonic framework towards individuals
and groups who experience Thessaloniki either for the first time or those who have experi-
enced it countless times. The three categories of identities: landmark, void and community.
256
3.3.1. Landmark
Thessalonikis landmarks can be separated into existing and absent ones. A classification
concerning existing landmarks has to do with the historical time of their construction: ro-
man, byzantine and contemporary monuments. Roman and Hellenistic antiquities are locat-
ed beneath the current urban surface, deep into the ground as large excavation groups. In
order to experience these ancient buildings, the visitor has to walk below the usual height
of the citys ground level. Large excavations, treated as open spaces,reveal the fragments
of previous cultures that used to exist in the same territory. The listener moves from the
surface of the city to the bottom of the excavation, experiencing the sonic effect of cut out.
Here the drones of street vehicles are slowly disappearing. The rest of the citys soundscape
is set on a lower volume and direct bio and geo sounds are clearer. On the other hand, byz-
antine monuments are characterized as closed spaces with mysterious, sacred acoustics.
Architects during the byzantine era knew a lot about acoustics and even more about the
potential of music to inspire religious devotion (Howard 2009). Circular domes, naves and
secular buildings with extraordinary acoustics, in combination with exclusively vocal reli-
gious music, create a unique old soundscape contrasting todays usual sounds. Contempo-
rary monuments, constructed by hard materials with extraordinary geometries, reflect the
sound waves and create a feeling of continuous resonance. The sounds cannot be absorbed,
due also to the minimal use of soft materials, and produce an infinite atmosphere of being
on the cutting edge of consciousness. Contemporary architecture, cold and sharp,is more
serious and unquestionable than plain and low budget architectural constructions.
3.3.2. Void
Thessalonikis major urban voids are the sea of Thermaikos and the forest of Seich Sou. For-
tunately,there has been no building construction upon the sea neither total deforestation.
These voids constitute the necessary pauses inside the thick, urban fabric. The feeling of
the city disappears, vision and hearing relax by focusing on bio and geo elements of the
soundscape. Nature fights to dominate in the sonic and vision field. Moreover, the existence
of small random voids distracts the density of the urban networks. Empty land estates and
incomplete or abandoned due to the economic crisis architectural shells constitute this cat-
egory. The soundscape is relieved, sound barriers are tiered down and unexpected, non-sys-
temic uses of the abandoned buildings create new acoustic territories (small studios, galler-
ies, self-managed groups, etc.).
257
3.3.3. Community
There are many concepts concerning community (Mayo 2001). In this paper, this category
has to do with the notion of acoustic communities defined by M. Schafer (Schafer 1977) and
not by B. Truax (Schrimshaw 2011). The writers are interested in the way a community is de-
fined along acoustic lines, always in collision with its spatial territory. These acoustic com-
munities can be defined by sounds concerning religious, every day and particular acoustical
practices. The plethora of these acoustic communities is vast and cannot be captured in a
paragraph. These unique urban soundscapes concerning individual groups existing in the
city can only be highlighted and fully appreciated through the studies of sociologists, an-
thropologists and other humanities scholars.
4. Conclusions
Architects can evaluate urban changes that matter and decode the acoustic, spatial habits of
its residents by studying the changing sonic environment and identifying, preserving and im-
proving their sonic urban environments. The conclusions of this study can be summarisedas:
a. The significance of the sonic environment through the architectural study of a place,
due to its multiple identities, is inextricably linked with its soundscapes. As a result,
an architect is required to study and listen to the place she is going to modify via her
practice. Solids, networks and identities reveal a hidden world of fragile relationships
that contains vast amount of information worthy of manipulation or preservation.
b. The study of the sonic environment ought to be continued after the architectural in-
tervention as well, in order for the architect to be aware of the changes she provoked
via her practice. This study ought to reveal how the architectural practice changed
the identity of the place.
c. The exact opposite process is meaningful and important as well. Studying of the
changing soundscape concerning solids, networks or identities, may lead to archi-
tectural intervention that could preserve or improve not only the sonic environment,
but also the sustainable function of a city.
258
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260
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Chiraz Chtara
chtarachiraz@yahoo.fr
Research Team on Ambiances ERA
National School of Architecture and Urbanism ENAU
University of Carthage, Tunis, Tunisia
Abstract
The proposed study concerns the characterization of sound ambiances produced by the
traditional architectural device gannariyya and its contemporary reproduction, implanted in
two different neighboring urban fabrics of the capital Tunis. Thus, we adopted an ambiantal
multidisciplinary method based on two approaches. First, quantitative approach involves
observations in situ and the processing of audio signal measurements and sound recordings
taken simultaneously from both sides of the gannariyya. Second, qualitative approach im-
plies interviews with users in addition to recognize their perception of the sound phenom-
enon. Our field of study is the traditional medina of Tunis and the neighboring modern city.
The results collected through measurements, frequency analysis and interviews, show that
both types of device filter the sound signal differently. They also reveal that new building
materials are responsible of this gap.
261
1. Introduction
In the nineteenth century1, new regulations established in the capital Tunis led to decisive
change of the built environment, urban and architectural. At the end of the nineteenth and
the beginning of the twentieth century2, the urbanization and modernization operations of
the city have been intensified (Ammar 2006)3. Consequently, the organization of the tradi-
tional urban tissue progressively gives way to a structured urban network. The downtown
of Tunis was then marked by the juxtaposition of two contrasted urban forms [Figure 1]. On
the one hand, we have the irregular tortuous tissue of the traditional medina, called Arab
town too,
() a real labyrinth, where streets and dead ends draw a very complicated urban
network, where the most magnificent paths have sometimes only two meters
width. (Baraudon 1893)
On the other hand, we have the structured orthogonal plan of the modern city or Euro-
pean town.
It is in front of the existing city and the ancestral urban Tunisian culture, that
a new juxtaposed city which triumphs with its rectilinear plans, its new islets
square or rectangular, (), its architectural prescriptions, its equipments and
infrastructures. (Ammar 2011)
1.During the nineteenth century, industrialization and urbanization period particularly in the European coun-
tries, the city is redesigned and reinvented.
2.Establishment of the French colonization in Tunisia in 1881.
3.Tunisian architect and historian, HDR in architecture (ENAU), specialist in the fields of architectural history,
urban history, and spatial analysis.
262
Figure 1. City of Tunis Plan in 1906 (Sebag 1998) .
Besides these urban transformations, the architecture of the city has been also affected;
so modern architecture replaced the traditional architecture. However, in order to safe-
guard architectural heritage, the architects reused several built elements of the medina on
contemporary faades in a different way (new shapes and implementation with modern ma-
terials).
263
We declare that the splendor of the world grew rich by a new beauty: the beauty
of speed. A racing car with its ornate chest with big pipes, like snakes with an
explosive breath... a car arises which looks to run on grapeshot. (Marinetti 1909)
The urban sound environment two parameters in close interaction: the human, natural,
mechanical sounds and the urban space. The propagations area qualified by the road width,
the building heights and the faades materials, influences sound waves and determines tra-
ditional and modern soundscapes4.
To start with, the traditional medina is structured according to a mixed center called
souk5 which is very bustling. Its sounds are characterized first by commercial and artisanal
activities (beating of the shoemaker, rhythmic sounds of the iron forger, noises of the carts,
etc.) and second, by a large, noisy human animation (screams of merchants, laughs, etc.).
Around this central core, develops less noisy residential space. Here, the sounds attest es-
pecially of the presence of human (discussion, footsteps, children playing, etc.) and natural
sounds (singing of birds, wind sound, etc.). The propagations area of the medina is compound
by tortuous paved roads (1 to 4 meters width) and stone constructions with one flooronly.
The sound sources and the propagations area are different in the surrounding modern
city where commercial and residential activities are merged. The three types of sounds are
defined otherwise. The mechanical sounds of cars and new jobs6 are very noisy and mask
the low intensities of human and natural sounds. We then attend to a form of progressive
devocalization of the city (Bardyn 2000). In fact the urban fabric, with wide roads and high
buildings made with brick, steel and large glazed windows, offers a new propagations area.
From this brief comparison, we note that the difference is significant between two neigh-
boring soundscapes: distinct sounds and distinct propagations areas. The reproduction of
architectural devices of the medina on contemporary faades corresponds to submit them
to new acoustic conditions different from the original sound environment. The aim of their
initial design could be distorted.
4.Soundscape in a notion introduced by Raymond Murray Schafer in the 1970s, in Schafer, Raymond Murray.
The Tuning of the world. New York: A. Knopf Inc., 1974.
5.Souk, arabic word, means shopping center.
6.Appeared with the industrialization.
264
1.2. The gannariyya, ambiantal device extracted from its
original sound environment, reproduced in a new soundscape
The gannariyya, an opening device representative of traditional architecture of Tunis, is a
famous example of this reproduction. Called also light wooden balcony (Revault 1980), the
gannariyya is a component of the arab-islamic architecture. It appears on the faade, at the
first level and overhangs the entrance door of the beautiful houses enlightening by this way
the living room. It may be masonry or wooden. Its most known properties are those of light
filtering through the wooden moucharabieh7 (Fathy 1986), refreshing the air and allowing
women to watch outside without being seen [Figure 2]. Its sonic properties, less known,
would make urban sounds more perceivable by users thanks to the tight wooden elements.
In this case, its extraction from its original sound environment and its reproduction in an-
other soundscape with new physical properties, exposed to the road traffic sounds, might
be inappropriate.
Old streets with the voices of passers-by and merchants, the sounds of carts wheels,
reflection on the sound paving stones (Harry 1910) and massive walls, produce a specif-
ic sonic atmosphere. These sounds propagate in the narrow street, enter by the wooden
gannariyya and arrive amplified at the human ear. This acoustic structure is specific to the
couple of parameters: old fabric, traditional gannariyya [Figure 3]. Contemporary Street,
with its mechanical sounds, its asphalt ground below and the contemporary gannariyya
made with modern materials presents another acoustic structure [Figure 3].
265
Figure 3. Examples of Sound situations in both types of tissues (drawings by the author).
Being interested on sonic properties, the goal of this research is to develop a method-
ology to characterize the sonic ambiance generated by an architectural device according
to its materials of construction and its site of implant. We then focus on the traditional and
contemporary gannariyyas located in two different tissues of the downtown of Tunis. We
wonder if the reproduction of the gannariyya has modified the original extrinsic and intrin-
sic properties, changing so the sonic quality and the users perception.
2. Field of study
To obtain rigorous results, we chose the same type of device, heterogeneous masonry wood
gannariyyas, all salient, localized at the first floor and with close dimensions. In order to re-
duce the constraints of our experiments, we made abstraction of some criteria such as: the
cutting of the gannariyyas envelope, the number of its frontal or lateral spans. We studied
six devices: three traditional and three new devices. We will present them according to their
site of implantation: traditional or modern city [Figure 4].
266
Figure 4. Examples of old and new fields of study (photos by the author).
In the medina of Tunis, we chose three devices [GI, GII and GIII]. In a same street, we
took a traditional device [GI] and a contemporary gannariyya [G.II]. The third device is tra-
ditional [G.III] located in the Pacha8 Road where exists a large number of richly decorated
gannariyyas.
For the new city of Tunis, three gannariyyas have been selected [GIV, GV and GVI]. We
chose an old device [G.IV] belonging to the suburb of medina where the street has been
modernized and asphalted. We also retained a contemporary gannariyya [G.V] in a boule-
vard close to the medina9. Finally, the last device [G.VI] is originally traditional and it has been
modified with modern materials (like double glazing). We will consider it as contemporary
device.
8.The word Pacha is an arabic word, it corresponds to the highest Tunisian political class in the past until the
independence in 1956 (such as president).
9.The wall of the medina was demolished at the end of the nineteenth century to accommodate the new form
of vehicular traffic.
267
3. Methodological approach
To characterize the acoustical properties of the different devices, we will adopt an ambiantal
multidisciplinary approach that will cross various data. Our method consists of sound signal
analysis and users perception.
10.Jean Franois Augoyard defined the ambiance as the combination of the physical signal related to the senses
(hearing, vision, olfaction, etc.), the propagations area, the psychology, the culture and the perception of users.
11.Equipment was provided by the unit U2S, Research Unit on Systems and Signals of the National School of
Engineering of Tunis (ENIT).
12.Minimum time to get significant values of the Leq and Lmax.
268
allow us to know filtering properties of the gannariyya: reducing or amplifying the audio
signal level.
Sound recordings
The sound is complex, composed by various frequencies (low, medium and high) that human
hearing is unable to distinguish them. Thats why an objective analysis of the physical audio
signal is necessary. Therefore, we will begin by taking audio recordings which will be taken,
at the same time, in intervals of 10-15 minutes by two investigators equipped with two re-
corders: a digital recorder Model Micro Track 24/96 outside, a digital Video Recorder Zoom
Q3 inside the receptive field [Figure 6].
Figure 6. Survey procedure of audio sound measurements and sound recordings (drawings by the author).
Sound recordings will be analyzed by two methods. First of all, a spectral analysis will
be done using sound processing software Audacity13. The analysis will concerns sound frag-
ments with duration of 15 to 60 seconds and with various sound signals. Exterior and interior
sound fragments have to be synchronized. After superposing input and output curves corre-
sponding to the sound fragments, we will compare it. This comparison will allow us to have
preliminary results about the filtering of sound waves by the device. The filtering could be
significant on low, medium or high frequencies, or be the same on the entire frequency band.
13.Audacity is a free software and cross-platform for recording and editing sounds, acceded, April 12, 2014,
http://audacity.sourceforge.net/?lang=fr.
269
Second and for a more detailed analysis of the sound recordings, they will be subject
of detailed spectral analysis14. The first stage of this work will be the choice of stationary
sound fragments having a long duration and rich frequency content. Exterior and Interior
fragments will be synchronized. We chose the method of averaged smoothed periodogram
of Welch15 (estimator with low bias and variance) considered after several tries the best for
its best results. This method will allow us to make the Transfer Functions16 of the studied
devices. The different curves will be then superposed and used for the comparative analysis.
What do you think of this room with gannariyya? How can you qualify its sonic
ambiance? (Investigators)
The user will appeal to his memory to answer and will try to describe his perception of
the sonic ambiance. Using the different testimonies, we will write a short text summarizing
the real life experience of each user. This text will be then analyzed: key words that expose
the sound quality, description of the sonic atmosphere of the receptive field (quiet/noisy),
remarkable sound sources, etc.
3.2. Cross-analysis
The sequel of the study will concern the confrontation of the different quantitative and qual-
itative methods. This cross-analysis was proposed by two researchers of the CRESSON17, G.
Chelkoff and J-F Augoyard in 1981, (Chekoff 2008). First, we will compare the results obtained
from the sound processing and the frequency analysis. Second, we will correlate the physical
results with the survey among the users.
14.This part of the proposed study was developed in the framework of international cooperation CMCU which
associates ENAU by its research team ERA, ENIT by its research unit U2S and UMR 1563 of CNRS composed by
CERMA and CRESSON in an interdisciplinary research project titled Perception altre des ambiances sonores en
milieu urbain. Corrections et caractrisations: apports des textures audio, 2012.
15.Duration of analysis: 5.6s with a sampling frequency Fs= 44.1kHz, choice of the analysis window: Bartlett
type (good power of spectral resolution), length of the analysis frame: 256 samples (Fs= 44.1kHz), average on 976
sequences, overlapping percentage 50%.
16.H(t)=S(t)/E(t), with E(t): the sound at the entrance of the device, S(t): the sound at the exit.
17.CRESSON: Centre for Research on the Sound Space and the Urban Environment, Grenoble.
270
4. Multidisciplinary results
Figure 7. Example of architectural corpus: Traditional device G.II (drawings by the author).
During audio sound measurements inside and outside the receptive field, we described
the sound events and the corresponding intensities measured by the decibel sound meter.
We noticed that the sound level rose considerably in the presence of the mechanical sounds
such as car or motorcycle. We prepared tables which reproduce the values of the Leq, Lmax
and the remarkable sound events inside and outside the receptive fields (example: Table1).
271
Table 1. Example of audio signal measurement: Field of study 1 in the medina, traditional device G.I.
Inside 49.1 47.1 More than 50% of the time, the sound level is between 39 and 40 dB (A)
At the passage of a motorcycle, the sound level increases
The sound level drops gradually after the passage of the motorcycle
We listen clearly discussions of people.
Door opening, door slamming.
The analysis of indoor and outdoor sound levels showed that the exterior sound levels
decreased for all cases in the receptive field. The reduction of Leq for the contemporary de-
vices was significant (reduction of 30 and 21 dB (A) of the exterior Leq) if we compare it to the
values Leq input and output the traditional gannariyyas (reduction with 16 and 20 dB (A) of
the exterior Leq).
The first step of the audio signal processing made by Audacity software allowed drawing
the audio spectrums of indoor and outdoor sound fragments [Figure 7 and Figure 8]. The
audio spectrum presents the sound levels (kHz) according to the time (minute and second).
The pink color represents the sound events and the blue color is the background noise. The
comparison of the interior and exterior spectrums of the three contemporary gannariyyas
showed that the sound levels decreased considerably [Figure 8]. However, this decrease is
less important for the three traditional devices [Figure 9].
The confrontation of the results obtained from these two first analyzes showed that, on
the one hand they coincide, and on the other hand they attested of the considerable reduc-
tion of the sound levels by the three contemporary devices. We can deduce that the devices
made with modern materials offer a sound insulation compared to the traditional materials.
272
Figure 8. Exterior and Interior Audio Spectrums of traditional device G.II, field of study 2: old medina.
Figure 9. Exterior and interior Audio Spectrums of contemporary device G.V, field of study 5: modern town.
273
Figure 10. Superposition of interior and exterior Audio Sound Spectrums.
By this first spectral analysis, it must be pointed out that the studied traditional and
contemporary devices affect differently the sound waves. This analysis was deepened by the
Transfer function method. The work concerned four gannariyyas: two traditional devices
(G.I and G.II) and two contemporary devices (G.III and G.V). Then, the transfer functions
were superposed to facilitate the comparison [Figure 12].
We also tried to define some examples of sounds on the frequency band. We specified
their physical characteristics by their spectrum of amplitude. The chosen sounds were mo-
torcycle, bird, human speech and ambulance siren [Figure 11].
Figure 11. Spectrum of Amplitude of sounds: motorcycle, bird, human speech and ambulance siren.
The spectrum of amplitude of the studied human sound showed that it covers a frequen-
cy band [250H-3 kHz]. The spectrum of the considered bird sound proved that it is rich with
274
high frequencies [4 kHz-7 kHz]. The motorcycle sound has low frequencies according to its
spectrum of amplitude [0-250Hz].
Figure 12. Transfer functions of devices G.I, G.II, G.III and G.V.
According to the appearance of different curves, the analysis was done on three areas:
<5 kHz: several possible structures, particularly enhancement on the human sound
band (250 H-2 kHz).
[5 kHz-8 kHz]: same decrease for both types of gannariyya.
>8 kHz: the high frequencies are present for the traditional gannariyyas. However,
these frequencies are low for new gannariyyas.
The results obtained from the transfer functions and those reached by the first frequen-
cy analysis join. The influence of the traditional gannariyyas and its reproductions over the
different frequencies is confirmed through this second stage of analysis. Indeed, the studied
gannariyyas filter the sound signal on the entire frequency band focusing on particular fre-
quency bands characteristic of some sounds. We also noticed an enhancement in the speak
band (250h 3 kHz) for both cases. The traditional examples seem to let entering the high
frequencies such as the natural sound of birds which is a high frequency and can exceed 8
kHz. However for the new devices, the filtering is considerable on the high frequencies.
275
vehicular sounds, the users of the new device consider their space quiet (example: testimony
of user 5). This result confirmed the sound insulation offered by the contemporary devices
that has been proved by the audio sound measurements.
This space is the office of my boss, but I spend most of my time here working. I
appreciate this space especially for the light ambiance, (). However, I find that
it is noisy, I hear a lot of sounds: discussions of people, screaming, the laughs
of children, the carts, tractors, etc. I understand all the discussions and I find
it amusing when I take a little break. But, these sounds become annoying when
I try to concentrate in my work. In fact, the sounds are well heard; I have the
impression to be outside (...). I would say that the sounds are now part of this
space. (User 2, trainee lawyer)
I dont stay for a long period of time in my bosss office. () I live the sonic am-
biance of this space through my headphones. My boss dictates me the letters
that I have to write by speaker (...). When he speaks, I hardly badly hear his
voice even if I use my headphones. His words are mixed with exterior sounds:
the traffic sounds (car, car or other), discussions of men. Sometimes, I ask him
to repeat the phrases. (User 4, secretary of a lawyer)
() I arranged this room to a living room; all the furniture was custom designed
because the standard furniture does not fit into the dimensions of the gannari-
yya. I think that it is a very calm space. I open the shutters of the gannariyya
from time to time to listen to the outside animation. () I remember last year
in the Ramadan month, musical evenings have been organized. So I took advan-
tage of the show watching people without anyone seeing me, because Im veiled,
and then I listened to good music. It was a real distraction (User 5, housewife)
The testimonies of users 2 and 4 relating to old gannariyyas attested that the human
voice is much perceivable. This result confirms the results obtained from the analysis of the
transfer functions which testify to the enhancement of the human sound band. The signifi-
cance of the human sounds for the perception can be explained by the fact that this type of
sound source is understandable (Leobon 2011)18. This sound is more audible for the human
perception in terms of phonetics than the sound of car horns or animals for example.
18.This interpretation is based on the sound classification made by Alain Leobon. He identified six sound
sources as references: background sound, mechanical activities, human activities, human presence, language and
276
5. Conclusion and limit of the research
Acknowledgements. I would like to thank Professor Jean Pierre PENEAU for his scientific
leadership and Doctor Mohsen BEN HADJ SALEM for his valuable suggestions. My thanks go
to the U2S specially Professor Meriem JAIDANE for her important directives and PhD stu-
dent Yasra MZAH for her precious contribution in the sound recordings analysis.
communication, natural sounds. For this case, human sound is a source of language and communication because
it is a highly significant sound.
277
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278
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Adam Lawrence
adam.lawrence@atkinsglobal.com
Atkins, Bristol, UK
Inan Ekici
Inan.ekici@atkinsglobal.com
Atkins, Cambridge, UK
Abstract
More than half of the worlds population already live in cities and this is expected to reach
75 percent by 2050. In the developed world the effect of the growth of cities has often only
been considered late in the day. This paper sets out future development scenarios for cities
and urban areas, in developed and developing countries, and looks at the potential impact
on soundscape. An evolving toolkit for city design is discussed. Proposals are made for great-
er protection of humans, wildlife and tranquil areas and for the preservation of important
sound-marks that identify a place.
279
1. Introduction
The Global Health Observatory [1] has stated that as of 2010 more than 50% of the worlds
population now lives in cities and predicted that this proportion will reach 75% by 2050. This
paper looks out how this growth and changes within our cities may affect our soundscape
and presents a toolbox of design tools to help guide the sound of cities.
The burden of noise in cities affects our health and as cities grow is likely to affect great-
er numbers if development continues as it has done historically.
Noise has always been a problem when living in large social groups. Complaints about
noise in cities are recorded as far back as Roman times. [2]
Noise in a modern city is almost always dominated by motorised transport, be it road,
rail or aircraft. Of these it is road noise that is often the most pervasive, slipping into almost
every corner of every major city. This is the case to the extent that where the European
Noise Directive [3] has required member states to identify and protect areas of tranquillity,
the UK has outlined guidance on tranquillity identification in the document National Plan-
ning Policy Framework : Planning Policy Guidance : Noise Guidance [4], stating:
There are no precise rules, but for an area to be protected for its tranquillity it
is likely to be relatively undisturbed by noise from human caused sources that
undermine the intrinsic character of the area. Such areas are likely to be already
valued for their tranquillity, including the ability to perceive and enjoy the natu-
ral soundscape, and are quite likely to seen as special for other reasons including
their landscape. (PPG:NG, 2014)
Acoustics as a discipline can be traced back at last as far as the Greek empire, but it wasnt
until the 1970s that the fields of acoustic ecology, soundscape assessment and bioacoustics
began to establish themselves, notably thanks to R. Murray Schaffer [5] and Bernie Krause [6].
Until then the role of the acoustic consultant was to reduce noise levels, ie reduce unwanted
sound but reducing noise levels over all, and even today this is still very much the focus of
most of our work.
280
Noise from transport has generally increased with time, as has the amount of travelling
we do, such that what small wins have been made in reducing the noise from individual
vehicles have generally been more than compensated for with the increase in numbers of
vehicles and the hours of the day which they are used. This holds true for both road and air
transport although rail may be a special case, at least in the UK, as it spent several decades
in decline following the post-war boom in private car ownership.
Noise is defined as unwanted sound. As one persons music is another persons noise it has
been too easy in the past to assess overall sound pressure levels when assessing noise with-
out distinguishing whether sources may be part of the natural environment or not (although
the focus is usually on identifying and quantifying man made sources).
The health effects of noise exposure include [7] hearing loss, elevated blood pressure,
elevated adrenalin levels, headaches, fatigue, stress, stomach ulcers, sleep disturbance, an-
noyance, reduced speech intelligibility, higher rates of birth defects and impinged cognitive
development in children [8].
Figure 1. Babisch W. The noise/stress concept, risk assessment and research needs. [9]
However, research has shown that natural sounds and music therapy have been shown
to help people overcome a broad range of psychological and physical problems. These in-
clude, although are not limited to:
281
To aid the blind to navigate [10]
In treatment of amnesia
In treatment of Tourettes syndrome
In treatment of Parkingsons disease
In treatment of Dementia
In treatment of Aphasia (loss of spoken language)
In treatment of depression
In treatment of Autism and for children with behavioural issues [11, 12]
Of course sound is also central to our communication and without conditions conducive
to verbal communication our many complex languages would never have developed the way
they have. A similar case can be made for the importance of music. For example:
Music listening and music therapy have been shown to help people overcome a
broad range of psychological and physical problems
The building of railways between the 1830s and 1920s introduced a new and unfamiliar sound
into the landscape, adding to the new machine noises recently added by the industrial rev-
olution. Whereas the industrial revolution had added these noise sources to generally built-
up areas the railways then connected these areas together, with the new source affecting
some otherwise untouched areas in between. The population did become accustomed to the
sound of steam engines but the widespread change to diesel locomotives in the 1950s lead to
another new soundscape and another acclimatization process. The sound of diesel engines
is now ubiquitous and the sound of a steam engine has become a sought after experience
for many.
We are currently on the verge of a similar experiential change with electric cars. At high
speeds where type noise dominates there is little change but at low speeds, around towns
and cities, it is the combustion engine noise which dominates. This has lead to debates in
many countries about what sound a car should make, predominately based around argu-
ments of pedestrian awareness and safety. Add to this the driver expectation and we are
282
already seeing some manufactures adding artificial engine noise into the sound inside the
cabin [14], EU rulings on the requirement for Acoustic Vehicle Alerting Systems for electric
vehicles [15], as well as the recent debate in the current Formula 1 racing season with new
quiet engines causing widely reported upset among drivers, fans and officials [16].
Opportunities to lower transport noise do not come along often and should be grasped
whenever they happen.
5. Living Densely
What defines a city is still often debated and changes from one geographic region to another
and based on local history and governance. For the purposes of definition here a city is tak-
en to be a developed permanent human settlement of high population density. How noise
control regulation is dealt with during the process of building up an area of high population
density will have a lasting outcome on the soundscape as experienced by its inhabitants.
When problem areas arise these can be dealt with through new regulation but this is
generally a very slow process. The earlier in the growth of a city suitable control measures
can be put in place the more successful the long-term control of its environment.
283
To pick two examples, an old city where noise levels have got out of control would be
Cairo, where the noise of the city is one of its defining features in travel guides and the New
York Times called the city where you cant hear yourself scream [17], compared to a rela-
tively car free city like Amsterdam, where the sound of trams, people and bicycles can be
heard even in all the main plazas.
Living in close proximity leads to an increase in the likelihood of noise nuisance, where
shared partition walls and floors in flats and apartments will inevitably conduct more sound
than between detached dwellings, and shared circulation spaces subject us to the sounds of
neighbours coming and going.
The more people are crammed into a space the more likely that noise made by one of
those people will bother another. Cities also bring with them transport issues. People will
often travel to work along the same routes and at similar times to many others. A well design
transport system can deal with this and take advantage of economies of scale of needing to
transport a large number of people in the same direction at the same time. Train, tube, tram
and bus systems are all integral to existing successful cities.
It is an interesting thought experiment that architecture student Vincent Ocasia [18] set him-
self the challenge of finding the maximum possible urban density within the SimCity game,
and gave an interview about it. In doing this he found that the elimination of transport was a
key factor, and organised the space such that every one of his virtual subjects could walk to
their place of work. In realty of course this could never work, as family life will lead to people
living in one location but working in another. Furthermore the focus on increasing popula-
tion density only had knock on effects on quality of life and lifespan. Modelling cities in this
way, using a game engine, is an interesting exercise but a lengthy process presenting a far
from accurate representation of daily life. However, there is no reason that a neural network
system could not be set this same task and it may come up with solutions that have not yet
been considered.
284
7. A Brief History of Designing for the Future and the Impact on
Sound
In the 1940s and 50s a post-war boom in city development and house building cleared away
many slums and tenements as well as repairing war ravaged cities. This lead to experimental
new designs and wild speculation on future development. Predictions of flying cars were
rife. Contrast this to today where there is speculation about a future of drone based delivery
systems and you see that little has really moved on.
Picking some other historical examples of futurology can help to set the scene, and re-
mind how wildly wrong ideas can be.
In his 1910 science fiction book The Sleeper Awakes [19], H.G. Wells predicts a future
London where a moving pathway, like the travellators seen in airports, allows pedestrians
to navigate London at speed, a circular route with concentric rings allowing passengers to
move out in steps of increasing speed. The reality we saw came to be the expansion of the
underground system, which had already started operating in 1863.
In architecture Le Corbusier sought to improve living conditions in crowded cities clever
layout of multi-storey blocks surrounded by or surrounding green park space [20]. He pro-
duced plans for a Ville Contemporaine (Contemporary City) in 1922 and a Ville Radieuse
(Radiant City), in 1924. Although never built elements of these design appeared in various
locations and influenced a generation of designers and planners. For example he is credited
as a major influence in Constructivist era Soviet architecture and planning.
In 1960 Geoffrey Jellicoe proposed Motopia [21], where roads were kept on roof tops
above residencies and views from windows were always of open green spaces. Again this was
never built, but the same period brought about many redesigns of existing UK city centres
with split level vehicle and pedestrian circulation. Although these fell out of fashion for nu-
merous reasons, steps and disability access among them, isolated examples can still be seen
in parts of Glasgow, Birmingham and Bristol.
Other more fanciful ideas have included Archigrams Walking City (1965) [22], where an
entire walking robotic city allowed inhabitants to be delivered to their place of work in the
morning and retire to a more peaceful location at night.
The most successful piece of forward thinking can probably be credited to Ebenezer
Howards garden cities [23], which were first proposed in 1902 and as recently as 2013 contin-
uing to be promoted as a template for eco-towns. [24]
285
Milton Keynes in the UK is one of the more famous examples of this approach and the
zoning system employed allowed for some flexibility in changes to the towns demographics
over its lifespan, although from a discussion one of the authors had with one of the towns
Planners it was apparent that this flexibility could only be stretched so far and compromises
would have to be made in terms of allowable land use of adjacent blocks if the town was to
thrive.
In more recent years the growth of new city developments in the Middle- and Far-East
has seen soundscape start to play a role in the design process. One of the authors work on
King Abdullah Financial District in Riyadh included acoustic advice on market places and
pedestrianised areas to create a more vibrant atmosphere, as well as placing the mosque at
the centre of a web of streets that ensured the call to prayer could be heard over as large an
area as possible. A very intentional design of a soundmark into a city development.
Using the experience of the above and knowledge of planned growth in cities and both
transport and energy infrastructure it is possible to plot a series of scenarios for the future
development of varying cities. It should be noted that these are extreme examples designed
to capture as wide a range of potentials as possible and it is hoped that the majority of de-
velopments would fall somewhere within these boundaries.
286
Figure 3. Scenario Planning for Future Sound in Cities.
9. Design Toolkit
Tools for improving the soundscape in urban areas have been suggested by Schfer and oth-
ers, and a total of 102 non-noise related planning tools are suggested by Atkins Future Proof-
ing Cities report. The table below combines the most relevant of these, grouping them by
area of application, as a guide to city soundscape design.
2 Soundscape Restora- Where a soundscape of value has Closure and grassing over of part of
tion been lost due to development its the A344 close to Stonehenge par-
restoration can be considered tially restoring original soundscape
and landscape
3 Energy Policy Moving major noise sources away Off shore wind generation, tidal
from residential areas, shifting away energy, micro-generation
from dependence on fossil fuels,
reform of energy subsidies
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Number Tool Description / Application Example
4 Labour force Flexible working and shift working Policies to encourage flexible
working patterns can help reduce
traffic congestion during peak hours,
but this should be balanced against
causing disturbance during rest
hours.
8 Mass transit develop- Areas of high population density Reliance on cars should be reduced
ment plans should be provided with good public and rail, tram and/or bus infra-
transport links structure built. Eg Dubai Metro. It
is important to consider end to end
journeys and provide effective inter-
changes between transport modes
for longer journeys.
9 Pedestrian and bike Encourage use of bicycles and of Land design practices should en-
orientated development walking routes courage non-motorised transport
plans
11 Infill and brownfield Reusing previously developed areas This would help to preserve sound-
incentives to take pressure off of undeveloped scapes in undeveloped areas. There
land is potential to assess offsetting
of soundscapes / noise levels in
the same way ecological sites are
considered.
12 Transit orientated nodes Major transit interchanges, such as New towns and cities should be
train and/or bus stations, should designed with rail access in mind
be placed within a community to and connectivity of residential areas
encourage people to walk to them maximised.
14 Buffer zones Non-noise sensitive areas should be Open spaces, retail units, and offic-
placed between noise sources and es (used as barrier blocks) can all
noise sensitive receptors be used to reduce noise impacts on
residents / schools / hospitals etc.
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Number Tool Description / Application Example
15 Greenbelt / growth Defining management boundaries Can be used to safeguard land uses,
boundaries can be used to protect areas from soundscape, and tranquil areas
inappropriate development
16 Improvements to public Numerous options are open for Examples include: Bus Rapid Trans-
transport systems both new and existing cities to port (BRT) / Park and Ride / Metro
reduce the reliance on personal car Systems / Public Transport Lanes /
transport Smart Transport Information / Driv-
ing and Parking Restrictions / Car
Clubs / Hybrid and Electric Vehicle
Incentives
17 Recycling and Waste Efficient use of local resources Although some overhead in collec-
Management tion and sorting of recycling is re-
quired this is compensated for with
reductions in raw material usage
and transportation, manufacturing
noise, disposal etc.
18 Building codes Robust standards for new build- Reducing energy consumption
ings encouraging energy efficient will generally lead to reduction in
buildings and high standards of noise generation too (e.g. passive
insulation ventilation rather than mechanical
ventilation) and improved thermal
insulation standards can be used
to improve acoustic insulations
simultaneously.
19 Eco-villages / neigh- Schemes to combine energy genera- Making individual areas more
bourhood schemes tion, heating, cooling, waste handing self-sufficient can help reduce wider
etc at a local level infrastructure and reliance on large
scale industrial areas. This can
include micro generation, use of
waste as biofuels, Combined Heat
and Power (CHP) and district heat-
ing and cooling, Smart Grids etc.
20 Biodiversity Monitoring and protection of habi- This should include further research
tats and important species into the effects of human noise
sources on wildlife behaviours
21 Reforestation Tree planting programs and reforest- Wind in trees and long grasses are
ation important elements of the natural
soundscape and should be iden-
tified, preserved, and can be used
as tools in soundscape creation.
Wind noise can also help to mask
unwanted noise sources. The as-
sociated areas of soft ground also
provide better attenuation of noise
than hard surfaces.
22 Sustainable and af- Slum upgrades and affordable hous- Preventing factors that price certain
fordable housing ing improve living conditions tenants out of areas has knock on
effect of reducing commuting there-
by reducing transportation noise
289
Number Tool Description / Application Example
23 Absorbent building Building facades are generally Although difficult to hear the effect
facades acoustically hard and highly rever- of this in cities where road traffic
berant, improvement in urban areas is the dominant noise source occa-
possible sions when traffic is stopped (public
events, marathons etc) present an
opportunity to appreciate how much
worse the reflections from building
make the auditory environment.
10. Conclusion
The importance of considering soundscapes and noise control in cities has been shown with
reference to growing numbers of people in cities, impacts on health from noise and the ben-
efits to both listeners and to wildlife from better balanced soundscapes.
Future development possibilities for cities and urban areas, in developed and developing
countries, have been explored and are shown in Figure 3.
A design toolkit for both new and existing cities has been tabulated, giving multiple op-
tions for investigation in any future city work. This includes examples of schemes and of
benefits as well as highlighting other future city design measures which can have knock-on
effect in respect to sound.
References
[1] Urban population growth, Global Health [4] National Planning Policy Framework, Plan-
23.02.14) ningportal.gov.uk/blog/guidance/noise/
Sound and Listening (Profile Books), 2013 [5] Schafer, Raymond Murray, Tuning of the
[3] The Environmental Noise Directive (END) World (Random House) 1977
European Parliament and Council adopted [6] Kraus, Bernie, Wild Soundscpaes (Wilder-
290
[7] World Health Organization, Geneva, Guide- accompanied by a muscular but artificial
lines for community noise. 1999 (http://www. engine soundtrack. Theres a slight caveat
html , accessed 21.07.2010) sound attributes of the engine into the cabin
[8] Goran, Belojevic, et al. (2008). Urban Road through the optional 13-speaker Harman
Traffic Noise and Blood Pressure and Heart Kardon stereo in order to make it sound
Rate in Preschool Children. Environment more beefy. The inferior sounds are washed
Includes interference with speech, reduced decreasing vehicle noise 02.04.2014 (http://
that is significantly higher (by 2 beats/min on [16] BBC News Formula 1: Are the new V6
average) than those of children from quieter turbo hybrid engines too quiet? (via http://
homes] www.bbc.co.uk/sport/0/formula1/26656258
assessment and research needs. Noise & [17] New York Times, A City Where You Cant
[11] The Nordoff Robbins Evidence Bank (2nd [18] Vice, The Totalitarian Buddhist Who Beat
bins.org.uk/content/what-we-do/re- the-totalitarian-buddhist-who-beat-sim-city
[13] Levitn, Daniel, This is Your Brain on Music Open2.net - BBC/Open University (http://
drive-review-20140602-zrupk.html, accessed
291
[22] Herron, Ron, A Walking City, Archigram is-
planning.library.cornell.edu/DOCS/howard.
www.tcpa.org.uk/pages/creating-garden-
cities-and-suburbs-today-a-guide-for-coun-
bow-bells-and-the-london-cockney/ ac-
cessed 09.06.2014)
(via http://www.wired.co.uk/news/ar-
chive/2012-06/25/bow-bells-cockney
accessed 09.06.2014)
[27] ShotSpotter press release, National gun
shotspotter.com/press-releases/article/
national-gun-crime-report-exposes-the-re-
ality-of-illegal-gunfire-in-america accessed
09.06.2014)
292
Stream 2
KEYNOTE
Abstract
This presentation explores ideas of a Sonic Public, proposing that sounds invisible mobility
makes accessible, thinkabe and sensable, different and pluralized notions of publicness. The
ephemeral and passing nature of sound, its unreliable and uncontrollable spirit, does not de-
form itself into the functional architecture of place and civic purpose but proposes formless
and invisible alternatives. It creates the public as sonic possible worlds, plural and colliding,
performing the city in a playful antagonism of private sonic life-worlds, that meet in passing,
at moments of coincidence, to create not one appreciable entirety but fragmented possi-
bilities. The sonic city is a possible timespace environment, whose actuality is not a matter
of truth and untruth, but of sonic fictions: personal narrations that realize the invisible and
conjure up the inaudible, rather than settle on what can be seen collectively.
Sound Art as Public Art does neither insert itself nor superimpose itself onto this time-
space environment but participates in its production. Thus it makes apparent the frames,
edges and boundaries of what is considered the actual place, and implodes the singularity of
that perception. Its ethics lies at once within the profession of art: to produce a good work
of art; as well as in a participatory production of place: to make us listen and see the invisible
dynamic of the world in whose mobile depth the visibility of the city, its architectural, politi-
cal and social actuality, is produced from sonic possibilities, whose audibility and inaudibility
in turn are the parameters of what that city is and what it will become.
This invisible Public Art reminds us that public is not a visual concept, a permanent insti-
tution and infrastructure, but a participatory and transitory practice. It leads us back to the
production rather than the perception of publicness and opens the monumental, permanent
and fixed notion of civic place to the sonic possibility of civic performance, in whose open-
ness we as listeners open ourselves to reach and access our own possibilities.
294
Keynote link: http://livestre.am/4UgfS. Photography: Diana Almeida & Joana Ferreira.
Performance Score
Read: Listening to Noise and Silence: Towards a Philosophy of Sound Art, pp. 126127, line 5
to line 5
Get up, walk a square around your location, singing each side of the square in a different tone
step back into the middle of the space and grunt.
Stand
Sit
295
Read: Listening to Noise and Silence: Towards a Philosophy of Sound Art pp. 130131, line 20
to line 3, 3rd word
Stand
Sit
Read: Sonic Possible Worlds, Hearing the Continuum of Sound, pp. 4950, line 1 to line 12
Read: Maurice-Merleau Ponty, Nature from Course notes from the Collge de France pp.6869,
line 32 to line 17, 7th word
Stand
Read: Patrick Farmer Try I Bark from fire turns its back to me to i have no desire too name
Sit
Play: The Red Hook High School Cheerleaders by Jeremy Deller, 2 min excerpt
Read: Sarah Jackson Silent Running from her collection of poems Pelt
Sit
Read: Henri Lefebvre, Rhythmanalysis, pp1921, line 8 to line 6 (with a slight edit), and p. 55,
line 17 to line 31
Play: Simon-Steen Anderson Pretty Sound (Up and Down) for priano, from LP Pretty Sound,
3 min excerpt
296
Read: Listening to the Stars from Noch (What Matters Now? What cant you hear?)
Read: Sonic Possible Worlds pp. 165166, line 294 + p. 166167, line 40 line 6 word 6 and pp.
168169, line 33 to line 2, and p. 174, line 18 to line 34
Stand
Sounds invisible mobility makes accessible, thinkabe and sensible, different and pluralized notions of
publicness.
My public performance invites you to consider your own public performance in this same context.
The sonic public is a participatory possibility, whose actuality is not a matter of truth and untruth, but of
sonic fictions: personal narrations that realize the invisible and conjure the inaudible, rather than settle on
what appears to be there visibly and audibly.
Together we make a civic performance creating an ephemeral exchange of invisible things that reframe our
visible form, relationship and organization.
Listening challenges the designation of private and public. It overhears their distinction and does not follow
the functional architecture of place and civic purpose but proposes formless and invisible alternatives.
I am performing my private sonic life-world that meets yours in passing, at moments of coincidence, to create not
one appreciable entirety, one actuality, but fragmented possibilities of what our shared space is, or could be.
Sound is not necessarily harmonious, nor definitively antagonistic, but generates the space of an agonistic
play: no ideal objective guides or precedes the action that it is.
The public is not a visual concept, a permanent institution and infrastructure, but a transitory practice.
Sound makes apparent the frames, edges and boundaries of what is considered the actual place, and
i mplodes the singularity and permanence of that perception through an invisible duration.
They reveal the limits of actuality, produce possibilities, and hint at the possibility of impossibilities.
297
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Leah Barclay
leah.barclay@asu.edu
Sabine Feisst
sabine.feisst@asu.edu
Daniel Gilfillan
dgilfil@asu.edu
Garth Paine
garth.paine@asu.edu
Abstract
The Listenn Project explores remote embodied experiences of natural environments through
sound. It focuses on community awareness, and sustainability, studying how rich digital me-
dia environments and acoustic ecology practices can be used to broaden discussion about
the value of precious, yet fragile environments. It explores how virtual ecological engage-
ment through sound can nurture environmental awareness and community agency. This
paper introduces the conceptual grounding for the project and the preliminary outcomes
from conducting two field laboratories in the American Southwest deserts. The proposed
outcomes include immersive virtual reality experiences of being present in such natural en-
vironments without needing to travel and without degrading them by visitation. The proto-
type integrates a clear accessibility strategy and consists of a dynamic website, immersive
sound installations and two mobile phone apps permitting direct community input and em-
bodied remote walking experiences that could bring the acoustic ecologies of the American
Southwest deserts to global audiences.
298
1. Introduction
In our current state of ecological crisis, the Listenn project is designed to explore how virtual
immersive environmental engagement through sound can cultivate environmental steward-
ship and community agency and awareness. Listening is a critical perception that provides
rich information about the surrounding environment, yet it is often overlooked in such a
visually dominant society. The Listenn project, founded by Dr. Garth Paine in 2013, brings
together a diverse team of artists and academics working in the field of sound to explore how
emerging digital technology and rich media environments can create embodied experiences
of being present in remote natural environments. The project is grounded in the possibil-
ities of ambisonics, specialist practices in surround sound recording to deliver immersive,
embodied sonic experiences remotely. Ambisonics is a technique that enables the recording
and diffusion of sound sources above and below the listener in addition to the horizontal
plane. Ambisonics (Gerzon, 1992) is one solution to dynamic post production changes in
auditory scene perspective (Benjamin, et al, 2006 ), and also provides options for dynamic
selection of playback format (Pernaux et al, 1998) that are yet to be fully explored in virtual
environments.
The Listenn project will develop a prototype that examines issues relating to dissemi-
nating these integrated media streams and exploring new approaches for digital community
outreach to engage a wide public audience in contemporary acoustic ecology. The prototype
will deliver immersive experiences (via the internet) of being present in highly valued natural
environments without needing to travel and without degrading the environments by visi-
tation. The prototype is designed with an explicit accessibility strategy that provides open
access to the experience of pristine natural environments across the globe, including for the
elderly and people with disabilities who may otherwise not have access.
This prototype focuses specifically on the creation of five core audio-visual assets that
will be housed on a dynamic website:
Database of surround sound recordings that can be streamed over the internet and
accessible to a global audience as remote embodied sonic experiences.
Audio client app that will decode the ambisonic audio stream for Binaural (head-
phones), Stereo, 5.1/7.1 surround from a single ambisonic stream.
A series of audio-visual experiences using virtual reality headsets, including the
Oculus Rift.
299
Mobile app for users to undertake GPS tracked, geo-mapped walks through one of
the recorded wilderness environments while commuting or undertaking exercise
(jogging, walking, etc.)
Mobile app and digital platform for global accessibility and community outreach that
enables participation in the project through user generated content. The system
will integrate a series of new tools that encourage community leadership, such as
dynamic tagging systems and heat maps that demonstrate community activity and
focus and facilitate real-time engagement with other locations.
These proposed outcomes combine to deliver a prototype that encourages public en-
gagement with the environment and humanities ideas related to the value of sound. This
collection of proposed audio-visual assets are the result of conducting field research in the
Southwest deserts and experimenting with the most captivating forms of engagement. The
prototype will bring attention to these fragile ecosystems, local communities and their stew-
ardship of the environment and also highlight the future possibilities of digital technology
and rich media environments in creating immersive experiences that can generate a deeper
ecological awareness and engagement globally.
The Listenn project pivots on engagement and outreach programs with a series of identified
communities in the USA. These communities were selected during immersive field laborato-
ries involving ambisonic sound recordings conducted in Arizona, New Mexico and California
during March and May 2014. These laboratories were supported by seed funding from Ari-
zona State University and resulted in partnerships with five communities in Joshua Tree Na-
tional Park, Mojave National Preserve, Sequoia and Kings Canyon National Park, Organ Pipe
Cactus National Monument and Death Valley National Park that will be integral in developing
this project. The community engagement and digital capacity building tools proposed in this
project will enable the community in each location to remain actively engaged in the Listenn
project, and ultimately be the primary content creators on the digital platform.
The preliminary field laboratories involved researching the most appropriate ways to
develop long-term relationships with the communities of the American Southwest Deserts.
These forbidding landscapes are renowned for their beauty and wonderment yet paradoxi-
300
cally also feared by many. The Southwest deserts are governed and managed by a diversity
of organisations including NPS (National Parks Service) and local associations. There is a
wide range of national and international recognitions across the region, including National
Monuments and UNESCO Biosphere Reserves. The Listenn team was particularly interested
in engaging with the communities of Biosphere Reserves, as there were clear synergies be-
tween their community engagement philosophies and the research intentions of our project.
UNESCO Biosphere Reserves are sites managed by passionate communities that are in-
spired to explore new approaches to the conservation of biological and cultural diversity.
They differ from world heritage sites in that they encourage active community participation
and are ideal locations to test and demonstrate innovative approaches to sustainability. The
Man and Biosphere program was initiated by the United Nations Education, Scientific and
Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) in the 1970s as a practical tool to deal with some of the
most important challenges of our time: how can we reconcile conservation of biodiversity
and biological resources with their sustainable use (UNESCO, 1995). To them the concept
of Biosphere Reserves serves as an incubator for local sustainable development projects and
helps share this information and learning with other Biosphere Reserves. The concept can
therefore be considered as a tool for enabling respectful dialogue and knowledge sharing
across a diverse set of communities.
The Listenn field laboratories focused specifically on six Biosphere Reserves in Arizona,
New Mexico and California representative of the richness and diversity of the southwest de-
sert ecosystem. Capitalising on the Biosphere Reserve status within each location, this stage
of the project sought to extend the existing efforts and build the capacity of the community
to engage new technologies in understanding the environment. The long-term community
engagement strategies will involve extensive consultation with key stakeholders in the re-
gion prior to hosting a series of workshops and sound walks. The sound walks will facilitate
the process of identifying locations, which will be followed by ambisonic field recording labs
directed by the Listenn team. The community outreach programs will also involve installa-
tions, performances and capacity building to encourage the local community to take agency
in creative outcomes and ongoing acoustic ecology practices.
The ambisonic recordings during each of the Listenn field laboratories produced a rich
diversity of sonic material and revealed valuable information about the local communities
understanding of acoustic ecology. In some locations we were highly impressed with the
research programs and monitoring associated with protecting and improving natural sound-
scapes. However, in other locations we were shocked by the level of human intervention
and industrial noise apparent in the arid deserts. Unfortunately the proposed framework
301
of working directly with the communities of Biosphere Reserves proved difficult, primarily
because there was very limited engagement and awareness of the Biosphere Reserve status
in each location. The UNESCO branding was often concealed and most locations operated
under a different name. While there are speculations as to why this was apparent, it was
likely primarily due to national resourcing for the programs and a desire to focus on na-
tional recognition, as oppose to international associations with the UN. This dramatically
changed our initial approach, but also provided the opportunity to extend our scope beyond
the proposed locations and to evaluate the best methods for community engagement based
on our experiences during the field laboratories. This resulted in forming partnerships with
NPS (National Park Services) to facilitate permissions and research permits and a spectrum
of partnerships with local organisations in Joshua Tree National Park, Mojave National Pre-
serve, Sequoia and Kings Canyon National Park, Organ Pipe Cactus National Monument and
Death Valley National Park, who are now the primary communities for the Listenn project.
3. Research Questions
The Listenn project engages in crucial humanities-based questions related to the notions of
presence and embodiment within the natural landscapes represented by the five National
Park and Preserve communities. It investigates how the perceptual mode of sound and its
attendant processes of listening and hearing help achieve these moments of presence, and
connection to place, when it is not possible or desirable to be physically present in the natu-
ral landscape. Drawing on scholarship from across the humanities, Listenn explores relation-
ships between a human-centered experience of the world and the complex adaptive eco-
systems we seek to understand, but which continually perplex us, both as individuals and as
communities. In asking the series of following questions, the project engages its audiences
in critical humanities ideas about their own philosophies of place (how have people thought
of place and presence within place over time, what does it mean to be somewhere), about
how they distinguish between sound and noise, and about how their own experiences of
sound make them reconsider what place means to them:
What relationships exist between sound, sustainability, and human connection to
environmental understandings of place?
302
What constitutes listening? Does the sonic environment allow for a deeper under-
standing of human experience of place than visual or haptic encounters with such
spaces?
To what extent can human experience be presenced through such simulations as
immersive audio recordings? In this regard, does the auditory allow immersiveness
to be shaped more readily than does the visual?
What constitutes attention in or through sound (a bird or animal call or a silent
landscape) and how does such attention through sound provide for an embodied
experience for members of a larger public not immediately able to encounter such
sites of environmental significance?
How central is the sonic environment to our communal, social and global health?
At its core Listenn explores this range of research questions to learn more about the role
and function of sound for a deeper understanding for how communities of listeners engage
their own interconnectedness to place, and to educate our range of audiences about these
very interconnections (Cresswell, 2013; Cresswell 2004).In creating a set of independent
and interwoven communities oriented toward issues and questions related to sustainability,
we seek to imagine an embodiment within naturescapes far from the urban and suburban
dwellings common to most of us. Imagination roams, thinking of an idealized wilderness or
of possibilities within the wild. In hearing without sight, we are invited to visualize the wilds.
The we here becomes individual and collective participation in the project of imagining life
worlds just beyond our reach.
Sound exists across a networked spectrum of production and reception, and enjoys a life of
its own, irrespective of the object or agent involved in the multiplicity of its origination or its
reception. As a perceptive mode that inherently engages an intermedial relationship to the
world, sound both conveys and withholds knowledge, adopting and adapting the realms of
the vocal, the textual, the spatial, and the affective, to be mediated for reception and parsing
aurally, and by extension epistemologically, in the mind of the listener. When we focus on
human agents, sounds ability to capture and convey movement, spatiality, and emotion in
very distinct ways works synergistically with the human minds ability to unify within con-
303
sciousness a number of perceptual inputs, such that a cognitive picture of the world and
ones position within it comes to light. (LaBelle, 2006; Searle, 2002).
In his philosophy of mingled bodies, Michel Serres explores human sensory perception
as shaped by the contingences of bodily experience. He writes:
Before making sense, language makes noise: you can have the latter without the former,
but not the other way around. After noise, and with the passage of time, a sort of rhythm can
develop, an almost recurring movement woven through the fabric of chance. The sea gives
birth to a tidal flow, and this flow to Venus: a rhythmic current emerges from the disorderly
lapping of waves, music surfaces to this place. In turn, this layer of music, universal before
the advent of meaning, carries all meaning with it; distilled, differentiated language selects
the meaning or meanings it will isolate from this complex, and then broadcast. Whoever
speaks is also singing beneath the words spoken, is beating out rhythm beneath the song, is
diving into the background noise underneath the rhythm. (Serres 2008, 120)
When we examine his musings on sound and hearing, we are immediately struck by two
things: the descriptive way he links aurality and the natural rhythms of the world; and the
siting of music as the location where meaning takes shape as a constant outgrowth of these
flows and rhythms. Sound, noise, rhythm, music, language, meaningfor Serres, these are
medial points that move steadily further away from a phenomenological understanding of
the world. At the heart of Serres ideas about sensation lies a critique about language a
hegemonic notion of language that has become too far removed from the network of re-
lationships that our system of sense perception sets up with the world around us. In his
mind, sensate experience is disappearing behind a newly acquired language of logic that is
based in data, calculation, and isolation. It is precisely our move away from a conscious un-
derstanding of the world as a unified sensate experience, as reflective of our being in some
way severed via language from an interwoven network of phenomenological experience that
underlines Serres philosophy. His comments here about sound and the function of language
provide reminders about the constant play of uncertainties that lead to meaning-making,
that meaning and truth are more about the sensual processes of composition that lead to
language than they are about the practices of rationality, fixity, and exactitude that current-
ly impede language. In his explication of how sound filters through noise and the complex
rhythms of music to become meaning, Serres lights upon language as the requisite medium
for its broadcast, and upon voice as the instrument for the realignment of language, and of
human beings, within a larger world of sensation and experience. And it is here with voice
and vocality that we might find a response to Serres misgivings about language, where we
304
would see voice forming the entrance to and vocality the resonance of the interior surfaces
of a body connected to an origin prior to language.
In his crucial work on the relationships between the environment and perception, Tim
Ingold makes clear that voice forms a core element of how humans engage with and in the
realm of the natural, and that human voice serves as our interface, our connection, to an
existence where humans reside alongside other entities:
Non-human sounds like thunder or animal calls, the voices of other-than-human per-
sons, and the speech of human beings are alike in that they not only have the power to move
those who hear them, but also take their meaning from the contexts in which they are heard.
In these respects, no fundamental line of demarcation can be drawn between the sounds of
nature and of human speech. (Ingold 2000, 104-105)
The immersive sonic productions, which form the foundation of Listenn, provide a palpa-
ble framework within which such a phenomenology of human experience of the world can be
experienced, shared, examined, and understood. Yet these acoustic ecological recordings of
varying environments also belie the full range of non-human agents (animals, atmospheres/
densities, geological formations, landscapes, etc.) that exists as counterparts to, and thus also
apart from, any human-centered perceptual understanding of the world. What is at stake in
locating a non-human, and at times, non-sentient, origin point for the production of sound
is the acknowledgement that a human-based reception of sound can never fully capture the
full spectrum of sound production made available within any time-delimited space. Because
we cannot truly inhabit the auditory receptors of these other, non-human sound producers,
nor place ourselves inside the geological formations or atmospheric conditions that affect
acoustics, we can only make theoretical assumptions about the production/transmission/
reception of those sounds that comprise the acoustic composition of a soundscape. Being
able to arrive at this realization is an important step in opening ourselves up to a wealth of
alternative ways to encountering sound in the landscape, and seeing through them new av-
enues for signification and knowledge production. Whether we conceptualize it or not, and
whether we perceive it or not, these environments as remote landscapes produce a wealth
of acoustically interwoven sounds, and these sounds function in concert to create an inter-
medial composition evocative of their atmospheric, density-driven, and geologically formed
spaciousness and human and non-human co-production or sitting as place.
305
5. Accessibility
Accessibility is a core priority not just in terms of meeting required technical best practice
standards, but in actively designing the system to support its creative use for as many dif-
ferent people as possible. The system will reflect and advocate for the proper recognition,
respect and the active involvement of indigenous communities, elderly communities and
those with disabilities that would not traditionally have visitation access to pristine natural
environments.
In the year 2012, an estimated 12.1 percent of non-institutionalized, US citizens report-
ed a disability. The Listenn project values inclusivity and believes it is important to develop
tools that can empower collaboration and capacity building from communities that do not
traditionally have access to audio technology. The prototyped virtual reality experience is
also highly valuable for the selected environmental locations, particularly as sites continue
to experience the ramifications of climate change. National Parks Services advocates for
promoting and maintaining an environment without human impact, yet they are often faced
with contradictions when the sustainability of the park management is based on tourism and
visitation. The features and technical aspects of the Listenn project prototype are ground-
ed in accessibility and inclusivity resulting in appealing digital formats that will engage the
general public.
6. Transmedia Dissemination
The distinctive layers of Listenn combine in a single interface and each complement the
overall vision of the project. This multi-platform approach is essential in our accessibility
strategy and community engagement methods. The contemporary practice of a transmedia
methodology requires cultural assets that fuse not just audio and visuals but design, interac-
tivity and a host of other disciplines. Contemporary audiences are now consciously creating
and viewing the narrative of their own lives across multiple platforms (e.g. via Instagram,
Flickr, Facebook, Twitter) and we believe artists and humanities researchers should con-
sciously be aware of this when designing community outreach projects. Listenn combines
highly accessible outcomes (such as listening to field recordings) with technologies at the
306
forefront of entertainment (such as the embodied mobile geo-locating walk and Oculus Rift
experiences) to enable communities to take agency in this project and contribute to the
overall narrative.
The Listenn project pivots on a database of surround sound (ambisonic) recordings that
can be streamed over the internet and accessible to a global audience as remote embodied
sonic experiences. This database provides the content for the proposed creative outcomes
and underpins the development of the prototype. It is built using industry standards for pro-
gramming and data management that also enable it to connect and share content with oth-
er large databases. This connectivity opens up exciting creative opportunities and helps to
future proof the system. The database will be accessible through an independent streaming
interface within the website, and will also be embedded in separate pages for each location
and community. The database will be developed in parallel to an audio client app that will
decode the ambisonic audio stream for Binaural (headphones), Stereo, 5.1/7.1 surround from
a single ambisonic stream and will form the basis for the embodied sound walks application.
Each geographical location on the website will feature an embedded digital community.
The community platform will be developed in collaboration with Feral Arts using PlaceS-
tories, a dynamic software system for digital storytelling, communication and collabora-
tions. PlaceStories provides individuals and groups with powerful, easy to use tools to cre-
ate, communicate and collaborate. Along with the database, the community platform will be
embedded in pages that document each location of the Listenn project. Individuals can set
up profiles to publish stories in the form of audio, video, documents, images and postcards.
These stories are published to locations that become connected and searchable through the
Listenn community. Everything published in the Listenn community will be geolocated in an
interactive map that will be updated in real-time as content is published. While the focus of
Listenn is firmly grounded in auditory perception, the accessibility of images, videos and text
has been identified as fundamental in generating broader environmental engagement and
documenting and understanding the value of listening and remote embodied experiences.
By framing the user-generated content of the Listenn project as digital storytelling, we are
empowering and encouraging communities to make their own contributions and have agen-
cy in the development of the project.
The community platform will be accompanied by the development of a mobile phone app
for community outreach and user generated content. The app will allow the community to
send updates (geo-tagged sound recordings, photographs and text) as digital stories directly
to the community platform while working in the field. This app will be built for both iOS and
android and will facilitate a real-time engagement and enable collaborations between the
307
locations. For example, community members in Death Valley National Park might observe
the calls of a particular bird outside of its seasonal migration. By documenting this obser-
vation in real-time they could connect with other locations where the bird is also present
and understand any behavioral and environmental changes taking place. This app will also
encourage real-time storytelling, recognizing stories as valuable, often untapped communi-
ty assets. This app will integrate a series of new tools that encourage leadership, such as dy-
namic tagging systems and heat maps that allow real-time engagement with other locations.
In addition to the community mobile apps, a secondary iOS and android mobile app will
be developed so that users can undertake GPS tracked, geo-mapped walks through one of
the recorded wilderness environments while commuting or exercising (jogging etc). The
community app targets community members directly engaged with the Listenn project loca-
tions, while the sound walks app is targeted at global communities. It is particularly aimed at
those living in urban areas that would rarely have the opportunity to listen to pristine natural
environments and through its somatic, embodied action, makes the engagement with the
soundfield more dynamic.
The final creative outcome is a series of audio-visual experiences using virtual reality
headsets. An alpha version of this experience exists for the Oculus Rift, and a version will
also be developed for the Sony VR headset and others as they become present in the market
place. The alpha version developed by Dr. Paine has been widely tested throughout 2014 with
extremely positive feedback in creating immersive embodied experiences of remote environ-
ments. The virtual reality experiences will be developed with two purposes, the first as tour-
ing experiences that will promote further engagement in the Listenn project internationally,
and the second as virtual experiences available for download via the website for those with
access to virtual reality headsets. While virtual reality has been an active field for a number
of years, it is only now that it is becoming a viable opportunity for humanities projects to
truly explore the possibilities of this technology. Previously it has been cost prohibitive and
high latency caused disorientation and nausea if the visuals did not correlate with the users
head position. The Oculus Rift headset has addressed these problems and designed a system
that can create the illusion of presence in another location. By combining stereoscopic 3D,
360-degree visuals, and a wide field of view, along with advanced engineering and software,
the Rift can engage visual perception in ways that have not been possible in the past.
The rapid emergence of virtual reality is now evident with a number of other devices in
development and the Facebook acquisition of Oculus Rift in March 2014. It has become clear
that personal virtual reality is the next big market in the entertainment industry. Facebook
CEO Mark Zuckerberg has publicly stated This is about being able to share experiences. He
308
believes that the true promise of VR is going beyond the idea of immersion and achieving
true presence the feeling of actually existing in a virtual space (Rubin, 2014).
The main challenge in creating realistic VR is having the image change with head move-
ments, precisely and without perceptible latency. The Oculus Rift fuses readings from a gy-
roscope, accelerometer, and magnetometer to evaluate head motion. It takes 1,000 readings
per second, allowing it to create predictive motion and pre-render images. While these ad-
vances are highly innovative for visual engagement, there has been limited innovation in the
potential of auditory immersion in personal virtual reality experiences. This is the core focus
of the Listenn VR experience, in extending and expanding the existing technology to develop
auditory experiences that enhance the visual experience. The current system developed by
Dr. Paine uses the headset tracking on the Oculus Rift to spatialize the ambisonic field re-
cordings so they become embedded in the visual environment. By combining this technology
with ambisonics, users can follow a flock of birds flying over their head and move through
landscapes with similar visual and auditory experiences that match actually being present at
that location. The next version of the Oculus Rift headset uses a small external camera and
monitors 40 infrared LEDs on the headset, extending current motion tracking to include
letting the user crouch, lean, or approach an object. The success of the alpha version of the
Listenn VR experience is largely due to the fact that the Point-Of-View (POV) of both auditory
and visual streams moves without perceptible latency and produces such a tightly correlated
experience as to be perceived as an embodied relation to the content. This element of the
project is critical to the accessibility of the Listenn project and will be essential in exploring
how digital technology and rich media environments can be used to create experiences of
being present in remote environments.
7. The Future
The Listenn digital platform will be disseminated in the five identified communities in Arizo-
na and California through a series of outreach and engagement workshops during 2015 and
2016. The education program is supported by Arizona State University and additional fund-
ing for community workshops will be sought from various state and national organisations.
These will involve a series of activities directed at capacity building and engagement with
the community platform.
309
The prototype phase for Listenn project is proposed as two years of intensive research
and development. This phase forms the initial component of a five-year strategy in creative
outcomes, publications and community engagement. It is hoped that by the third year, the
five selected communities will be actively facilitating the project from each location by cu-
rating activities, generating cultural assets and maintaining the community presence on the
website. The fifth year of the project will see the community platform emerge as the core
content provider for the database and we predict the system will continue to evolve docu-
menting seasonal and climate changes to the acoustic ecologies of the Southwest deserts
over the next decade and beyond. As a dynamic interdisciplinary project, Listenn provides a
platform to consider the role of sound in contemporary society and the possibilities of digi-
tal technology and remote environmental engagement through sound.
References
Benjamin, E., Heller, A., and Lee, R. Localization Pernaux, J.-M., Boussard, P. and Jot, J.-M. Vir-
in horizontal-only ambisonic systems, Audio tual sound source positioning and mixing in
Engineering Society Convention 121, Audio 5.1 implementation on the real-time system
Introduction. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, Rubin, Peter. The Inside Story of Oculus Rift
2013. and How Virtual Reality Became Reality
Gerzon, M. A. General metatheory of auditory Searle, John. Consciousness and Language. New
vention 92, Audio Engineering Society, 1992. UNESCO. Biosphere Reserves: The Seville Strate-
Ingold, Tim. The Perception of the Environment: gy and the Statutory Framework of the World
Essays on Livelihood, Dwelling and Skill, Lon- Network. Paris, France: UNESCO, 1995.
2006.
310
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Leah Barclay
info@leahbarclay.com
Griffith University, Brisbane, Australia
Toby Gifford
t.gifford@griffith.edu.au
Griffith University, Brisbane, Australia
Simon Linke
simon.linke@gmail.com
Griffith University, Brisbane, Australia
Abstract
River Listening is a practice-led research collaboration between independent artist Dr. Leah
Barclay and the Australian Rivers Institute to explore new methods for acoustically moni-
toring three Queensland river systems: the Brisbane River, the Mary River and the Noosa
River. The project involves the establishment of site-specific listening labs to experiment
with hydrophonic recording and sound diffusion to measure aquatic biodiversity including
fresh-water fish populations a key indicator of river health. This paper introduces the
foundations for the project and preliminary experimentation through the initial listening
labs in Australia. River Listening fundamentally explores the creative possibilities of aquatic
bioacoustics and the potential for new approaches in the management and conservation of
global river systems.
311
1. Introduction
2. River Listening
312
data. While scientists have developed advanced software tools for species recognition, there
is a growing need to consolidate the available tools and explore the value of listening to the
data in new ways. There are also exciting possibilities to make this data available for a wider
audience through digital technology and creative collaborations.
The River Listening Synapse residency specifically involves field labs on the three iden-
tified rivers experimenting with various hydrophonic recording techniques and sound pro-
cessing. The labs each involve a three-week immersive engagement process, which is based
on a methodology developed during Barclays doctoral research. The labs involve three dai-
ly recording sessions; sunrise, midday and dusk. Each recording session is approximately
two hours, with a custom-made quadrophonic hydrophone rig attached to a moving kayak.
These recordings are databased onsite, and made available online for analysis at the Austral-
ian Rivers Institute.
In addition to the kayak recordings, other field kits are distributed on location to capture
sounds without human intervention. These include a stationary hydrophone that records
from the same location during the entire field lab and a series of smaller field kits to capture
the soundscapes above the water. The additional field kits are useful to analyse particularly
sound sources in the hydrophone recordings that might be difficult to identify. The record-
ing sessions are accompanied by community workshops and creative development experi-
ments involving streaming and processing the hydrophone recordings.
The field labs are designed in an open format and encourage collaborations with the
local community. The future outcomes will be made available through a virtual sound map
and public listening sessions in Queensland, Australia. The database of recordings will form
the foundation for a series of experiments at the Australian Rivers Institute to explore new
methods in understanding and analysing the data from a scientific and creative perspective.
The River Listening labs in Queensland are part of a broader project in aesthetic and com-
positional perspectives on freshwater ecology. Whilst terms such as ecosystem biodiversity,
health, vulnerability and resilience appear prominently in both scientific literature and policy
debate, there is little consensus as to what these terms actually mean. Despite a widespread
understanding of the importance of systems thinking in ecological ontology (Marshall, 2002),
313
these concepts are often studied from a reductionist perspective, with simple operationali-
sations such as equating biodiversity with species counts uncritically adopted.
At issue here is that such terms are not fundamentally scientific, but rather socio-polit-
ical, even theological: irrespective of the concept label, characterisations and assessments
of ecosystems and their attendant change are inescapably dependent on values. (deChazal
2010:4).However, formal operationalisations of scientifically measurable quantities can adopt
a holistic perspective, and indeed holistic acoustic indices of ecosystem health are emerg-
ing as an exciting new technique in ecology (Servik2014).
The River Listening Group is a new interdisciplinary collaboration formed by independ-
ent artist Dr. Leah Barclay, freshwater ecologist Dr. Simon Linke from the Australian Rivers
Institute, and music technologist Dr. Toby Gifford from the Queensland Conservatorium of
Music.The Australian Rivers Institute (ARI) is Australias largest university aquatic ecosystem
research group with globally recognised expertise in river, catchment and coastal ecosys-
tems. ARI is currently leading a range of innovative projects revolving around catchment and
river ecosystem processes, aquatic biodiversity and conservation, and aquatic ecosystem
monitoring and assessment.
The scientific groundingof the River Listening collaboration is directed by ARI Senior Re-
search Fellow Dr Simon Linke, one of Australias leading freshwater conservation scientists,
whose pioneering work in biomonitoring and river conservation planning has been used by
agencies and NGOs from South East Queensland to the Congo. Barclay and Linke are joined
by music technologist Dr Toby Gifford, a world-leader in real-time audio processing, ma-
chine listening and automated musical scene description who has worked with the ARI to
establish frameworks for a real-time bioacoustic wildlife population monitoring network for
Australian waterways.
4. Creative Foundations
314
composed Confluence, her first major multimedia environmental work commissioned for the
opening of Earth Song Exhibition, during the launch of the Queensland Great Walks. Al-
though not inspired by a specific river, Confluence drew inspiration from the characteristics
of water and rivers. The piece was composed for cello, and used live electronics, digital pro-
jections and two dancers, which created a confluence of artistic media in a constant state of
change that was controlled live. These two projects informed the development of Barclays
largest rivers project Sound Mirrors, and the beginning of a large-body of work inspired by
rivers over the last ten years.
Sound Mirrors is an interactive sound installation that responds to specific rivers across
the world. During 2009 and 2010 Barclay travelled through Australia, India, Korea, and China,
capturing the sound of significant rivers and their surrounding communities. Sound Mirrors
grew out of her lifelong connection with rivers and a deep personal affinity with water. She
was inspired to explore a voice for the rivers through electroacoustic composition at a time
when she felt it was becoming more important to listen to the environment.
Barclays creative inspiration from rivers is shared by a wide spectrum of electroacoustic
composers who have created works inspired by rivers across the world. Among the most
pertinent is Voicing the Murray, an immersive sound installation by pioneering Australian
composer RosBandt. The work was commissioned for the Mildura Arts Festival, and was de-
signed to give the Murray River a voice: A voice derived from all the voices impinging on its
banks and surfaces (Bandt, 1996).
Bandts composition process involved several on-site recording sessions, which focused
on gathering stories from the local people. She was interested in the idea of capturing en-
dangered sounds and exploring how the soundscape of the area had changed and evolved
with the impact of technology. The project was underpinned by environmental intentions;
Bandt wanted to draw attention to the environmental degradation of the area, by encourag-
ing listeners to engage in the rich soundscapes:
I was excited at the prospect, as the Murray River is such a unique and critical
habitat for the whole of Australia. It is a manmade oasis which has brought with
it the by-products of mans overuse of the environment, erosion, salination, and
cultural dislocation for indigenous peoples. (Bandt, 1986)
The electroacoustic repertoire inspired by rivers can be divided into three relatively dis-
tinct categories: works composed in the studio inspired by rivers; works drawing on environ-
mental field recordings from rivers; and, finally, site-specific works that involve interactivity
315
and community engagement. The first category includes iconic electroacoustic composers
such as Richard Lainharts The Course of the River (1975), Douglas Lilburns Soundscape with
Lake and River (1979), and Kaija Saariahos Trois Rivires(1994).
Italian composer David Monacchis electroacoustic composition StatidAcqua (States of
Water) composed in 2006 is a most effective sonic exploration of a river. Those fortunate
to experience a live performance of the work are immersed in multichannel sound diffu-
sion that draws the listener deep into a dense sound world that at times evokes the sensa-
tion of being underwater. The work was inspired by the multiple physical transformations
of water (such as evaporation and condensation) through processed field-recordings. The
composition draws on field-research in Rome on the Tiber River, ranging from its springs in
the Monte Fumaiolo to its outlet in the Tyrrhenian Sea. Monacchi explored many recording
techniques, including an array of microphones and movements along various sound sources,
such as springs, streams, waterfalls and caves (Monacchi, 2006). The final composition is
presented as a 30-minute performance on a multichannel sound array with 18 loudspeakers.
Garth Paines composition Present in the Landscape (2011) is among the most pertinent of
compositions that successfully explores contentious environmental issues through immer-
sive river soundscapes. This work was composed during a residency at Bundanon in New
South Wales, Australia, and is an exploration of the nearby Shoalhaven River.
The damming of Shoalhaven completely transformed the river and had a profoundly
negative effective on the local environment, as is apparent in the damming of many rivers
worldwide. Paine spent time interviewing the community surrounding the river to capture
local perspectives. This included Aboriginal men who offered a critical understanding of the
river from the perspective of traditional owners. His ambisonic field recordings captured
the environmental soundscapes of the river, from the jumping fish to the temporal flow of
the landscape itself (Paine, 2011). Present in the Landscape was presented as a six-channel
composition and has also been published as a stereo recording.
316
The diverse literature inspired by rivers is impossible to capture in an introductory paper,
but this collection of works would not be complete without mention of Annea Lockwoods
trilogy of river sound maps. The trilogy begins with A Sound Map of the Hudson River (1982),
and is followed by A Sound Map of the Danube (2005) and A Sound Map of the Housatonic
River (2010). Lockwood has experimented with river soundscapes from the mid-60s, but
the sound maps solidified her process of creating an aural tracing (Lockwood, 2010) and of
documenting the entire length of the river through sound. The sound maps are realised as
multichannel installations with the recorded sites located on a wall map accompanied by a
time-code so the listener can locate the current soundscape at any given time. Lockwoods
sound maps are certainly rich creative responses to the rivers, and they are also functional
and accessible insights into their respective acoustic ecologies.
As rivers across the world continue to be impacted by human activity, the River Listening
project is designed to extend on the existing creative work in this area to explore a process
that could bring attention to rivers as ecological entities that deserve respect and conserva-
tion. River Listening is deeply grounded in the scientific possibilities of field recording and
the role of community engagement and multi-platform presentations. The process involves
not just composing (in the traditional sense of the word) but collaborating with the commu-
nity, listening to each river, and, at each site, responding and adapting to other processes
that may emerge.
The Noosa River positioned in a UNESCO listed Biosphere of Australia, the historic Han
River flowing through the city of Seoul, South Korea, and the Pamba River in the evocative
backwaters of Kerala, South India, formed the foundation of Barclays Sound Mirrors project.
The process was mirrored at each river involving three distinctive stages: on-site research,
field recording and composition. Each of the stages involved various elements specific to
that environment, such as community interviews and intensive study and collaborative per-
formances. The process of working with the three specific rivers in Australia, Korea, and
India was completed over the duration of three months, working in cultural immersion in
each location. In addition to the three rivers, Sound Mirrors involved shorter duration pro-
jects on the Huangpu River in Shanghai, China, and the Pearl River Delta in Hong Kong. The
realisation of Sound Mirrors was just as much about the cultural immersion in the rivers
communities as it was about the creative process.
The process in the field varied from sculpting and layering sounds recorded on location
to directly responding to the environment. The source materials range from hydrophone
recordings deep in the Noosa River, to pilgrims chanting at dusk on the banks of the Pamba
in South India. Barclay worked intuitively with these materials in each location and attempt-
317
ed to capture a living aspect of culture through focusing on various sound marks of the
environment. This project was produced on the road in makeshift studios on boats, trains,
riverbanks, and in hotel rooms while drawing further inspiration from the environment.
Working in the cultural context provided insight into the layers of tradition that were impos-
sible to access without first-hand experience. Although these rich webs of history and her-
itage raised issues of possible cultural appropriation, every effort was made to approach this
material in a culturally sensitive way. The most critical process was gathering permission
from the appropriate custodians and building strong relationships with the rivers commu-
nities. By producing these works on location, as opposed to returning to the studio, Barclay
was able to gain feedback from the local community and collaborators, which was invaluable
for her research process.
The Sound Mirrors installation has been exhibited a number of times, including the Noo-
sa Regional Gallery in Australia, the Gallery of Modern Art in Bangalore, India, and at Stellen-
bosch University in South Africa. Eleven of the resulting compositions were released as an
album, titled Transient Landscapes, and these works have also been programmed at various
conferences and festivals. Barclay also began performing Transient Landscapes as a live work
where she creates a multi-channel mix of the river soundscapes in real-time in response to
the performance location. This project has no doubt brought attention to the soundscapes
of rivers, yet its unlikely to have made any significant contribution to the conservation of
river systems. While it was a positive learning curve, Barclay recognised the potential for
creative projects to have a wider impact when combined with ongoing community engage-
ment, interdisciplinary collaborations and multi-platform outcomes. Sound Mirrors was a
starting point for these ideas, and laid the foundation forRiver Listening.
As a pilot project the River Listening Group will develop an audiovisual installation at the 25th
Anniversary Electronic Visualisation and the Arts in London, July 2014. Based on a live hy-
drophone audio-stream from the Thames, the installation will deliberately inhabit a liminal
space at the arts-science nexus, seeking to highlight the positive contributions each domain
can have on the other, and document an emerging model of aesthetic-scientific exploration.
318
6. Future Implications
As the international interest in the emerging auditory fields of bioacoustics and soundscape
ecology continues to expand, there are clear opportunities to harness virtual technologies to
develop accessible community engagement around the creative and scientific possibilities of
listening to the environment. River Listening provides a model to develop a truly interdisci-
plinary approach at the critical stage of creative development and it is anticipated the future
results will be beneficial to national ecosystem monitoring programs. It is also hoped that
River Listening could become a catalyst for community engagement and interdisciplinary
thinking at a time when the conservation and management of aquatic ecosystems is a critical
priority. At the conclusion of the River Listening labs in Queensland, the research team hope
to expand this project across Australia and beyond.
References
Barclay, L. (2013). Sonic Ecologies: Exploring the Linke, S., Gifford, T. & Kennard, M. (2013).
Soundscape The Journal of Acoustic Ecology, freshwater biodiversity through audio signa-
deChazal, J. (2010). Environmental Economics Re- River. [CD]. USA: Lovely Music.
search Hub. Retrieved from https://devpolicy. . (2004). Sound mapping the Danube River
Krause, B. (2012). The great animal orchestra. Journal of Acoustic Ecology 5(1), 324.
New York: Little, Brown and Company. . (2007). What is a river Soundscape: The
Lainhart, R. (1975). The Course of the River. [LP]. Journal of Acoustic Ecology, 7(1), 434.
319
. (2010). A Sound Map of the Housatonic
wood.com/compositions/housatonic.htm
artistswork/paine_110506.html
320
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Paulo A. M. Marques
pamarques@ispa.pt
Unidade Investigao em Eco-Etologia, ISPA-IU, Lisboa, Portugal
Museu Nacional de Historia Natural e da cincia, ULisboa, Lisboa, Portugal
Carlos B. de Arajo
cabarau@gmail.com
Departamento de Sistemtica e Ecologia, Centro de Cincias Exatas e da Natureza,
UFPB,JooPessoa, Brasil
Abstract
Soundscapes and other monitoring recordings register the acoustical activities in a locali-
ty portraying its acoustic dimension, depicting human and animal presence. Soundscapes
recordings in natural areas, including urban sites, can be used to describe biodiversity, by
documenting their presence, and characterize the environment. These recordings are thus
primary sources of information, and securing its conservation may guarantee the acoustic
memory of habitats and ecosystems. These recordings have a potential application in future
recreational, educational or research activities. Soundscape recordings, and it associated
information, if organized in a long-term data-curation framework, such as sound archives or
collections can ensure its preservation and maintain its value. Overall, after acknowledging
the need to preserve soundscapes recordings, a road map must be developed to identify past
important non-preserved recordings and to promote the inclusion of a long-term preserva-
tion strategy for recordings in starting projects.
321
1. Introduction
322
encodes species-specific information that can be used to confirm the presence of specific
species (Aubin 2004) and sound is often used as a valuable taxonomic tool to assess new
species (Biju et al. 2011). Beyond the species specific code, each species may possess a wide
range of messages each with specific ethological contexts (de Arajo, Marcondes-Machado,
and Vielliard 2011) allowing to assess the behavioral context of an individual within a sound-
scape recording.
The presence of a set of species in soundscape recordings has the observational value
of placing each species in a specific location at a determined time. This information can be
used for species distribution studies, to identify changes in community composition, such as
the presence of new exotic species or registering changes in a species range. Depending on
the recording protocol, soundscape recordings may also be useful in determining a relative
measure of species richness at a site and even as an index of abundance for some species.
Additional information about the species habits such as the breeding period or timing of
migration may also be extracted from these recordings. The consistent capture of long-term
soundscape recordings can also provide information which can be used to assess popula-
tion tendencies, and may be especially valuable for species of conservation efforts (Gilbert,
McGregor, and Tyler 1994). Soundscapes can also be used in other areas such as behavior
and evolution, for studying the relationships between noise and vocal activity of animals,
geographic variation of species calls or song evolution.
Soundscapes are also excellent vehicles for disseminating and promoting scientific
knowledge encouraging people to discover the natural world. Recordings may used in exhi-
bitions to promote interaction between visitors and the natural world by illustrating differ-
ent ecosystems, or natural cycles, endangered or extinct species. Pleasant, enjoyable, natu-
ral soundscape recordings also have esthetic value and listening to them may have a positive
impact on a persons quality of life.
323
ecosystems. Soundscape recordings hold information that may allow access to information
related to past events, inform the listener about present events and provide information to
predict future trends and the outcome of present events.
324
Specimen documentation (such as metadata) is fundamental in maintaining the scientific
value of a specimen (Lane, 1996). Specimens are always documented with information that
describes it the taxonomically, characterizing its location and date of collection among other
information. In the case of soundscape recordings additional information is needed about
the recording process; including information such as microphone (brand, model), recorder
(brand, model), microphone filtering, sample rate, bit depth, information about editing, au-
thor of the recording and/or managing the project, recording protocol, recording duration
or sound quality (Ranft 2004; Kettle and Vielliard 1991).
However, it should be noted that the capacity to preserve soundscape recordings is not
infinite and it is limited by hardware capacity (e.g. storage space) and human resources. In
this case soundscape recordists and archivists should select from within the initial pool of
recordings a subset that best suits the soundscapes collection objectives in terms of habi-
tat, temporal and geographical coverage in addition to rarity, historical value or recording
quality.
The acoustic memory approach is currently being used in the Portuguese Natural Sound-
scapes Project, which aims to create a contemporary portrait of Portuguese Natural Sound-
scapes. The project has sampled over 20 sites with a 24 h continuous cycle of recordings
using a 5 microphone array. Recordings that are being catalogued and stored to preserve
its value as acoustic memory of the sites, currently with circa 1.6 TB, 1350 recordings that
represent more then 2800 hours of recordings.
Soundscapes are changing all around reflecting a world in constant modification. Natural
communities composition will naturally change over time, but modifications in soundscapes
are especially true in cities, where mankind intensively modifies the environment to es-
tablish infrastructure such as roads, buildings, or artificial light. Such modifications in the
soundscape will not only promote changes on the species composition of an area (McClure
et al. 2013), but it will also introduce sounds from a panoply of evolving machinery from
cars to factories. In this sense soundscapes recorded periodically may depict the dynamics
of urbanization, and also as a testimonial of the presence of a specific species, community
composition, or even specific machinery over time and space.
325
4. A road map towards soundscape recordings preservation
Creating a good acoustic memory based on soundscape recordings will require a great effort
preserving existing recordings while preforming new recordings.
The action towards the preservation of existing important soundscape recordings in-
cludes an identification phase, which should encompass determining its ownership and
preservation status (preserved or not preserved) followed by assessing recoverability, im-
portance and loss risk. These actions should be followed by a preservation plan to guarantee
their conservation trough proper storage.
Within the acoustic memory context preforming new recordings to guarantee the spa-
tial and temporal representations of sound is challenging. The preservation process of these
recordings are extremely difficult in terms of storage capacity especially if we consider the
needed redundancy, that will bring further difficulties. Collaborative work may reduce the
difficulties, as it would reduce the weight over a single institution. In order to maximize the
quality of such recordings, there is the urgent need to establish standards for the recordings
metadata, as the more additional data there is, the more valuable the recording is. Finally,
due to the cost of making and keeping soundscape recordings, we must outline regional ob-
jectives, leading a series of recordings over time, which should be made in distinct localities.
5. Concluding remarks
Soundscape recordings retain valuable characteristics which clearly go beyond the value of
observational data and carry information that can be best used if organized within a frame-
work similar to an NHC framework. Soundscape recordings should be seen as part of a re-
gions scientific and cultural heritage holding information that may allow for a better un-
derstanding not only of biological processes but also of society, and the development of the
urbis. The establishment of soundscape collections would preserve the acoustic memory
and at the same time allow for the confirmation of previous studies results through verifi-
cation. Soundscapes may be used to test new hypotheses derived from technological and
conceptual advances, which may have not been envisioned at the time of collection.
326
Acknowledgments. The study was funded by project HC/0009/2009 of the Fundao para
a Cincia e a Tecnologia, MEC. PAMM was supported by grant SFRH/BPD/34846/2007
Fundao para a Cincia e a Tecnologia, MEC.
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the Past to Manage the Future. Proceedings Schafer, R. M. 1971. Tuning of the World. Vancou-
of the National Academy of Sciences 108 (23): ver: Random House Inc .
and the Cultural Evolution of Bird Songs. versity Appraisal. PLoS ONE 3 (12): e4065.
(1773).
328
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Duncan Whitley
duncan@shotgunsounds.com
Independent artist and researcher
Abstract
The Semana Santa of Seville can be understood as a re-imagining of the city through a re-
configuring of the senses: the visual, the auditory, the olfactory and the tactile. The city and
the self are transformed through the Semana Santa, the citys major annual fiesta, in a form
of multi-sensory theatre in which the urban landscape becomes the stage, co-habited by
actors and audience alike. This paper will explore the soundscapes of the Semana Santa, the
complex matrix of acoustic communication that underpins them, and how they are shaped
by Sevilles particular urban landscape, where sound and architecture take on a reciprocal
and harmonious relationship.
Keywords: acoustic communication, urban soundscape, place and identity, reflexive eth-
nographies, religion and the senses, synaesthesia
329
1. Introduction
330
The Semana Santa is a sensuous affair, whose language has a tendency towards synaes-
thetic experience: it is characterised by visual, olfactory, tactile and aural elements in in-
terplay with private and collective memory. I propose soundscape studies as useful tool in
combination with other tools for an ethnography of the Semana Santa of Seville.
1.2. Perspective
The interpretation of the Semana Santa requires a constant movement between the micro
and the macro, between isolated detail and the harmonic whole. As such, I have attempted
to present a set of ideas with a degree of non-linearity: an exploded view.
The city is inseparable from the Semana Santa, both spatially and temporally.
One cannot be understood without the other... The history of the city is not al-
ien to the history of the Semana Santa, and vice versa. They flow in parallel, they
mutually influence one another, they reflect as if they were two mirrors situated
one in front of the other. (Robles, Roldn and Torres 2012, 22-23)
331
2.2. Topography of the Semana Santa
The processions of the Semana Santa take place in public, urban space. The beginning and
end points of the processions are marked by the moments of entry and exit of the proces-
sions from the churches or chapels in which they reside (known as the entradas and salidas).
Each participating brotherhood is obliged by rule to visit the Cathedral to make its station
of penitence, passing first by the General Council of Brotherhoods3 and followed by the city
hall. Therefore the majority of Sevilles Semana Santa takes place within the historic centre,
each brotherhood with its unique itinerary through the old towns complex network of nar-
row, winding streets.
It can be seen that the Semana Santa has evolved in response to the specific character-
istics of the city. Indeed, the practical considerations of the carriage of the pasos (the heavy
floats that bear the religious images) through the tortuous streets of the historic centre have
further evolved into artistic considerations, where the navigation of a particular street cor-
ner may be elevated to a level of artistry due to its difficulty. This is particularly noticeable in
the aforementioned entradas and salidas, where the passage of the large floats through the
church doorways is calculated with mere inches to spare. For example, when the brother-
hood of Jess Despojado prepares to carry its religious images from its chapel, large crowds
gather to witness the complicated manoeuvre of the religious floats through the doorway of
the church. Due to the dimensions of the float and the doorway respectively, the float-bear-
ers are required to carry out the whole operation on their knees, and the successful com-
pletion of this act is tipically met with an emotional outburst of applause and cries of le!
from the public.
332
2.3. Lexicon of the Semana Santa
To begin any explanation of the Sevilles Semana Mayor (major fiesta) is a complicated task,
without making reference to the veritable, dialectal lexicon which has developed in parallel
to the fiesta.
The traditions of the Semana Santa, its dialectal and ethnographic actions, are
not limited to the insider world of the brotherhoods, rather they form part the
speech and the traditions of the city. In Seville, anyone knows what a trabajad-
era4 or a mara5 is, objects and terms which strictly speaking pertain to the imi-
tation of the initiates who are the nucleus from whence the terms were coined.
(Burgos 2004, 111)
The lexicon of the Semana Santa is extensive, giving linguistic expression to any of the
composite elements of the fiesta: sculpture, embroidery, silversmithing, musical composition,
musical performance, and the work (one might dare to say performance) of the float-bearers;
all of which interact in a compositional whole, completed only when experienced in fleeting
configurations within the fabric of the city.
3. Synthesis
The Semana Santa synthesises in many ways, which we will begin to explore here. It is worth
making brief note in particular of the term synchresis, a fusion of the words synchronism and
synthesis, the spontaneous and irresistible weld produced between a particular auditory
phenomenon and visual phenomenon when they occur at the same time. (Chion 1994, 63)
4.A term describing the transversal wooden beams which form part of the structure of the underside of the reli-
gious floats, which rest upon the neck and shoulders of the float-bearers in order for them to lift and carry thefloats.
5.A term describing the two candles mounted nearest to the image of the Virgin on the float.
333
through the Puerta de la Carne, whilst the band interpreted Sole, dame la mano, he is said
to have exclaimed to his host: Congratulate the composer, because I am seeing what I am
hearing and I am hearing what I am seeing!
6.Early sound recordings of the saetas of Manuel Centeno, Vallejo, Toms Pavn and others might give us some
flavour. It should be noted however, that these recordings from the Twenties were made in recording studios by
professional flamenco singers.
7.Note the four line composition of the poem (in which line one rhymes with line three, and line two with line
four) with its eight syllable per line meter. This is typical of Sevilles saetas.
334
Below which is written the dedication: To the unfortunate inmates of Sevilles prison
who, upon singing saetas to the Virgin during the Semana Santa, inspired me to conceive
this work.
8.Curiously, the sheet music is headed by the inscription Sole, dame la mano. Impression, in the form of a
funereal march.
9.Denomination for images of the Virgin depicted in mourning for Jesus Christ. In Seville sculptures of this
category are typically distinguished by glass tears on the cheeks of the image, and a white handkerchief carried
in the right hand.
10.Chion 1994, 71-73.
335
4. Centripetal soundscape
The soundscapes of the Semana Santa, as we will see, are oriented around the religious floats
and the religious images borne upon them. Each procession typically carries two religious
floats: the first bears the image of Christ, or a collection of figures including Christ and to-
gether narrating a scene from the Passion (known as the paso de Cristo or paso de misterio
respectively); the second bearing the Dolorosa, referred to as the paso de palio. The floats
carried by a given brotherhood are separated spatially by a number of Nazarenos (literally,
Nazarenes), hooded members of the brotherhood processing in files two abreast. In this way,
the soundscapes of each procession can be seen as having two moving centres (or one or
three, in the cases of brotherhoods who carry these numbers of floats), which wind through
the city across several hours following the brotherhoods processional route. Six to eight
brotherhoods process on each of the seven days of the Semana Santa11, such that at any one
time there are a number of processions traversing the streets simultaneously. A map of the
soundscapes of the Semana Santa might give us a picture of a number of moving focal points,
all passing at some point down the Official Route leading to the Cathedral.
11.With the exception of Easter or Resurrection Sunday, when only one brotherhood has its procession.
12.principally, Bandas de Cornetas and Tambores and Agrupaciones Musicales in accompaniment to the pasos de
Cristo and pasos de misterio, and Bandas de Msica accompanying the Virgins, each with their distinct intrumenta-
tion and repertoire.
336
prison was demolished in 1932), the band accompanying the Virgin interprets Sole, dame la
mano. There are countless examples of other such employments of processional music that
achieve this high degree of site or context-specificity.
4.2. Saetas
As has been previously mentioned, the saetas are flamenco prayers, sung from balconies
or from the streets as the floats are carried past, forming part of the centripetal pattern
that we are sketching. The saetas are typically sung as the floats are detained (to afford the
float-bearers a rest), at which time the processional music is also detained.
Saetas are often prepared or improvised to make some specific reference to the place in
which they are sung, the religious images to which they are addressed, or the circumstances
in which the singer finds themselves at that time. Consider for example the two five-line
verses of this saeta sung by Pili del Castillo in 2013. The verses describe the face of the Virgin
of Las Aguas, to whom the singer addresses her saeta, then lamenting the absence of Pepe
Perejil, saeta singer and close friend of Pili del Castillo who died in 2011:
Si al llegar a tu capilla
Notas que te falta algo
No llores tu madre ma
Que Perejil desde el cielo
Seguro que te est cantando
337
If arriving at your chapel
You notice that you are missing something
Do not cry, Mother of mine
Im sure that Perejil
Is singing to you from the Heavens
A more or less artistically formed knocker, whose dry and spaced knocks alert
the float-bearers that the march is to be resumed, and give the signal for the
lifting of the float. The martillo - which constitutes a complete system of com-
munication between the foreman and float-bearers, with its opportune seman-
tic code - knocks against the perno, a metal support which enhances the per-
cussive effect. (Burgos 2004, 39)
The vernacular of the foreman in Sevilles Semana Santa is expressive in every facet of
the carrying of his work: the giving of orders to the unsighted float-bearers (which is his
principle job); encouraging and inspiring his float-bearers to overcome difficult moments;
and the solemn dedications to those no longer here. The local accent of Seville finds itself
exaggerated in the voice of the capataz, applied together with the rules of economy of Se-
villes dialect, to produce phrases such as:
338
Which in traditional Spanish reads:
Vmanos otra vez, mi alma! Todos por igual, valientes! A sta [vez] es!
Meaning in English:
This kind of exposition of the voice clearly moves beyond a closed system of commu-
nication between the foreman and his team of float-bearers, entering into the realm of the
performative:
This kind of voice to order the lifting of the float, varies and multiplies into in-
finity. Around an invariable semantic scheme (the calling to attention of the pa-
tero13, the cry of a esta !, the execution of the knock of the martillo), every
discrete circumstance and the greater or lesser inspiration of each foreman
gives it a special style. Each foreman gives the voice of command an inflexion
with his own personal style, charging the accents melodically in each case. In
this way, the ritual phrases... acquire the character of the psalms of the muezzin,
almost of gypsy or flamenco song. (Burgos 2004, 48)
4.4. Silence
Not all of the religious images are accompanied by processional bands: A number of the
images are preceded by a three-piece woodwind section, comprising clarinet, oboe and
bassoon, which announced the arrival of the religious images with short, sombre piece of
music known as a saetilla14. These saetillas have the effect of quietening the awaiting crowd,
and a profound hush can fall amongst the multitude, observed in increasing rigour with the
proximity of the religious image. The hush of the crowd is like an inverted reflection of the
soundscape of the processional bands, fading away to an intense silence with the proximity
of the pasos, and fading up to a sea of chattering once more as the religious images pass out
of site.
13.Patero is the denomination given to the float-bearers positioned at each of the four corners of the float
14.Literally, a small arrow, or saeta.
339
In this quietened environment, punctuated by coughs and camera clicks, a whole set of
sounds associated the pasos become audible and foregrounded: the unison shuffling of feet
of the float-bearers, the creaking of the wooden floats, the tinkling of the twelve poles that
support the canopy above the Virgin. In his chapter entitled Sevillian Acoustic, Ramn Cu
describes the silence more poetically:
Be quiet, and you will hear the sputtering of the candles carried by the passing
members of the brotherhood, all chanting with their tongues of light; and you
will hear the dripping of wax, gentle and luminous, upon the streets.
And so you will be ready to hear the music of the palio of the Virgin. An angelic
symphony! Sevillian carillon! The creaking of its silver poles; the tinkling of the
bambalinas; the sound of the buzzing hive of wax that weeps knelt before the
Virgin; and the carnation that doubles up wilted in the heat. (Cu 2006, 84)
References
Rosalibros
Azul
Westport/London:Ablex Publishing
340
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Mohammed Boubezari
boubezari@gmail.com
Parque EXPO and CAPS - IST, Lisbon, Portugal
Abstract
Unlike the theoretical models of perception that separate the subject and the object and fill
the distance between them with sound signal, is there another model based on contact and
which reduces that distance to zero? In other words: what if sound perception was objec-
tively an haptic modality?
Starting from concrete examples, observed in a survey of inhabitants and public place
soundscape mapping, this paper shows that sound perception is a matter of touch and
therefore, sound topologies.
The results confirm the intuition of Merleau-Ponty rather than Husserl (Dasture 1988) on
the issue of touch in perception process and in particular in its relationship with vision. The
concept of sensitive topology simplifies the model of perception beyond the sound phenom-
enon. Examples are shown with the questions and assumptions arising therefrom.
341
1. Introduction
Starting from the premise that the perception is what provides the link with the environment,
what interests us is the human environment, artificialized, urbanized, developed andbuilt.
In this perspective, even if the human body remains the home of the sensory organs,
the percepts and the representations of the perceiving subject, it is nonetheless that it is
still the best instrument of capture, analysis and description of the environment that we
are interested on. Then it is legitimate that the body be considered, here, the instrument of
investigation on sensitive space and not its object.
In considering the subject-body-sensitive as well, the second postulate is that the body
wrap becomes in its entirety the surface of contact with the environment. It is at its level
that the environment is seized or not. The modality being the junction, palpation, touch or
contact. But in this case, what about the so-called remote senses as sight or hearing?
The question asked here is to say: can we consider the skin,self-envelope, as a single organ of
sense, complex and specialized in some parts in line with the needs to be collected, or should
we continue to separate the senses each in its category, each category inherent to a physical
data of the environment, light, sound,... and to each sense its specialized organ, the eye, the
ear, tongue, the nose etc, and consider skin as the rest of the sensitive envelope that is in
charge of other data from the environment as heat, pressure, pain, etc....?
We will see below that the perception occurs at contact level with the overall self-enve-
lope, all senses confused. Perception in distance is only a potential perception, a contact to
become, and dependent of an action strategy to be fulfilled. But first, let us take for example
the view. Far from psycho-physiological approaches,certainly interesting,on the organ of
sense or the subject receiving, look us on this dialogue between two theoretical patterns of
Husserl and Merleau-Ponty which best leads us to our topic of interest.
342
2.1. Rversibilit des sens chez Husserl et Merleau-Ponty
The visible body, to an observer, reveals the epidermal limit to which eye has accustomed us.
This bodily envelope is the tangible topology in which the body is in space. Touching ones
body is browsing its topology. But for Husserl this reveals the dual function of touch, where
touchieris himself touched, and where the touch sense acquires then the status of main
sense in the constitution of the living body. In this way, the differentiation between oneself
and the world can be. Reversibility that eye doesnt have. Merleau-Ponty, basing on this prin-
ciple of reversibility of the sense, doesnt privilege the fact that a sense can be the object of
its own perception.
All in all, the reflexivity of the sense in Husserl is looped on the subject himself: only
touch can verify this rule. In Merleau-Ponty, reflexivity is entered in the space of visibility
and is open to others: I am visible for me as well as for others, tangible etc. Reflexivity is here
in sharing space.
The first theoretical advantage that we draw is the issue of distance in the reflexivity of
the senses.
For Husserl it must be zero and only touch is capable of this sensitive closure. Sight and
hearing are apart from the object that they perceive. For Merleau-Ponty there is no distance
between the perceived object and perceiving subject regardless of the perceptual modality.
Vision, hearing, touching occurs at the place of the subject. In other words, objects are per-
ceptible at the level of the skin and not at the place where their physical topology are.
343
What do we ear, in fact? Pierre Schaeffer responded cautiously, staying in the same area
of the sound space setting the sound object. This unloads him of linking the sound object to
the modality visible or tangible.
Far before everyone else, in the middle of the 17th century, Athanasius Kirsher (1673) de-
fined the focus of a sound as a phonocamptique centre. Thus placing the sound source in a
geometric space, this model is as prudent as that of Pierre Schaeffer, for in situ the phenom-
enon is much more complex because sounds fill up with information of solid bodies that they
encounter in their journey, by transmission, reflection, resonance, reverb etc, and arrive to
the skin, the eardrum, as gross sounds. What does one ears then?
Between the isolated singular sound source, the sound environment in which it is trans-
formed and the sound environment in which it is registered, only the ear as an instrument
and the perception as a process of connection with the milieu can make the semantic dis-
tinction between all these components and also between the sources themselves. The lan-
guage expresses these different components. Despite the distance covered, it is clear that it
is at the level of the ear that occurs the feeling that reveals the object and, in this case, the
distance is null. The physical distance between the source and the listening point is a dis-
tance between a point in Euclidean space where solids are arranged, and the sound space
where the sense of hearing operates. This follows two consequences:
It does not listen to the sound sources remotely, it listen to sound topologies by
touch through this specialized part of the skin that is the ear. Listening is not a distal
perception it is well a proximal.
Sound topology, all areas of equal sensation of listening in space, is an integral part of
the sound object despite the distance that separates it from the central point,which
is the source.
As you will see below, the sound topologies were observed and measured first in domes-
tic spaces during an investigation on sound comfort among residents and next, in the public
areas of Lisbon, including the public gardens.
There is a noticeable difference between the domestic and the public sensitive space. Be-
cause of the configuration of the constructed walls that obstruct the view, the sound has
344
more far-reaching than the view. That is the visible topology is included in the sound topol-
ogy. In the public space it is the reverse. We see further more than we listen.
This first case is simple and measured noise is the noise level of the S source, at differ-
ent places in the apartment. This is an acoustical topology because it is not yet a matter of
perception.
345
In a second step, the limit of audibility of a source emitting a known music was measured
in an atmosphere surrounded by white noise in a confined space. The first case with a white
noise of 56 dB and the second with 6dB less gain. Then, we got two curves corresponding to
two sound topologies of music, as the background noise is high or low.
The sound topology is therefore Shaped also by masking noise in his presence.
However, outside experimentation, and in the presence of naturally domestic sources
these only mask themselves only rarely between them. They add to define what the inhab-
itant mean. So, we have distinguish three types of configurations of the sound topologies in
the domestic sound space:
346
1. The sound space is heterogeneous and discontinuous. Each sound topology S1, S2,
S3, S4,.. is separated from others, the inhabitant e can only listen to one at a time.
2. The sound space is heterogeneous but continuous. Topologies are separated but
they share a portion of the domestic space where they mix.
3. The sound space is homogeneous and continuous. The ear is in permanent contact
with all topologies everywhere in space.
In the third case, the inhabitant can designate the topology sum of all and consider it as
a single topology, as for example a party . He can also designate grouped topologies sep-
arately as for example focus on listening to music while other sources parasitize selective
listening. In this third case we clearly understands the importance of the language by its
faculty to nominate things for expressing an intention of perception. It is in this way that
language and perception are linked.
It has been shown that it was sufficient that sound of water exceeds of 3 dB the back-
ground masking noise to become audible. Several topologies corresponding to the variation
of ambient background noise were represented (Fig.4)
The experience has been reproduced in the Jardim da Estrela garden in Lisbon where
there are a variety of sources all far from urban automobile traffic masking.
347
Figure 5. Ducks, musicians, bells and children in Jardim de Estrela, Lisbon.
All these topologies represent the spatial limit from which they are noticeable. Outside
this limit there is no sensation of the sound because there is no contact. Within this limit,
perception or more precisely the feeling intensifies itself. The acoustic pressure increases.
348
This allows us to say that the sound perception is a matter of touch. The ear being then that
specialized part of skin.
Given this result, a question arises: what is touched? The sound of an object? Or the
object itself?
First answer by which it is commonly attempted to answer is that we listen to the sound of
an object that is potentially touchable. The object boils down to its solid topology and the
sound to the signal which emanates from as is the case of vision. However, there arevisible
topologies that contradict this rule .
The potential haptic topology in the eyesight offers the possibility of detecting solid
forms without making the effort to touch them. Even better, it offers the possibility to reveal
the forms which are not solids (fig. 6) and that the touch cannot confirm. The surface of the
water or the halo of flame are topologies that occupy the space, visible from far away but
never close.
However, as visual topologies, they are manifested at the level of the retina. The visual
topology boundary is where the retina can see.
349
But all topologies are not visible as for example sound or thermal topologies. For the
flame, there is an aureole that is perceptible to the touch but it corresponds to a thermal
topology. This is the way that a birth blind person knows a candle, certainly not as pictured.
Arranged concentrically, these sensitive topologies are certainly configured specifically
for each object. Is this configuration measurable? Quantifiable? Certainly as long as the dis-
tance between these sensitive topologies remains itself measurable and the intensity of the
signal on the skinpressure is also measurable.
How these topologies interact in the sensitive space? By intermodal masking? or by solid
masking?
Certainly these questions open up interesting hypotheses about the architecture of the
sensitive space.
5. Conclusion
Solid topologies are not sovereign in the architecture of the sensitive space. They appear for
touch in the same way they are described by language from far. They seem to be important
because the human body is itself solid. But in fact, space is filled with sensitive topologies
that are all pertinent.
The study of the human environment and particularly the soundscape can not settle for
only physical measures from energy sources. They shall relate sensitive topologies and how
they fit together and configure this if singular form that we call ambiance.
Sensitive topologies fill the epistemological gap between physical world and the sensi-
tive one? Or, they show us that the world is still sensitive even when it is quantifiable?
References
Franoise, Dasture, Monde, Chair, Vision in Levinas, Emmanuel, Thorie de lintuition dans la
350
Merleau-Ponty, Maurice. Lil et lesprit.Paris,
essais
. Phnomnologie de la perception.Paris,
Gallimard, 1945.
mars 2004
351
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Marc Crunelle
marc.crunelle@ulb.ac.be
PhD student Architecture and Landscape Architecture, University of Edinburgh, UK
Abstract
352
1. The project
The idea of creating a collection of texts concerning the sonic environment of European cities
dates back to the reading of Murray Schafers The Tuning of the World. This book left a pro-
found mark on me, providing the initial spark for the development of this research.
So the evocation of the yelling street sellers in London, the tumultuous noise of Parisian
streets, the complaints against street singers and the meaning of the different bell rhythms
in Middle Age towns, the noise of the grinding wheels, the songs of the workers and all the
sonic signals of the Middle Ages that Schafer uses in his book to illustrate what he calls the
soundscape, constituted a true discovery. At the same time, I felt he preached to the con-
verted The vivacity of those descriptions had moved me, as I found in them an urban life
that was not spoken of in classes on the history of architecture and urban planning. It was the
living reality of a given area, a given space, that often provoked my astonishment, as I said to
myself Ah, this is what it was like?
The excitement of those descriptions encouraged me to enquire and find out more. Now,
the great majority of publications concerning the role and importance of the senses in the past
only mention 2 or 3 examples (therefore reinforcing the impact of Schafers book). Coming to
terms with this frustration, I decided to collect at least one hundred of such sonic descriptions
with the aim to build a solid database from which we would have a more precise idea of the
sonic ambiances of cities of the past and present.
(Since then, a website regrouping a considerable number of quotes has been created at
the end of 2011: www.lavilledessens.net)
353
2. The choice of quotes
Wishing to maintain a phenomenological approach, I searched only for quotes from travellers
writings, personal letters or personal communications, excluding other literary quotes as I
convinced myself that one could not trust the sonic imagery of authors of fiction, or the lyrical
descriptions which originated from their excitement for sounds and noises.
On the other hand, another database regrouping literary descriptions of sonic ambiances
had been built by Barry Truax: (http://www.sfu.ca/~truax/) World Soundscape Project
Sound References in Literature. The selection of these quotes is based essentially on novels
and the Bible.
Why travellers writings? Because it proves difficult to describe ones own town, the acous-
tic milieu in which we bathe all the time. On the contrary, when we travel, we are surprised
by an unknown smell, by the din that reigns in certain towns, by the freshness of the can-
yon-like streets of Madrid. The encounter with a new town astonishes us, makes us aware of
its difference, its singularity and all those things that we are not used to listening: unusual
sounds, noises, surprising or even unbearable sonorities.
Lived experience, the value of direct descriptions, is what I found in these texts, even
though Henry James (1900, preface, p. IV.) goes so far as to say that it is perception of surface.
As Paul de Musset (1964, intro, p. VII) and the marquis of Beaufort (1839, introduction)
explain it:
354
The reader will pardon me if I will not speak to him of everything. I will only choose
that which has most captured my attention: I will give my opinion and not that of
my neighbor. Where I say: such thing is, one must to understand such restriction
as according to my feeling
I offer these letters to the public as I have written them, in the places I traversed.
Quickly sketched under the fire of my impressions, I consider them of some utility,
whereas any correction or elegance in style would only alter the frankness of my
writings.
Despite the subjectivity of these quotes, they provide, regrouped together, a more complete
and sharper image of the soundscape of cities. Hyppolite Taine (1910), in his introduction to
Notes on England, centers the essence of such annotations: The English have a very good
habit, that of travelling to foreign countries and taking note of their impressions on their return
home; these collected accounts complete each other and allow the verification of each others
authenticity. I think it would be good to imitate our neighbors, and as for me, I try to do so. One
should say what one has seen, and only that; observations, given they be personal and provided
with the best of intentions, are always useful.
Of such descriptions written with the best of intentions, one can find the same sincerity
in the letters of Victor Hugo, de Brosses, Viollet-le-Duc, and other authors who were never
interested in publishing, like Henrica Rees Van Tets, Andr Jacobsen, whose travelling notes
were only found at the end of the twentieth century. There are no effects, no exaggerations,
only genuine descriptions of lived experience:
It is an astonishing thing, the immense difference that exists between seeing and
hearing about: the sight of things themselves has an incomparable power on our
soul; it leaves behind the tales, the descriptions and the most laborious studies.
(de Beauffort, 1839, p186)
355
4. First impressions
Organised in sequence and in a simple chronological order, the quotes acquire a surprising
form, which can be associated to a poetic of sensation and at the same time, to a long
surrealist collage.
5. The effect
356
Even in silent movies showing the traf-fic of Parisian streets at the beginning of the twen-
tieth century: we see the noise, but we dont hear it as Nooteboom writes (1993, p. 21).
Furthermore, these quotes are truly what we could call memory activators:
Whether we want it or not, we have an active role in the reading of these texts, that makes
us bring back life into images, offering a sonic dimension to pictures we thought we already
knew very well.
Sometimes a detail can set off a series of questions or pushes us to new interpretations.
For example, in 1933, a young English traveller called Patrick Leigh Fermor (2003, p. 45), writes
that he is awakened by the noise of wooden shoes on the paving stone of a Dutch town. Im-
mediately I mentally skim through illustrations, paintings, pictures of the beginning of the XX
century where quite a large number of people were portrayed with wooden shoes, images
were the hammering of the wooden shoes was absent.
When I read Victor Hugo (s.d. p. 414), who, looking at the city of Mayence along the Rhine
one evening when all the noise had vanished, noted that only the sound of the 17 watermills
was still functioning, Im persuaded to look differently at the old engravings of this river.
Those texts tell of other lived experiences that have the ability to make us dream, to waken
other memories, to recall other aspects of the urban space that do not appear in photo-graphs.
This equally pushes us to reinterpret and to question certain buildings of the past.
Con-fronted with the famous Falling Water House by Frank Lloyd Wright, how many archi-
tects ask themselves if this site is not in fact a highly noisy environment?
In what way do these accounts come closer to the contemporary world than one would
think at first sight? How can they speak to us so directly?
This is the domain of perception, and refers mainly to 2 things:
1. we are in the domain of the human, of the lived, perceived, felt as psychologists
say, and above all, in all these accounts, Man is the measure, the only instrument
of p
erception. Thats why we feel so close to the authors, why these texts speak so
obviously to us.
2. our sensory instruments have not changed in 5000 years. Its because we have the
same eyes, the same ears, the same nose that we can live again the same way certain
colour experiences described by Goethe; experience the focalisation of sounds in the
centre of a cupola, as in the hall of the Altes Museum in Berlin; feel the scale of the
gesture in the paint-ings in Lascaux; life again the smell of the humid earth after the
rain or the smell of freshly cut grass described by so many authors; or trace back the
intentions of Greek architects when we look closely at the optical corrections of the
Doric temples.
357
It is the same man that we find in those quotes, speaking of ancient cities, of disappeared
areas and forgotten professions.
These accounts are the only sonic archives that we possess from distant periods in history.
If we have drawings that are 15.000 years old and sculptures that are much older, these
quotes are the only evidence of acoustic experience prior to our modern methods of recording,
which are little more that one hundred years old. We have an abundance of pictures showing
life scenes in old towns, it is astonishing however, when looking at ancient paintings, d
rawings
or old photographs showing streets populated by crowds of horses, onlookers, hawkers or
market places full of people, to find them so silent and odourless. Those facts, so present in
reality, once painted or depicted on paper, lose these characteristics and intensity. Crowds
and horse hooves on paving stones become silent, streets become odourless and buildings
lose the heat radiation of the sunrays.
All these characteristics so present in life, because invisible and transparent, they find
themselves erased due to the fact that we are not able to represent them visually.
Hence the interest of those descriptions from travellers, of the complaints registered
through the epochs and the fact that people were already complaining in Ancient Rome!
Finally, today we can build sound maps of old cities, tools that could help historians unveil
aspects of daily living in earlier times.
References
Beckford William. Journal intime au Portugal marquis de Beauffort. Souvenirs dItalie par un
et en Espagne, 1787-1788. Paris: Librairie Jos catholique. cinquime dition, Bruxelles: So-
Fermor Patrick Leigh. Les temps des offrandes 186. [trad. Laura De Caro]
A pied jusqu Constantinople: de la Corne de Musset Paul. Voyage pittoresque en Italie. Par-
de Hollande au moyen Danube. Paris: Petite is: Belin-Leprieur et Morizot, Editeurs, 1964,
Bibliothque Payot / Voyageurs, 2003, p. 45. introduction, p. VII. [trad. Laura De Caro]
James Henri. A little tour in France. Cambridge: Nooteboom Cees. Chemin dEspagne. Arles: Actes
Printed at The Riverside Press, 1900, pref- Sud, 1993, p. 21. [trad. Laura De Caro]
XXIII. Paris: ed. Nelson, s. d., p. 414. Taine H. Notes sur lAngleterre. Paris: Hachette,
358
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Vermeire Simona
simfosimfo@gmail.com
PHD Literature, Braga, Portugal
Vermeire Geert
geert.vermeire@themilena.com
noTours, Santiago de Compostela, Spain
Abstract
A research of the walk in the works of Saramago and Stefaan van Biesen in Lisbon: in a the-
oretical approach, a research emphasizing on representations of the city in a promenado-
logical discovery and in a practical approach, where this urban discovery is concretized in a
space of artistic and social transformation. As an urban intervention project it investigates,
documents and enhances the aural heritage of the city through participation of residents,
materialized in the composition of a soundwalk, building a locative media instrument based
on the noTours platform, referring to the Spaziergangwissenschaft (the science of walking)
implying the community, in a kinetic esthetics, in the planification of their own city through
minimal interventions and by going on foot, in this project elaborated as a public artistic
laboratory in the space of Lisbon as a reconstruction of the urban space harmonizing its own
sensoriality out of literary texts and artistic works.
Keywords: urban sounds, sense of place, sound walk, promenadology, locative media, litera-
ture, visual arts, sensoriality, society
359
Most people dont see whats going on around them. Thats my principal mes-
sage to writers: for Gods sake, keep your eyes open. Notice whats going on
around you! (William S. Burroughs)
1. Introduction
In this project we propose a study of walking in the city of Lisbon through a literary, son-
ic, social and artistic interpretation of the literary works of Jos Saramago and the artistic
oeuvre of Stefaan van Biesen.
The title Passeio Branco (White Walk) refers to the harmonization of the connected rep-
resentations of walking in the city based on the novels The Year of the Death of Ricardo Reis
and Blindness. Building on this thoughts, it is the white of blindness that accentuates the
sensorial potential of the body during the straying of the blind people in any urban space,
as well as an association with the image of the white capital Lisbon, the city landscape for
the day-to-day walks of Ricardo Reis. The pedestrian dynamics that refines the image of
Lisbon through a promenadologic stylistics are presented as an archive of the atmosphere,
the history and the presence of the events of the city, not only as a visual mental map of the
character Ricardo Reis, but above all, as a sensorial map of the organic reflexes of the body
in the urban space.
In this sequence of thoughts,we emphasize on the substitution of the visual turn of the
city with this sensorial turn in a reconstruction of the city of Lisbon, mapping olfactic, hap-
tic, sonic, gustative and kinaesthesic landscapes. This intense phenomenological exploration
transforms the walk to a footnote in the veined texture of the city, filled with folds where
the urban heartbeat reaches the surface, the social microclimate and the historic patina of
Lisbon. The general objective of our proposal views the idiosyncratic recuperation of the
literary and the artistic image of the city of Lisbon through the kinetics of the walk in the
novel The Year of the Death of Ricardo Reis and in the artistic vision of the works about this
novel by Stefaan van Biesen, and as well the creation of a public and artistic laboratory in the
space of Lisbon within our project Passeio Branco that concentrates on the reconstruction
of the urban space harmonizing its own sensoriality out of the literary texts of Saramago and
the artistic works of Stefaan van Biesen.
360
2. The science of walking
Na realidade, existe uma diferena entre a viso e o tacto: ela separa o primado
da viso do primado da sensao, quer dizer, separa a expresso da impresso.
A viso expressiva porque retm do que v a expresso das coisas. Estabelece
uma semitica que lhe permite reconhecer-se no mundo. Enquanto a sensao
do tacto impressionista porque d um eco interior exterioridade. O tocar
torna tctil o que escapa viso. O tacto introduz-nos numa sensorialidade
eufrica, em lugares cegos e fechados, onde se produzem prazeres a trs di-
menses.1 (Andrieu, 2004:69)
1.Actually there is a difference between seeing and touching, it separates the priority of seeing of the priority
of feeling, this means, it separates the expression of the impression. Seeing is expressive because it depots of the
expression of things. It establishes a semiotics that allows you to identify yourself in the world. While the sen-
sation of the touch is impressionistic because it gives an interior echo to the exterior, the touch transforms into
tactile what escapes to the vision. The touch introduces us to a euphoric sensoriality, in blind and closed spots,
where pleasures produce themselves in three dimensions. (in Portuguese).
361
an instrument for knowledge as reflected in psychogeography goes back as far as mid 19th
century Paris and to Charles Baudelaires 1863 essay The painter of Modern Life where he
describes the flneur, a person who walks the city to experience it. The first major written
work by a flneur practitioner was the unfinished Arcades project by Walter Benjamin, docu-
menting his walks in the former arcades of Paris. The concept of a passive urban walker was
transformed by Andr Breton in 1920 into walking as a positive tool to challenge perceptions
of the city.In the 1950ies psychogeography arises as one of a set of ideas and practices devel-
oped by the International Lettristes (who later gave birth to the Situationists), a study of how
places affect the psychological states of those who pass through them. With a reciprocal
meaning: that the places might be changed in order to change the experiences and mental
states of their residents and visitors.
Psychogeography was defined in 1955 by Guy Debord in Introduction to a Critique of Ur-
ban Geography in 1955and producing theTheory of the Drive in 1958, a document which
essentially serves as an instruction manual for the psychogeographic procedure, executed
through the act of drive (drift).
In the late 1960ies this was followed by first encounters between art and walking. Rich-
ard Long with A Line Made by Walking (1967), then 22 years old and a student at Saint Mar-
tins School of Art in London, walked back and forth along a straight line in the grass in the
English countryside, leaving a track that he then photographed in black and white.
Another milestone work is the video made by Bruce Nauman Walking in an Exaggerated
Manner Around the Perimeter of a Square (1969), a work intriguing by its simplicity, only
composed with time, space and the body.
Walking as an instrument for art culminated in the work of Marina Abramovic The Lov-
ers, Great Wall of China (1988), an epic voyage on foot of 5.500 km undertaken with her col-
league Ulay, as last of the many performances they realized together. Each of them, begin-
ning at the opposite end of the wall walking towards each other, until they met and reunited,
with as a final goal to say goodbye to each other. A gestureovercomes pain and endurance.
Other major contemporary artists as Hamish Fulton, Francis Als, Janet Cardiff, Gabriel
Orozco and as well interdisciplinary collectives as Stalker (Italy) with ON/Osservatorio No-
made made a bridge from the late 1960ies to the 21st century and influenced the contempo-
rary art scene intensely with walking as a tool for art practice.
Recent art exhibitions show how art walking keeps captivating the public, for example
Richard Longs Heaven and Earth at Tate Britain (2009), Francis Als Story of Deception
at Tate Modern (2010), Hamish Fulton Walk at Turner Contemporary Margate (2012) and
Walk On. 40 Years of Art Walking in Sunderland (2013).
362
Artists walks are shaped in different forms. Some artists trace their daily movements,
with our without GPS devices. Others record or photograph their walks, make paths or loose
themselves deliberately, let them guide by wind capturing devices or stumble in the dark and
capture, transform and translate their walks into art objects or experiences.
The Belgian artist-writer-walker Stefaan van Biesen joints himself with this select group
of international walking artists, connecting explicitly with the visions of the Swiss sociologist
and urbanist, Lucius Burckhardt [1925-2003] who introduced the Spaziergangwissenschaft,
the science of walking, expanding it to a subjective thought exercise in the urban texture
and the landscape, resulting in the recent projects Sensitive islands and Libraries of Walks
(2010-2013), interacting with literary works of Jos Saramago and Fernando Pessoa and lead-
ing to this newest walking project Passeio Branco in Lisbon (2015-217) based on The Year of
the Death of Ricardo Reis.
Introduced as a discipline on the academic curriculum at the University of Kassel (as well
organizing city of the important Art Biennale Documenta), Spaziergangwissenschaft or the
science of walking in the urban landscape implies the community, in a kinetic esthetics, in
the planification of their own city through minimal interventions and by going on foot, which
can change the perception in relation to the space.
After the introduction of promenadology at the University of Kassel in the eighties it
stayed on the curriculum till 1997 and was continued by his studentsMartin Schmitz and by
Bertram Weisshaar in the University of Leipzig in 2006-2007. In 2007 Klaus Schaefer created
at the Bremen University the seminar On foot as a topic of scientific research where the ur-
ban landscape becomes a mental construction through the intentional consciousness-rais-
ing of the senses of the body. On this moment the promenadology is an artistic object in
various international projects realized within the fabric of society, like by Atelier Latent in
Leipzig, coordinated by Bertram Weisshaar. The discipline knew a parallel development in
France via the urban walks created by Yves Clerget.
In Portugal the original term Spaziergangwissenschaft was translated and introduced
intothe lexicon of the Portuguese language by the sociologist Jos Machado Pais in his book
Nos Rastos da Solido (On the trails of loneliness) in 2006: the promenadology becomes an
instrument for social observation of the city. To caption the urban reality in sensory mean-
ings, emphasizing the feeling, refers to a multimodal body in a physical implication in the city
space of Lisbon.On this way, the cognitive dimension of the urban space articulates itself in
a personalized urban layer, by means of a somatic choreography:
363
O corpo motor , assim, um corpo cartografante: os lugares por onde passa or-
ganizam-se como um mapa. E o mapa, ao revelar o corpo atravs dos lugares por
onde passou, emerge como uma metfora do conhecimento (da relao entre o
corpo e o lugar).2 (Silva, 1999: 27)
Stefaan van Biesen is one of the important artists, on an international level, who investi-
gates promenadology on an aesthetical way (by means of plastic work, multimedia, installa-
tions and performances, contextualized in social projects). His artistic oeuvre has an affinity
with the work of another famous walker, Fernando Pessoa. The plastic corpus of Stefaan van
Biesen is an important artistic comment on a Pessoa-logical vision. We integrate for exam-
ple his oeuvre in a critical analysis of the literary representation of the city of Lisbon, which
leads to this joint project with the artist, Passeio Branco, and artistic and literary research
of Lisbon by means of the phenomenology of the walk: If the image is text, then the body is
space. If texts can create images, then spaces can change bodies and vice versa. (Hallensle-
ben, 2010:93).
The literary reading of the kinetics of the body in the city, in this case by means of an
urban research of the oeuvre of the Portugese writers Jos Saramago and Fernando Pessoa
related to the plastic dimension of the oeuvre of Stefaan van Biesen, doesnt mean a rift with
the daily perception, but follows the emancipatory and intimate logic of a new association
between the epidermis of the urban space and its sensory somatic potential. On this way,de-
rive through the city presents a broadened consciousness-raising of the senses. A cross-pol-
lination that magnifies the phenomenological scheme of the city:
La relation de lhomme qui marche sa cit, ses rues, ses quartiers, quil
les connaisse dj ou les dcouvre au fil de ses pas, est dabord une relation
affective et une exprience corporelle. Un fond sonore et visuel accompagne sa
dambulation, sa peau enregistre les fluctuations de la temprature et ragit
au contact des objets ou de lespace. Il traverse des nappes dodeurs pnibles
ou heureuses. Cette trame sensorielle donne au cheminement au fil des rues
une tonalit plaisante ou dsagrable selon les circonstances. Lexprience de
la marche urbaine sollicite le corps en son entier, elle est une mise en jeu con-
stante du sens et des sens. (Breton, 2000 : 121)
2.The body as a motor is, in this way, a map-making body: the places where it passes through, there it organiz-
es itself as a map. And the map, revealing the body through the places where it passed, appears as a metaphor of
knowledge (of the relation between body and place). (in Portuguese).
364
3. Summarizing description of the Project Passeio Branco
With this conceptual background we propose two currents of the research of the walk in the
works of Saramago and Stefaan van Biesen: a theoretical current, a research that emphasizes
the representations of the city of Lisbon in a promenadological discovery and in a practical
current,where this urban discovery is concretized in a space of artistic and social transfor-
mation in this project.
Investigating the novel The Year of the Death of Ricardo Reis by Jos Saramago with this
promenadologic experience as point of departure as manifested in a social and artistic pro-
ject and coupling the theoretical paradigm dedicated to walking and the literary perspective
of the sensationalism in the works of Fernando Pessoa in the construction of the urban im-
age of Lisbon, on this way we consider our proposal as a new approach that can open various
hypotheses in the promenadologic interpretation, retrieved from literary texts.
The matrix of our analytical trajectory, departing from the novel The Year of the Death of
Ricardo Reis and the drawings of Stefaan van Biesen inspired by it, is a new semiotics of the
city of Lisbon constructed through a poetic kinetics of the body, an authentic phenomeno-
logical opportunity of manifolding unprecedented literary and visual representations. In this
sense, an analysis of the promenadological topic overlapping the visions of Saramago and
Stefaan van Biesen takes into account the direct sensorial experience between the body and
the city, and indirectly through synesthetical correspondences.
On this way the walk becomes an instrument of the body to awake an alert conscious-
ness in relation to the urban space, but as well in relation to the own destiny:
It is not well like this, when I decided to travel to Lisbon it seemed like I had rea-
sons that I couldnt escape of, important matters to handle with overthere, And
now, Now, the phrase suspended, stayed the looking into the mirror in front of
you, Now I see myself as the elephant that feels approaching to the hour of death
and that starts walking to the place where it leads to his death3[] (Saramago,
1995:81).
3.No bem assim, quando resolvi embarcar para Lisboa parecia-me que tinha razes a que no podia fugir,
questes importantssimas a tratar c, E agora, Agora, suspendeu a frase, ficou a olhar o espelho na sua frente,
Agora vejo-me como o elefante que sente aproximar-se a hora de morrer e comea a caminhar para o lugar aon-
de tem de levar a sua morte [...] . (in Portuguese).
365
The kinetics of the surprised body in daily walks ajusts and widens the perception in
relation the the own urban environment, eliminating the prefabricated representations in
favour of a mental urban image constructed throuh the complete sensoriality of the body.
The objective will be, on this way, to restitute the body to the city as a place of sketching
yourself in the daily existence, mapping morphological and emotional realities in the sphere
of the daily life. In the vision of the architect Jos Joaquim Baon, Saramago
Thus, our general objective will be to retrieve the senses of the corporality implicated in
a specific Lisboan urban space, interface between the real physical space and the fictional
space of Saramago and the artistic space in the vision of Stefaan van Biesen.
On this way the analysis of the sensorial amplified dimension proportioned by the walk
in the city implies an interdisciplinary approach to the literary text and the visual arts. Our
hermeneutic act implies various epistemological crossings between cognitive sciences, psy-
chology, cultural history, anthropology, phenomenology, new technologies, cultural geogra-
phy, the theory of architecture, history and philosophy of arts.
The sensorial experience of the city, between the space of the freedom of the body and the
coercive space, between the auditive and the haptic, will be an impulse for a new type of no-
madism or a new urban ontology. On this way the incarnation of the city receives an answer
4.[] prefers the intimate above the public, the closed environment above the square, the house more than
the landscape. It is not the enigmatic, nor the extravagancy that draws his attention, but everyday life, the com-
mon sense, the architecture of the days of the past, not to ones of now, that what is conceived by the living nature,
because there is somebody present in it. He doesnt let himself seduce by the extraordinary, by poetic fictions
that are to be said to express some architectures. (in Portuguese).
366
in a three-dimensional perception of space, from the depth of the contours and from the
sensory protuberances of the urban morphology:
The voice of the city, as a literary and sonic manifestation reinvents itself as graphein of
the body, a promenadographic space, including an interactive scheme, people and techno-
logical systems in a reconstructed aesthetic urban environment.At the same time, with and
parallel to art walking, the phenomenon of sound walking saw the light and developed itself
since the late 1960ies. In 1966, the magazine ArtForum publishes Tony Smiths experiences
consisting in driving on the surroundings of New Jersey, converting an attitude in form, In
the same year, Max Neuhaus paints audiences hands with the message Listen before all
them went to a series of defined listening localizations.The mereaction oflistening becomes
a creative act, inheritor of the pan aurality and subversiveness. The sound walk is manifested
as an improvisation with the sounds of a territoryand the listening act merges to the idea of
walking as an aesthetic practice completing the analysis that Francesco Careri makes about
what he called of nomadic cities, concept that also interested the lettristmovement, land-art
and new architectonic practices during those years.
Proposals like the Otodate itineraries (oto-sound/date- place) by the artist Akio Suzuki
in Berlin, Paris orTorino; sound-walks by Hildegard Westerkamp or Andra McCartney, close
to the ecologist premise of the World Sound Scape Project; the proposed walks in City in a
Soundwalk by Michelle Nagai using the Extreme Slow Soundwalk derivated from the Deep
Listening by Pauline Oliveros; the performances by Viv Corringham; the work Blind City
by Francisco Lpez, where blind people guide others with blindfolded eyes; the works by
Jean-Paul Thibaud and Nicolas Tixier (Parcours comments and Qualified listening motion)
in the CRESSON lab in Grenoble; or the soundwalks by Janet Cardiff have elaborated a set
of interesting antecedents in the interference between sonic spheres, many times with high
creative overlapping. These are just some examples that can approximate us to a psychoge-
ographic city that is since now manifested as a discontinuous and subjective space.
But also, to all this classical projects, we have to add the works by Escoitar.org, Tactical
Sound Garden, Always something somewhere else, Sonic City... who, using technological tools,
have introduced the figure of the data-flaneur, putting the ear, if not in a higher level than
367
the vision, at least in the same importance than the eye, extending the experience of the
perception of the city, understood as a reality that multiplies itself in each listening act and
that incessantly builds our reality.
Passeio Branco is building on these recent developments and allying itself with noTours,
a project that allows touring a place while living an augmented acoustic experience connect-
ed with the actual spaced visited and the rhizomatic situation of the territory involved. This
project uses mobile devices based on open source code as well as GPS technologies (which
provides the position of users) and 3D audio contents (binaural and ambisonics).
Using the extended format of touristic audio guides, understanding them as devices giv-
ing us information about spaces cataloged as relevant or for the public interest, this project
would like to question their real value as well as the official discourses that contain. Ob-
jective of noTours is thedeconstruction of this old-framed format for designing anew one
opened to the collective memory of the inhabitants and connecting it to the real time sit-
uation of the city involved. It can be considered as an intervention in the perception of the
urban space, understood as a stream of complex actions, as a performance and as an act
of collective memory. Between fiction and reality, our focus is the intervention on those
strange or familiar territories and converting them into mutant spaces. Touring them under
the effects sound will reveal us a hidden city filled of personal stories and interferences. This
project Passeio Brancopresupposesas well a textual experience of the city(fragments of text
of Saramago and Pessoa).
Next to the artistic and literary exploration of the city, noTours and Passeio Branco are
urban intervention projects to investigate, document and enhance the aural heritage of the
city through participation of residents. For this reason workshops with young people, stu-
dents and residents are part of the collaborative processes, that aim to research urban nar-
ratives in the city.
A series of workshops start with an invitation to create geolocated narratives based on
different memories and experiences of their living environment. By creating this narratives
the participants are encouraged to explore a creative use of mobile devices and to explore
the possibilities of locative media as a narrative tool.
Young people and older people work together, the latter sharing their knowledge of oral
tradition and their living memory of the history of the place and the young ones would con-
tribute with their knowledge of technology, creating an environment where everybody is
learning and teaching at the same time.
The workshops proposes a theoretical and practical approach to the aural phenomena
and the sonorous identity of the city. First from a theoretical point of view, studying the
368
experience of listening and complexities of sound. Later, the workshops focus on the prac-
tical configuration of a digital sonic cartography of a defined territory, materialized in the
composition of soundwalks based on GPS localization: building a locative media instrument
based on the noTours plattform.
Maps are used as a metaphor of the links between sound and place. Through creating
a collaborative sound map we introduce a reflexive exercise about his relationship with the
environmental sounds. Geolocating a sound on the map is not complex, but it involves a
thoughtful process as fill out a form including details of the physical location but, mainly,
writing down your psychological and emotional coordinates (description of soundscapes,
relevance, personal reasons, affection, etc.)
Our objective regarding the workshop is double. First we would like to introduce the
participants into the cultural aspects of sounds and the complexity of the act of listening in
a defined place. Also, we would like to create a team that could help in the construction and
development of the final sound walk.
This dimension of the project turns the process that allows some social expressions to
be considered cultural heritage upside down, by offering society a tool to participate in the
process and actualizing the sonic identity of the city.
We propose working with all age groups from children, students to older residents and
local artists in order to find enough physical and mental connections to the local universe of
sounds and activities of the place.
Finally, this social and creative intervention closes the hermeneutic circle of the city,
opened by literature and visual arts.
References
Abramovic , Marina. The Lovers, Great Wall of Andrieu, Bernard. A Nova Filosofia do corpo.
Baon, Jos Joaquin Parra. Pensamento arqui- Burckhardt, Lucius. Warum ist die Landschaft
369
Collier, Mike and Morrison-Bell, Cynthia, WALK
derland: 2013
2010.
org.uk/art/artworks/long-a-line-made-by-
walking-p07149.
salanguage.wordpress.com/2010/04/11/
video-bruce-naumans-walking-in-an-exag-
gerated-manner-around-the-perimeter-of-
a-square-1967-68/
Caminho, 1985.
Paris, 1985.
http://www.atelier-latent.de/talk-walks.
370
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Sana Layeb
sana.layeb@yahoo.fr
National school of Architecture and Urbanism ENAU
University of Carthage, Tunis, Tunisia
Abstract
Through interactions with environmental parameters such as sound, public spaces gener-
ate ambiances which provide a sense to the places. Subjective methods of analyzing and
characterizing the complexity of the urban soundscape have to be associated with objective
evaluations of emotional arousal. So we tried to approach our study with an experimental
methodology of three components: spatial analysis, analysis of physical signals and the cap-
ture of emotions via a biosensor called Q-Sensor that evaluates the stress level via skin con-
ductance. Our field of study was the downtown of Tunis. We tried to follow subjects during a
specific walk and to capture their emotional states. In addition, we recorded both the audio
signal and the associated comment of the person describing the sonic ambience. The results
of this study showed that the perception of stress in public places is related to certain spe-
cific frequency band signal of the urban contemporary.
Keywords: Urban space, emotional states, Q-sensor, electrodermal activity, sonic ambiance,
sense of place
371
1. Sensory exploration of the modern city or the city of emotions
372
networks and the study of physiological phenomena for the monitoring health status and
emotional reactivity. The objective is to enable experimentation in environmental situations
rather than in laboratory conditions, and the definition of relevant indicators in a complex
and non-controlled environment, in which the individual evolves. The concerned fields of
application include assistance to the autonomy (elderly, disabled people), monitoring of the
driver, or the study of athletic performance.
As part of his thesis work Bertrand Massot has designed and realized EmoSense in-
strumentation for the on-board monitoring and real time skin temperature, heart rate, and
electrodermale activity. This instrumentation allowed, as part of a study on the perception,
representation and management of urban space for blind people, to define events and new
relevant indicators to the objective measurement of stress among blind people on their dis-
placement urban areas.
Diverse particular urban situations require in-depth researches, the situation of ur-
ban stress seems to be complex and interesting to explore according to a multidiscipli-
nary methodology. At this stage, we question on the existence of links between the urban
sound phenomenon, the stress of the user and the architectural and urban characteristics
of livedspace.
This question is the link between the physical, perceptual and morphological parameters
implicated in any urban experience, namely: physical characterization of audio signal spread
in the public space, perception and emotions relating to this signal, especially the stress
feeling, and the configuration of the urban setting.
The observations on various dense urban fabrics show that the urban crossroads are real
spaces of manifestation of the urban practices. They are places rich in events characterized
by vehicular and pedestrian traffic in various configurations and generate various percep-
tual phenomena. Hearing is no longer () this sense which gives us company of the street.
(Chelkoff 1996), but rather a real embarrassment and sound stress. The first condition for a
rigorous analysis of the conditions of manifestations of this noise nuisance is a meticulous
exploration of the complexity of the sound situation on different aspects: physical, morpho-
logical, and sensory.
373
Furthermore, for a Walker progressing according to determined direction, a path can be
split into a number of sequences, each one constituted by a succession of sound levels in
which measurable signals interact with the built, and are so formatted before arriving at our
ears. This plan is likely to be characterized objectively.
This work is based, essentially, on an experimental protocol of three components, which
are simultaneously made: spatial analysis, analysis sound signals (acoustic metrology), and
the capture of sound perception (commented walk / the detection of the stress).
374
Figure 1. The selected path for the commented walk
Weve chosen this path because of the variety of functions of its houses, and the sound
sources available. When it was built, the residential function was confined to upper floors
to make way for shops and services in the ground floors. The majority of buildings are home
to a mix of functions varying between trade and services which are directly reflected on the
soundscape recorded. We have also noted the richness of the building materials and archi-
tectural styles: Italianate, neo-classical or even said modern style with wall coverings made
of granite and glass. The specificity of this site lies in the variety of treatments of angles
which constitute it: loggias, balconies, and other more or less ornamented devices.
375
From the eighties and with the emergence of the notion of ambiance, we were witness-
ing a re-exploration of various crosses between social and spatial forms on one side and
sound and visual landscapes on the other. Starting from the principle that the perception
of space, that is architectural or urban, is poly-sensory, we can assert that the hearing as all
other senses participates in the apprehension of space. By eliminating the vision, our ears
can inform us about the nature of space: closed, openThis perception changes depending
on the displacement mode in space.
Because I think that architecture will always remain at the scale of our senses, because
the architecture exists only perceived, thats only when a person crosses a space, so, that we
can really speak [] about the experience of architecture. (Crunelle 1999)
The time of our movement is often sent to a fourth dimension.
In architecture, it is the user who moving into the building, looking under successive
points of views, creates itself, so to say the fourth dimension. (Zvi 1959)
Feel and move have a relationship of interaction. As for the movement, the sound per-
ception may also incite the user to micro-movements (turn the head), a change in speed,
or even direction But to understand an ambiance, it is necessary to know at first how to
seize (measure) it. The method varies depending on the purpose of the investigator. We find
ourselves, then, in a vast and very rich field of adopted approaches, divided into four cate-
gories. Either by treating the ambiance by behaviour (animal ethology), otherwise by the text
(through comments), or by memory (the in vitro experience such as Pascal Amphouxs recur-
ring observation) otherwise by action, that is by seeking the movement (the experiences are
multiple, example the commented walk).
Because of the objectives of our research and the importance of walking to understand
the different dimensions of the urban space which are: form, use and perception, we are
going to attempt in what follows to use the chosen survey method: that is the commented
walk of Jean Paul Thibaud.
This ambiantal approach allows us to grasp what is not usually sizeable. It highlights the
sensitive dimension of our experience and allows us to identify sound sources.
To achieve these goals we use two approaches: the commented walk method and the
capture of emotions through the apparatus of stress (Q sensor).We first start by the com-
mented walk method. This approach was developed by Jean Paul Thibaud.
It has as objective to reach the sensitive experience of passers-by from the reports of
perception in motion. It requests three simultaneous activities: walking, perceive and de-
scribe. This experience consists in making a path while describing what we perceive and feel
according to the walk . (J.P. Thibaud, 2001)This method allows the user to describe the imme-
376
diate perception of the environment. Therefore, the description reveals the instantaneous
perception in action (perception in motion).
For our experience, we have to fix at first the point of departure and of arrival from the
chosen path.
We then specify the approximate duration of the walk, which will be for our case of
twenty minutes, necessary time for the verbal records. Comments should be recorded using
a portable tape recorder, by giving regularly spatial landmarks.
From the description, we pass to the analysis of records and interviews, which will be
transcribed in the most possible faithful way. These comments will be analyzed in the man-
ner of the description or the perception according to the spatio-temporal locations (eg: the
station), perceptual transitions (it is quieter), the verbal field appearance (be cut, is melt) or
even reflective formulation (Im attracted to ).
377
the physiology and the psychology of the person, on the state of the Q Sensors electrodes
and even on its fixation on the wrist. Experiments have shown an ineffectiveness of the
stress measures, if the skin is dry (and a low level of conductance). It requires that the skin
has to be clammy (so that the person is not at physical or cognitive rest).So to ensure that
the trace of the EDA is usable, it is necessary that the minutes of adaptation preceding expe-
rience are not a simple port of the Sensor Q. So, we must stimulate the cognitive activity of
the person failing to make intense physical activity. For every survey, we are going to present
at first our observations of the curve of stress provided by the software Q. This allows us to
estimate the stress by quantifying it.
To detect SCR, three criteria are to be raised: a moment of descent of the curve of the
EDA and a recovery time (usually longer in duration than the descent). The curve has to get
back more than 63% of its initial amplitude (difference between the lowest and the highest
point of the phase of the descent in S).
We then seek the correspondence of each variation with other data from our experimen-
tal protocol. We reveal the soundscape such it was perceived by the subjects as well as his
feelings and emotions related to the ambiance (discomfort, uneasiness, stress, satisfaction,
appreciation).
Then, we confront these psychological and physiological data with physical measures
(the measurement of sound level).If the SCR detected denotes a sound stress, we turn to the
analysis of verbal reports of the subject. If this sound stress is verbally verified, the next step
will be the frequency analysis of the sound sequence that caused the stress of the investigat-
ed person. This method will allow us to check the frequencies and sound sources that cause
stress to this user. It is only through this crossing method that we can verify the existence of
links between the urban configuration and felt and emotions on one hand; And between the
stress perception and physical characteristics of the signal on the other.
Once the crossroads of sound stress will be identified through the analysis of physiological
(Q sensor) and psychological (commented walk) data, we pay particular attention to their
spatial configurations and more specifically sound phenomena.
378
The last part of our in situ survey includes an analysis of physical sound signals. This
component is divided into three parts: the measurements of the sound levels, records of the
audio signal of the sound scene and analysis of spectral compositions.
The measurement of the sound levels informs us about the quality of the space. So it
allows us to evaluate the acoustic comfort of a space. The used unit is noted dB (A). These
measures will be made by a son meter (sound level meter).
In addition to the measurements of the sound intensities we will also measure the equiv-
alent sound level (Leq). This index is the energy equivalence. It is often used for road noises.
It consists in capturing the dynamics of sound intensity over a period of several minutes.
Given that the comments (describes) of the users are always influenced by the individual
social and psychological factors; we have to correlate our surveys by sound records of the
chosen path. These records will be made according to our progress. They will allow us to
detect sound sources (a train, noise of a market, horns of cars at the traffic light). This fre-
quency dynamic along the path will allow us to be situated in the space through sound marks
and to provide a sound identity of each analyzed crossroad.
We will complete this part by the last component of metrological surveys which is the
analysis of spectral compositions . Its the technique of superimposing and segmentation of
urban sequences and audio records to detect changes of atmosphere (ambiance) in the ur-
ban path. It identifies all variations of physical signals through the graphical representation
of the frequency spectrum. Frequency analysis of these spectral compositions identifies ar-
eas of qualifications, which may be significant in relation to the frequency bands (low, medi-
um, high frequency). This probably generates ambiantal effects (discomfort, comfort, stress,
embarrassment).These analyses will be correlated to the verbal data of the last part of our
experimental protocol: the seizure of the sensitive perception of sound phenomena.
379
two surveyed on five female expressed their dislike and even her sense of insecurity. They
also stated that the discomfort has nothing to do with the noise intensity. Its not then a
sound stress but rather a psychological and social stress (Figure 2) due to the type of human
presence (males, mechanic work, caf)
() If we must turn right, Id rather not pass in front of the caf terrace. I prefer to bypass
the news-stand. I avoid men sitting at the terrace. I move fast; I do not like the gatherings of
men. (Subject 6)
Figure 2. Variation of the EDA level (The stress detected is due to the social habits)
We also noted that the increase in the sound level is not always synonymous of stress
increase. Indeed, a high sound level does not reveal the same reactions from the part of our
subjects.
Sometimes it has a negative (Figure 3) and bothersome factor.
But here it starts to fuss. Drawing near the crossing with the street Ibn khouldoun, the
noise increases, we approach the source of the noise, so, necessarily the tension rises. (Sub-
ject 8 for 69dB)
380
Figure 3. Variation of the EDA level (The stress detected is due to high sound level)
But, sometimes it becomes unnoticed and often it is taken as a sign of assurance and
integration in the crowd. (Figure 4)
There are only cars here () I feel that it is a matter of habit. So Im always on road and
drive for several years now, the road noise goes unnoticed. (Subject 7 for 79 dB)
Figure 4. Variation of the EDA level (The SCR detected is not a sound-related stress)
The same for calm; It is not always appreciated by the investigated persons. It can some-
times be translated for the users by feelings of insecurity and routine (Figure 5) and at other
times by comfort and relaxation.
()But once you get through it is a bit monotonous. This is annoying. I feel like sleeping.
I do not feel motivated to stay long. I want to move to a busier area. Its quiet monotone.
(Subject 8)
381
Figure 5. Variation of the EDA level (The low noise level is considered boring)
We have then come to an analogy between the variation of the sound recording, the
variation of the electrodermal activity of the investigated subjects and their description of
the situation.
We proved that the perception of stress in the public space is related to certain physical
characteristics of the sound signal (Figure 6) and more exactly, specific frequency bands
of the signal of the contemporary urban soundscape (space): police mans whistle (4KHz),
vehicle horns (8KHZ, 12kHz ), acceleration and vehicle noise which is a urban permanent
background sound (10KHz)
Figure 6. Analysis of the Audio spectrum recorded for subject 8 during her passage through the crossroad of Avenue
Farhat Hached and Turkey Street
In several other cases we found that the SCR detected is not due to sound factors but
olfactory factors it stinks! or it smells bad! or geographical or weather condition What a
heat!, or politic climate (Figure 7):
382
Look soldiers, I feel uncomfortable. You know after revolution even if all goes well, we
are always stressed and in panic. (Subject 10)
Figure 7. Variation of the EDA level (The stress detected is due to political climate)
In other cases we are faced with an ambiguous explanation, where the sound detected
physiologically stress is not synonymous of a stress expressed verbally.
Figure 8. Synthesis map of the location of the urban crossroads according to their classifications
383
We must recall that our initial problem explores the links between the characterization
of urban sound phenomena, the stress of the user and the morphology of the building. Then
we supposed that the architectural and urban specificities of the crossed walk present an
explaining factor of the manifestation of sound stress.
Figure 9. Synthesis map of the location of the urban crossroads according to their classifications (eg of Om Koulthoum
street)
384
their similarities with other intersections on the same street, these intersections present
a source of sound stress, for the investigated persons, because of the great animation and
presence of people in the shops that are settled in the ground floors of buildings which form
the crossing.
We then demonstrate that the urban configuration of the studied crossroads doesnt explain
the manifestation of the stress. Indeed, for the same urban configuration we detected three
different reactions to the investigated (sound stress due to the intensity or to the frequency
or unnoticed reaction). We concluded then that urban configuration is neither determining
nor explanatory factor of the manifestation of sound stress. Only the types of the sound
sources, the animation of streets and the psychology of the investigated are the decisive
factors in the manifestation of the sound stress.
We also noticed that the increase of the sound level is not always synonymous of in-
creased stress. Indeed, a high sound level does not reveal the same reactions to our investi-
gated. Sometimes, it presents a negative and annoying factor. But, in other times it is taken
as a sign of assurance and integration in the crowd. The same for calm, it is not always ap-
preciated by the investigated. It can be sometimes translated as a feeling of insecurity and
routine and at other times as comfort and the relaxation.
This part still remains developing and what is interesting is to understand how to master
the acoustic comfort? Is there any relationship between the frequency composition and the
quantity of stress? And how does this report, if it exists, change from one user to another?
And from one time to another (day and night). So many questions that other researchers will
have to answer and remain to be developed.
Also, its important to note that focusing on the soundscape doesnt exclude the fact that
the sensorial components of the ambiance have a major role in defining the full situation in
which the subject is immerged in.
Finally, we propose the figure below (Figure 10) which simplifies the triangulation of the
applied methods which allows us to identify the links between the three parameters: the
morphology of the built, the sound signal and the perception.
385
Figure 10. Recapitulative diagram.
References
Ammar Leila and Panerai Philippe. Tunis dune Camillo, Sitte. LArt de btir la ville, lurbanisme
ville une autre Cartographie et histoire ur- selon ses fondements artistiques. Paris: Edition
386
Grosjean Michle and Thibaud Jean P. Les-
Parenthses,2001.
Carthage, 2012.
ty of Lyon, 2011.
Colin, 1992.
of Grenoble, 2001.
Millon, 1935.
387
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Yiannis Christidis
yiannis.christidis@gmail.com
Cyprus University of Technology, Limassol, Cyprus
Abstract
In this paper, the distinctive sounds of Nicosia are detected and a basis is set for examining
whether the soundmarks of the divided centre of the citytend to empower the sense of place
of the inhabitants. Firstly, the concept of the soundmark, as defined by Acoustic Ecology-
,is connected to the complex dimensions of place. Then, the methodology is analysed and
explained, and the experience of a soundwalker is sited, delineating the soundscape of the
city centre, leading the discussion to the religious soundmarks. Finally, a basis for a further
discussion is set, regarding both the methodology needed to be applied and the religious
soundmarks in place themselves.
388
1. Theoretical Background
The connection of place with sound has been widely discussed and redefined in contempo-
rary Sound Studies (Sterne 2012, 91-94). Already, from the early conversations on the notion
of place, which acquires properties of the evolution of space, their complex relation has been
stressed, where sound may play a highly significant role: Tuan has been arguing that sound
dramatizes spatial experience (Tuan 1977, 16), while, in parallel, the evolution of Soundscape
Studies was in full development (Schafer 1977). Today, the notion of soundmark is well estab-
lished, while it is also considered to be sufficient enough in order to characterise an acoustic
community. However, the soundmarks also characterise places and since any sound can par-
ticipate as a vibrant ingredient within community life (LaBelle 2010, 83), by studying sounds
within communities, one can approach an exploration and definition of the relation between
the acoustic community that lives in a specific area and place itself.
One of the initial definitions indicates that a soundmark is a unique community sound, or
it is of qualities which make it specially regarded or noticed by the people in that community.
Soundmarks, therefore, are of cultural and historical significance and merit preservation and
protection (Truax 1999). While discussing this theory and trying to expand its attitudes, it is
considered important to relate the definition of soundmark to the concept of place, at least
as the last has been related to space and meaning in the academic community: Carter et al.
agree that place is space to which meaning has been ascribed(1993xii).From the begin-
ning, however, this meaning is a result of a complex procedure before it is acquired to place:
Rodman stated that places are not inert containers. They are politicized, culturally relative,
historically specific, local and multiple constructions (Rodman 1992, 641). It has also been
discussed that places are more than geographic settings with definitive physical and tex-
tual characteristics (Stokowski 2002).These attributes of place are worth being correlated
to sound, as they consist of an intellectual approach to the meaning of an area, just as Sound
Studies explore such features.
This study intends to explore the procedures that take place among the acoustic com-
munity when sounds of distinctive value resonate in a specific place, and the ways in which
the general soundscape is evoked within this particular cultural context. The procedures
that characterise the interaction between the sound sources and the way the listeners re-
late to sounds are discussed, depending on the environmental and cultural context of this
exchange of information.
389
2. Description
The city of Nicosia, capital of the island of Cyprus, has been divided since 1974: its residents
live either in the south or in the north of the city, and they mostly belong to the Greek Cyp-
riot or the Turkish Cypriot community, respectively. The divided capital of Cyprus has been
resonating until today, and is still intensively characterised by the presence of the existing
sounds over the area. The northern part, the empty Buffer Zone (also called Dead Zone) itself
and the south part of the city centre, apart from territorial borderlands, inevitably define
separate aural areas, characterised by sonic events caused by the activity of the ethnic com-
munities living there. As a result, specific soundmarks being produced by rich-in-context
sources in both sides are audible in the sonic environment of the area too; more importantly,
some of them travel across the borders of the city, indicating the existence of one acoustic
community with unique characteristics. A common architectural structure makes the area
north and south sound relatively equally, while by doing further observation, one can no-
tice many detailed differences in the characteristics of sound in the place, from one block
to the other.
2.1. Objectives
The main objective of this study has been to explore and define the soundmarks of the city
centre of Nicosia, and in a next level to study them in relation with its inhabitants, as well
as to find out how these sounds acquire meaning by them. These meanings may potentially
influence the bonds of the inhabitants with their place, so a discussion can be started re-
garding peoples place attachment through sound. With regard to this objective, the aim has
been to listen carefully to the soundscape of the area of interest, understand its dynamics
and then approach a method of analysing them, in order to comprehend such interactions.
2.2. Methodology
The study of such a subject requires paying attention to the detail of the sound environment
and its influence to the acoustic community, therefore, methods that have been applied in
Soundscape Studies should be used. It was decided that a combination of soundwalking and
ethnographic interviews would be an appropriate combination, mainly in order to combine a
classic, experiential approach of Soundscape Studies with a more in-depth knowledge about
the soundmarks that can evolve after a guided discussion with the inhabitants, in a future
390
level. The soundwalk itself incorporates a multi-modal observation of the urban environ-
ment, taking cues from the visual and the sonic environment. It is also considered safer to
practise the same soundwalks in different hours and days, (Semidor 2006) in order to move
the soundwalker towards a better connection with the place. Hildegard Westerkamp en-
courages listeners to become part of the acoustic environment and reappreciate it(2007),
and in favour of this research, the soundwalk is used trying to generate data that could offer
a place-related direction. Before the beginning of the series of the soundwalks, but also dur-
ing their practice, the connection with the meaning of place has been kept in mind. In the
present paper, an average experience of a soundwalk is described-an enriched mediocre of
all the soundwalks realized- looking to discover the soundmarks of place in the city centre
of Nicosia.
3. The Soundwalk
A first evaluation of the soundscape of the city centre has evolved after intensive observation,
listening and verbalisation of the sounds that exist in the area and dominate the sound-
scape. In the first place, however, the method of soundwalk was frequently used to make
the evaluation of the soundscape clearer and more precise. The following text explains the
personal experience, from the writers point of view, after systematic soundwalks in the area
of interest.
In the first place, a description is made in order to emphasise the differences between
the two sides of the city centre, by examining the soundscape across the area and by focus-
ing on certain characteristic sounds that define that place.
The area is characterised by a unique architectural, cultural, and consequently sound
variety, something that has been directly obvious from the first soundwalk. Moving from one
neighbourhood to another across the Buffer Zone, and while frequently meeting dead-ends
created by the barriers spread across this Line, the qualities of the ambience change, so do
the sounds. From Paphos Gate, the east entrance to the old city centre, to the central com-
mercial Ledra Street and then, passing from the check point and heading east again towards
the old car repair garages in the north part of the city, the sound qualities vary, yet they
develop on a standard lo-fi basis. Going back to the tourist area and the municipal closed
market in north Nicosia, and passing by the Selimiye Mosque, then going back to the south
391
city centre, passing next to Faneromeni church, and walking through the narrow streets,
the sound of Nicosia appears to shape its identity. Passing next to a small, quiet cafe in front
of another roadblock and ending up in the quiet area of Saint Kassianos Church, where the
soundwalk ends, it feels like the sound of the place has been there forever, mixed, rich, unit-
ed. The soundwalks that lead to the following description took place on a normal summer
day in the city centre of Nicosia1.
3.1. Soundwalking
Starting from the area of Paphos Gate, where the old, calm area of the city centre meets the
new buildings and the big and noisy streets, I sense2 the quietness that lies beyond this point.
It is not the buildings, but the sounds which appear being masked when passing the start-
ing point of the soundwalk. And this is what actually happens: entering the old city centre
of Nicosia, car sounds cut out and become a far lo-fi soundscape, when new, more detailed
and accurate sounds come to the foreground. The school ambience and action coming from
the coffee shop where elderly people spend their time, mark the soundscape. Two of them
are playing backgammon; the sound of dice rolling and their checkers hitting the wooden
board stand out in the -relatively- silent ambience. Murmuring, newspaper page turning and
sounds coming from the kitchen of the coffee shop are also present, while walking outside
of the Holy Cross Catholic Church. Walking through the narrow streets, alert by the quiet
talking of the army guards in front of their military checkpoint, the sound of leaves rustling
and birds chirping, I reach an alley, where sound is circulated, leaving my ears exposed to the
reverberations created by the high walls.
The open-air parking areas that I have to cross in order to reach the crossing point, cre-
ate another quality, the one of the abandoned area, as they are quiet, with a terrain texture
that is not taken care of, full of dust and small rocks. Standing for a while in the south cross-
ing point of Ledra street, I can focus more on the sound of people passing by, talking on their
phones, talking to each other, shouting at their kids. Cell phones, music from the nearby
tourist shops and people entering and leaving shops and cafes compose the soundscape of
this point.
When crossing the Buffer Zone, the entire ambience changes all of a sudden. While walk-
ing through large white iron doors hiding the abandoned and ruined houses of the area, the
1.The sounds were noticed and written down on a separate log, during the realisation of 10 soundwalks in
different working days in the city centre, actualizing the same walking route each time.
2.In the description of the realisation of a soundwalk in the area, the present tense and the first person were
chosen: the practice of ones soundwalk is a personalised experience, during which it is important for it to be
described as intimately and as close to reality as possible.
392
sound also seems to be missing something. The seventy steps needed to cross the Dead
Zone are enough tomake someone feel the emptiness of the sound environment, leaving the
sound of the city behind, and moving towards a sound of another city, yet the same one. At
the Turkish checkpoint, where few people are patiently queuing, waiting for their access to
be authorised and cross the Line, what stands out sonically is the sound of the stamp of the
officers on their passports, and the relatively noiseless conversation of the police guards.
Having crossed the borders, and still walking across Ledra street, the soundscape slight-
ly changes. After a silent area lies the extension of the deserted Buffer Zone, where tourists
and locals appear to give life to the neighbouring cafes and shops. Another, less cosmo-
politan, yet busy ambience is present, until I leave behind the last CD shop playing music
through loudspeakers, and head West. The soundscape dries out, becomes calm and silent;
its quality changes. The streets are narrow, they are the same as the ones in the South, but
they are more dusty. By walking and listening in this specific area, one might think thats/
he is in a village. Every three or four old buildings, houses or stores, there is an open car re-
pair garage, with few people inside, working or socialising. A printing house establishes the
place with the constant noisy sound of its working machines. Walking back, leaving the quiet
Turunlu Fethiye Camii Mosque behind me, and heading East, moving through the narrow
streets, I enter a tourist area once more, full of shops with clothes hanging on both sides of
the street. As a result, this forms an area where the sound of the walkers dries out and gets
absorbed by the colourful fabrics.
Leaving behind this vivid place, I reach Selimiye Mosque; its wide yard, also hosting some
trees, lets the sound circulate in the area, and gives a sense of openness to the ambience.
Some meters away, children are playing in the square: they are always there and the sound
created by their shouts, games and running is a constant event. At some point, distant church
bells are heard from a cathedral at the other part of the city. I end up, once again, in a rather
quiet area, despite the few cars, close to the end of the city walls of North Nicosia, and I am
heading back to the crossing points, this time passing from the closed market. The ambience
in there is different, it is a calm closed space, where customers and workers move around
and trade vegetables or other products, and the sound reaches to the top of the building
and then returns back. Following the way back to the borders, tourists are still there, shops
declare their presence sonically, and the sound of life there reminds of commerce.
Crossing the borders for the second time, the sound of the stamp initiates my peaceful
short walk along the Buffer Zone, until I reach again the tourist zone, and then end up close
to Phaneromeni Church, an open space full of cafes, accompanied by the typical sounds of
people: chatting, arguing, playing backgammon or silently reading. Leaving this area and
393
walking across the line, the streets become more narrow, there are fewer cars left, and I am
lead to a calmer neighbourhood, where birds declare their presence and the neighbour-
hood seems to take over the character of the city centre. Taht-el-Kale Mosque is the last
religious-related sound source before I reach the church of Saint Kassianos and finish the
soundwalk in a calm sound environment which, once again, brings a village soundscape to
my mind. The silence is interrupted by the call to prayer, heard from the north part of the
city, which I have just visited.
394
when close to the speaker of the mosque, distant and tinny when far from it, or distant yet
clear and distinctive, when in a significantly quiet area far from the source. The same hap-
pens with the church bells; someone can hear the bells from south Nicosia, even when being
in areas in the north side. In such cases, the bells are heard distinctively, yet are embedded
in the sound environment.
In Figure 2,one may spot the religious places (church and mosque) of the area, which
are active sources of the religious soundmarks that are frequently audible in the area. The
church bell is heard on Sundays, on religious celebrations or ceremonies (weddings, funeral,
Easter etc.), various times per month. The call to prayer is a social phenomenon, (where) the
adhan unifies and regulates the Islamic community by marking the times for prayer and cre-
ating a sacred context (Lee 2006, 199). The creation of such a sacred context, both Christian
or Muslim is significant in terms of sound experience of the city.
4. Soundmarks in Place
Taking into account how characteristic the sounds are, or how identical some sounds appear
in the north and south part of the city, it is observed that what seems to form the acoustic
identity of the city centre of Nicosia is the sound of the city itself, as described by the sound-
walk and the religious soundmarks.
395
munity around the area. While some differences can be noted during the soundwalk, such
as the dust on the road being plenty in the north partor the age of most cars they are
newer and more silent in the south partone can observe that the quality of the sound of
peoples activity remains the same, as the architectural structure is similar. The surfaces
of the buildings are similar, the way people move or act is also similar and the rhythm of
life sounds equally: aurally speaking, the area does appear as one place. Although there are
both quiet and busier areas in a distance of several meters, one could argue that the quality
of the soundscape is alike across the city centre, the silence of the Buffer Zone included. A
soundscape, in a wider perspective would also involve the language spoken across the city,
as in the north part the Turkish Cypriot dialect is spoken, whereas the Greek Cypriot dialect
dominates in the south part of the city.
5. Discussion
396
city centre of Nicosia. In a place like Nicosias city centre, which is divided in two ethnic
communities, it is very important that a whole acoustic community can be defined by these
resonating in both sides soundmarks. The sound travelling over the roadblocks, signifying
not only the acoustic, but also the religious, ethnic, or the urban community of the city cen-
tre, appears to enforce a place identity in the area.
However, this relation to place through sounds, needs further research: in order to in-
vestigate more in depth the relation between these soundmarks and the inhabitants, anoth-
er, more human-engaging method seems to be useful. Trying to approach the way in which
the inhabitants of the divided city centre of Nicosia give meaning to the sounds of the area,
ethnographic interviews need to be planned and realised. Using the theory of place attach-
ment as a theoretical umbrella, the interviews can be derived and organised according to
the investigation of any special bonds developed between the residents, through the sound-
marks that have been observed. In the overall aim of the current research, which has been
to investigate place attachment through the soundmarks as far as the Greek Cypriot and
Turkish Cypriot communities are concerned, it is essential to proceed to further discussion
and reappreciation of the application of the acoustic community title to both communities.
References
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Carter, Erica, James Donald, and Judith Squires. sacred places. Journal of Environmental Psy-
Space & Place: Theories of Identity and Loca- chology (Elsevier), August 2004: 385-397.
tion. London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1993. Schafer, R. Murray. The Soundscape. Our Sonic
LaBelle, Brandon. Acoustic Territories Sound Environment and the Tuning of the World.
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Stokowski, P. A. Languages of place and dis-
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398
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Monty Adkins
m.adkins@hud.ac.uk
University of Huddersfield, England
Hali Santamas
mihalis.santamas@googlemail.com
University of Huddersfield, England
Abstract
In this paper the concept of place is explored as the stimulus for the creation of original
works combining electronic music and photography. Although the compositions of both au-
thors take inspiration from different facets of place there is a similarity of theoretical ap-
proach regarding the identity of the individual and their relationship to geographical situa-
tions and place. We will draw upon aspects of psychogeography, psychosonology, the theory
of atmosphere by Gernot Bhme to explore complexity of place in 21st century.
Keywords: atmosphere, City Colours, composition, Drift Trilogy, photography, place, psy-
chogeography, psychosonography, social geography.
399
1. Introduction
This paper explores the theoretical context for audio-visual projects by the authors: Drift
Trilogy by Adkins and City Colours by Santamas. The Drift Trilogy (Rift Patterns, Residual
Forms and Radial Drift) is about the psychogeographical exploration of places and how they
impact on our identity and emotions. In the Drift Trilogy the artistic intention is to expand
the psychogeographical drift from the city, into the wider landscape as well as to our inner
world in which multiple instances of experiencing a place converge to form a palimpsest
of that place. This intention is also expressed through the photography accompanying the
work by Stephen Harvey, particularly the overlaying of images that occurs in the images for
Residual Forms (see Figure 1).
400
2. Composer and Place
Most of the music on this recording has been inspired by the landscape and his-
tory of the county of Cornwall in England. I am not Cornish. My birthplace lies
just to the east of the river Tamar, which forms the border between Devon and
Cornwall. However, ever since my first visit to Lands End, the county has held a
special fascination for me. Its early inhabitants are traceable back to Paleolithic
man. It has a language of its own, which remained in use up until the nineteenth
century. With a rich fund of folklore and legend in addition, Ive found much
to inspire me. The pieces are not intended to be musical portraits of particular
places or events, the titles being simply a collection of some of the intriguing
place-names found on and around the road to St. Ives.
A similar pre-occupation with place names from the West Country is to be found on
Simon Baintons Visiting Tides2 which goes further than Surmans work in that it uses field
recordings taken from the locations referenced. Although the content of the field recordings
401
do not locate the work specifically in the West Country it is clear that for Bainton they are
an important part of communicating a sense of place and his emotive response to it to the
listener.
Richard Skelton is another composer who has a specific relationship with place. His work
is often inspired by the West Pennine Moors and the landscape around Lancashire, and more
recently the West Coast of Ireland. Skelton has responded to the landscape in a particularly
musical way and one that expresses the essence of a place or environment and an individ-
uals presence within it. His music is abstract and is created from multi-tracking predomi-
nantly stringed instruments. Skelton has recorded in specific locations on the Moors, buried
instruments and subsequently then recorded tracks using them. In an extended interview
Skelton states that,
Ridgelines, for example, is the music of two hills Black Combe in Cumbria,
and Cappanawalla in County Clare, Ireland. I spent a significant amount of time
living near, and visiting, each, before commencing the recordings. For me prox-
imity is vital, as is duration. The longer I can spend with something, the better
observing and experiencing a place in different seasons, light and weather In
my own work the music is a rendering of space, or more accurately, place. It is a
distillation or transmutation of landscape. The landscape is full of voices, audi-
ble and inaudible. Its contours and reliefs are a patterning of melodies, and the
music I create is a string, resonating in sympathy Provenance is important to
me, though. Some of my recordings are composed of sounds recorded in specif-
ic places, and I feel that its important to acknowledge that. I feel that a listeners
experience is enriched by this knowledge When I released handmade editions
of music through Sustain-Release, I would frequently include natural ephemera
from the landscape that inspired the music. Leaves, bark, grasses, etc. These
were things that had fallen they were in a way detritus and ultimately bound
for decay. I found the idea of saving them quite meaningful, and by including
them in the packaging it bound the music to the landscape, acting as a physical
link or signifier. (Wright, n.d.)
402
Figure 2. Ephemera in Skeltons hand-crafted releases.
Skeltons past physical releases3 have been hand-crafted artworks in their own right and
were often accompanied by bark, pine cones or other natural ephemera collected whilst
working on the tracks that signify a local personal sense of place rather than the predomi-
nant trend towards globalisation. (see Figure 2).
A further example, to demonstrate how a sense of place is manifest in many different
genres of music, comes from the field of popular music. Place is a central concern of the
musical and photographic project of Mount Eerie (a.k.a. Phil Elverum). In an interview shortly
after the renaming of his alter ego project from The Microphones to Mount Eerie, Elverum
discussed the link between his home town Anacortes and his art. He states that,
I love this place. It is home, in a deep way. The mountain (Mount Erie) is right in
the middle of the island. It has this distinctive, dramatic rock face. Its almost like
the mascot of this place. I grew up under it, staring at it every morning waiting
for the school bus. Its a special place for me, and the mysterious beauty in the
rock face is potent. It has a similar vibe to much of what I am trying to do in
music. The voice of an old boulder. So I called it Mount Eerie to marry myself
to this place because it is the center of my universe. I guess I had this idea that
everyone must have some similar landmark that could be the center of their
universe. Some places have a mountain thats always on the horizon. Maybe for
some people its a grain silo. Maybe a tree. Maybe a flat field. Maybe an apart-
ment building. The iconic mascot of a place that is home. (Stosuy, 2009)
As with Skelton, Mount Eeries work is not merely a description of place but an on-going
emotive response to it that reflects both the seasonal changes of the landscape, ones own
accumulating experiences and memories, and the intersection of these. What all of these
examples illustrate and something that is echoed in the authors works, is the individuals
403
response to place and the communication of this through music. Furthermore, there is a de-
sire not merely to describe place but the emotional connection the composer has to it, often
amplified through the inclusion of objects or additional artwork such as photography. It is
this expression of place and the communication of atmosphere, memory and psychological
space that is fundamental to these works and takes them from being mere tone poems to
psychsonographical portraits of place (Iosofat 2009).
As well as considering this individual approach to place in creative work it is interesting
to note a parallel development in geography studies. In the past two decades there has been
a shift in how social geographers consider the relationship between place and the individ-
ual. Gillian Rose writes that many geographers use place in a quite specific sense, to refer
to the significance of particular places for people. These feelings for place are not seen as
trivial; geographers argue that senses of place develop from every aspect of individuals life
experience and that sense of place pervade everyday life and experience. (Rose, 1995). Rose
continues,
Our repeated contact with a place changes our perception of it. Our memories become
a palimpsest as each visit provides new memories that are added to and nuanced by existing
ones. Mark Graham extends this notion further writing that Places have always been pal-
impsests. The contemporary is constantly being constructed upon the foundations of the
old. (Graham 2009) Graham continues,
All places are palimpsests. Among other things, places are layers of brick, steel,
concrete, memory, history, and legend The countless layers of any place come
together in specific times and spaces and have bearing on the cultural, economic,
and political characteristics, interpolations, and meanings of place. (Graham, 2009)
404
It is the sense of place as discussed by Rose and Graham and expressed in abstract terms
in the music of Skelton and Mount Eerie that is key to the contextualisation and understand-
ing of the authors works. The desire to make the communication of place more tangible
through the addition of ephemera objects, text or photography as Rose indicates, reveals
much about the identity of the artist and the strength of their connection to a specific place.
To an extent our work could be considered neo-expressionistic in that a depiction place is
presented from a solely subjective perspective. The process of abstraction from the reality of
place to musical composition engenders affects in the listener evoking various emotions or
ideas. Where our work differs from the expressionism of Schoenberg, or post-war abstract
expressionism is that our work is concerned with all emotive experiences. Adorno describes
expressionism as concerned with the unconscious, and states that the depiction of fear lies
at the centre of expressionist music, with dissonance predominating, so that the harmoni-
ous, affirmative element of art is banished (Adorno, 2009). What is important for the authors
is to acknowledge that our relationship with place changes over time. At different times the
same place can be both affirmative or oppressive as a result of both the individuals psycho-
logical state and the seasonal changes in a given location. Even though our work has certain
commonalities with some aspects of expressionism, a more important theoretical basis is to
be found in psychogeographical writings and the extension of these by Dani Iosofat with his
term psychosonography in which sound becomes the medium through which place is com-
municated rather than writing. Iosofat writes that,
For Guy Debord, places are made by subjecting space to a directly experienced time
(Debord, 1995). For the authors this statement is fundamental. Whereas many soundscape
artists working with place often present quasi-neutral, objective recordings of place, De-
bords focus places the individual experience at the centre of an understanding of place. His
psychogeographical understanding of place therefore has a kinship with the contemporary
social-geographic thinking of Rose and Graham. What is important for the authors is Ioso-
fats poetic logos - the communication of place through a creative practitioners directly
experienced time in that location.
405
3. Psychogeography and Psychosonography
406
graphical practice of using writing to visualize a location, to rend a place in text is in effect a
metagraphic expression. (Goodall 2008) In the authors creative output the same process is
at work. The practice of using sound to evoke or rend a location in music is what Dani Iosofat
(2009) would term psychosonographic expression and is not merely a recording or sonifica-
tion of place. Any sense of nostalgia in the authors works and the desire to amplify the com-
munication of place through extra-musical elements is to enhance a sense of connectedness
between the audience and artist. Iosofat writes that our psychosonographic perception of
place results from,
the consideration and appreciation of perceptual stimuli that provide this gen-
eral impression, through association and other cognitive processes the aes-
thetics and poetics of visual stimuli, such as the observation of architecture and
landscape, can be important; so, of course, can sound. A method of representa-
tion of the sense of place using sound as the sole medium must, therefore, pro-
vide means of reproducing general sensations and impressions, complete with
context, memory and emotion involved as appropriate. The inverse, obviously,
also holds: Situationism presupposed that it was possible for people to syn-
thesise or manage these situations [which affect the individuals consciousness
and will] as an act of self-empowerment (Sadler 1998: 456). The relationship
between individuals and environment is therefore bi-directional. (Iosofat 2009)
While one of the authors (Santamas) does use some location recordings in his work (as
do Iosofat and Bainton), Adkins, Surman and Skelton rarely use such recordings. Chion notes
that sounds are recognised to be truthful, effective and fitting not so much if they repro-
duce what would be heard in reality, but if they render (convey, express) the feelings associ-
ated with the situation (Chion 1994). Iosofat writes in relation to his own work that,
407
The psychosonographic is therefore not a representation of place through field record-
ings but requires sonic intervention to express a sense of experience or otherness. For the
authors, the composition and its interpretation arises from an intersection between individ-
ual cognition, place and atmosphere. A given composition may evoke an associated visual
image from either the composers or the listeners past or present experience. Iosofat writes,
An image (not necessarily visual) that possesses such evocative qualities can be
said to be poetic, in the Aristotelian sense. Bachelard remarks that, [the poetic
image] is referable to a direct ontology. [It] has an entity and dynamism of its
own The relation of a new poetic image to an archetype is not a causal one.
(Bachelard 1964: xvi) Therefore, an objects image is a being in its own right, a
separate entity from the objects material existence, and disjunct from all cau-
sality related to the nature of the phenomenon. It is possible to consider this
image (or general reconstruction, in the sense discussed) as completely remote
from the reality from which it originates. (Iosofat, 2009)
It is this relationship between sound and stimulated poetic image that is explored in
the authors use of photography, what Santamas (2013) terms audio-photographic art. In au-
dio-photographic art the experience of an artwork is through the integration of image and
sound. The audience is invited to subjectively reconstruct and share the emotive experience
of the artist. The inclusion of image in both authors works conditions the audiences percep-
tion of the artwork in a more directed manner than sound alone. Derrida (2010) considers
photography as auto-affective in time, something that is both a passive record of time that
has passed and an active intervention through the artistic decisions the photographer takes
(exposure time, perspective etc.). This same idea can be applied to a field recordings rela-
tionship with time. It is both passively recording the past but at the same time intervening
through microphone choice, placement and production techniques. This exposes a flaw if
the intention is to capture place - the intervention in the soundscape means that the sound
of the place can not be truly objectively recorded. Our work differs from soundscapes in that
instead of using detailed clean recordings of space to attempt to transmit a sense of place,
we use a full range of sounds, instrumentation, as well as still image (and its own full range
of aesthetic possibilities) to evoke a sense of place rather than recreate it. What one has in
City Colours (Santamas) and the Drift Trilogy (Adkins) is a sonic impression of place as an
expression of a mental image. This mental image is not just of place but is also a subjective
response to a real or imagined sensory experience of place. As such it is not bound by spatial
408
materiality. There is therefore a disconnect between representation and expression. This is
the creative act. An act that consciously plays with the evocation of memory, atmosphere,
place and sound.
4. Atmosphere
In Gernot Bhmes writings on atmosphere there are a number of concepts mentioned above
that are brought together, particularly Debords notion of spaces becoming places through
an individuals experience of a given location; the bi-directionality of individual and place
discussed in Iosofats writings; and Kandinskys expressionist recreation of mood. Bhme
writes,
aesthetics is now the full range of aesthetic work, which is defined generally as
the production of atmospheres and thus extends from cosmetics, advertising,
interior decoration, stage sets to art in the narrower sense. Autonomous art is
understood in this context as only a special form of aesthetic work, which also
has its social function, namely the mediation of the encounter and response to
atmospheres in situations set apart from action contexts. (Bhme, 1993)
409
Bhme draws on Hermann Schmitzs philosophy of the body in the creation of atmos-
phere, writing that, if we accept their [atmospheres] relative or complete independence
from objects, [then they] must belong to the subject. And in fact this is what happens when
we regard the serenity of a valley or the melancholy of an evening as projections, that is, as
the projection of moods, understood as internal psychic states. (Bhme, 1993) For Schmitz
feeling are unlocalized, poured forth atmospheres which visit (haunt) the body which
receives them affectively, which takes the form of emotion. (Schmitz, 1964) For Bhme,
Schmitz only goes so far and there is a need to liberate the latters notion of atmosphere
from the subjective-objective dichotomy (Bhme, 1993). Bhme goes on to state that at-
mospheres are,
spaces insofar that they are tinctured through the presence of things, of per-
sons or environmental constellation, that is, through their ecstasies. They are
themselves spheres of the presence of something, their reality in space. As
opposed to Schmitzs approach, atmospheres are thus conceived not as free
floating but on the contrary as something that proceeds from and is created by
things, persons or their constellations Conceived in this fashion, atmospheres
are neither something objective, that is, qualities possessed by things, and yet
they are something thinglike, belonging to the thing in that things articulate
their presence through qualities conceived as ecstasies. Nor are atmospheres
something subjective, for example, determinations of a psychic state. And yet
they are subjectlike, belong to subjects in that they are sensed in bodily pres-
ence by human beings and this sensing is at the same time a bodily state of being
of subjects in space. (Bhme, 1993).
410
In our compositional work the creation of atmosphere can also be understood through
Barthes notion of punctum and studium proposed in his Camera Lucida. For Barthes, punc-
tum wounds the viewer, usually by evoking memory or the imagining of what could have
been. The punctum has a few possible causes. The first is detail: Barthes explains that for
him the punctum is often a detail such as a necklace or shoes. These items may bring forth
memories of relatives that these objects remind him of. The second form of punctum is time.
Barthes said This new punctum, which is no longer of form but of intensity, is Time, the
lacerating emphasis of the noeme (that-has-been), its pure representation (Barthes, 2000).
Music can also have an effect through its association with particular moments in mem-
ory. Barthes explains that details of some photographs trigger memories and emotions, this
is one way in which the viewer can experience the punctum. This effect however, does not
appear to be limited to the details of things but rather the general impression that they
leave upon you. In this way it is possible to look at other mediums with a different temporal
frame such as music in the context of the punctum. This is not a new idea; in their essay For
The Record: Popular Music and Photography as Technologies of Memory Emily Keightley
and Michael Pickering use Barthes punctum as a means for analysing music. They go on to
explain that along with the visual punctum, there is also the aural punctum where music
pierces, cuts through and penetrates in such a way as to be indistinct from the experience
of it (Keightley & Pickering, 2006). They go on to cite an interview from Music in Everyday
Life (2000) in which the participant talks about a song on the radio triggering grief for her
recently deceased father. This is a clear parallel with Barthes winter garden photograph, a
photograph of his recently deceased mother which through its punctum triggers feelings
of grief and loss. Keightley and Pickering however, do not look at the problems of applying
the idea of punctum to sound. Punctum relies on photographys noeme (that-has-been
(Barthes, 2000)) and as such much of its effects are unique to the temporal aspect of the
medium. What is clear is that in sound the punctum is not time based but a reaction to the
generality of the music. It is not a just a detail or the specifics of time but the music as a
whole which is associated with part of the past - or place. Due to musics abstract nature, its
sounds are not always clearly indexical of any particular situation. This abstraction allows
the listener to attach memories to the whole as well as any detail with a personal referent. It
is the musics association with the time of the memory that triggers that memory: its place
in history as referent rather than the visual punctumsobject as referent or the lacerating
emphasis of the noeme (Barthes, 2000). It is the musics association with personal history
which allows it to create a punctum. In this case the music is equivalent to the detail in
photography that causes punctum. The music is what takes you back to when you listened
411
to it previously or intensely. This does not mean that a particular sound detail that occurs
cannot prick you, (after all, sound is pregnant with meaning (Prevost, 1995)) however, this
contributes to the whole rather than just that moment. The continuous sound does not allow
you to dwell on an individual detail therefore not allowing the brief shock to become a punc-
tum however, that detail then is subsumed into the whole, leading the listener to associate
the whole piece with that time, each detail playing a part in creating an abstract atmosphere.
In summary, the details do create a punctumbut one which is the sum of a number of small
pricks which create or contribute to an atmosphere rather than a single detail which the
audience has time to dwell upon. This explains the example from Music in Everyday Life
(DeNora, 2000) that Keightley & Pickering (2006) use: it is the piece as a whole, not any one
detail of the piece that causes the strong emotional reaction.
Although both authors use of electronic music has a similar goal it is interesting to note
that their use of photography can trigger the punctum in different ways. Stephen Harveys
photographs for Rift Patterns (Drift Trilogy Pt.1) are rich with detail and likely to trigger
Barthes notion of punctum through the recognition of a particular detail (see Figure 3). San-
tamas use of photography in his work is different from Harveys clean-cut and detailed style.
There is a very different sense of atmosphere created. Santamas uses a number of experi-
mental techniques to create unusual blur and light effects. These include taking the lens off
the camera body itself (see Figure 4). In Santamas audio-photographic art the photographs
as well as the music explore the creation of atmosphere through the erosion of detail. In San-
tamas work the colours and shapes in the images create more of general atmosphere. The
lack of detail leads the viewer to create their own associations, away from the more specific
cultural referents of Harveys work. Freed from detail, the audience can link any memory
they associate with those shapes and colours to the image rather than being anchored to a
specific cultural referent.
With the majority of our work, abstraction is a key component in the way we explore
place. The experience of place is not just an aural one or even simply audiovisual so when
looking towards representing place it is clear that our respective mediums of music and
audio-photographic art are fundamentally flawed. In The Order of Things Foucault (2002)
suggests that a similar barrier between language and painting exists - the phenomenology
of both is very different. Any attempt to represent one with the other is always going to be
problematic as Neither can be reduced to the others terms. This incompatibility however,
could be used to the artists advantage.
412
Figure 3. Stephen Harveys photographs for Rift Patterns (Drift Trilogy Pt.1)
if one wishes to keep the relation of language to vision open, if one wishes to
treat their incompatibility as a starting-point for speech instead of as an obsta-
cle to be avoided, so as to stay as close as possible to both, then one must erase
those proper names and preserve the infinity of the task. It is perhaps through
the medium of this grey, anonymous language, always over-meticulous and re-
petitive because too broad, that the painting may, little by little, release its illu-
minations. (Foucault, 2002)
413
full palette of sounds and colours available - using sound and image to its full potential and
on its own terms. This creates a far more open way of experiencing art: through the erosion
of detail one can leave the audience to interpret the material they are presented with in a
much more liberal way, connecting the sound and image with their own memories to create
a strong sense of place. By communicating generality there may be something that anyone
can latch onto to build their own sense of place from the music whether through psycho-
sonographic imagined images or memories of past experiences.
In Santamas audio-photographic installation City Colours, the audiovisual material is a
mixture of captured reality (photographs, field recordings) and synthesised elements, lay-
ered to create an abstracted piece of work that takes advantage of a range of sound and
image processes on their own terms. Here evocation of place through generality is key to
the work.
In Adkins Drift Trilogy, the approach to place is still the focus of the work but the method
is different. Adkins also uses abstraction in sound, going even further by not including field
recordings of place and so creating a neo-expressionistic emotive evocation of the intensity
of place. Harveys images and Adkins sound focus on detail rather than generality arguably
creating a more directed and hence restricted interpretation of the work rather than Santa-
mas openness. In Adkins and Harveys work there is a desire to communicate the authors
individual response to place and its importance to them. In Santamas audio-photographic
art an interpretation of the work is more ambiguous as it is the audiences perception of
place that comes to the fore.
414
5. Conclusion.
There are a number of conclusions that can be drawn from consideration of the authors
creative work in relation to place and identity. The first, paradoxically, is informed by writ-
ings on super-modernity by Marc Aug. According to Augs notion of non-place, spaces
that are the same the world over in contemporary society, such as airport lounges and hotel
lobbies typify super-modern culture. Aug contends that the contemporary understanding
of local can only be defined through reference to the global. In artistic terms the authors
work, as well as that of Bainton and Skelton fits into the global contemporary ambient gen-
re - integrating instrumental recordings, field recordings, drone and noise as exemplified
by artists on labels such as Kranky, 12k, Crnica, Room40 and Hibernate. What makes them
distinctive is the local emphasis of place and the communication of this through the crea-
tion of atmosphere. Skeltons use of ephemera emphases the fragility of the local within a
global environment and although not overtly political in the sense of acoustic ecology, his
work communicates to the audience the importance of a given location to him. Similarly, the
authors work emphasises the individuals link with place and acknowledges the local and
individual relationship that exists between them. It is a political artistic statement in that,
through the perception of atmosphere in a work, the audience comes to appreciate how the
identity of the artist is shaped by the relationship with the local and hence comes to under-
stand that the preservation of the local in relation to the global non-place is essential for
the artist and society at large.
Although our compositional work considers identity and place from a different perspec-
tive to that found in soundscape composition, the unifying factor is Bhmes notion of at-
mosphere in that both are concerned with the relationship between human beings and their
environment mediated through sound. Understood from this perspective both approaches
are two sides of the same coin emphasising a subjective artistic response or an objective
response to a location through sound and contextualising this within a local-global perspec-
tive in relation to the individual and society.
415
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417
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Diogo Teixeira
diogo.teixeira@usj.edu.mo
University of Saint Joseph, Macau, China
Abstract
This paper seeks a way to uncover the role of aural experience in the affective and more
effective construction of place. In the films of Tarkovsky, the weak narrative, based on am-
biguity and improvisation, intentionally creates a distance between the image and the story
in order to weaken the logic of the narrative, originating a field of associative images that
arouses strong personal interpretations. The same may happen in a city by applying subtle
acoustic strategies, suggesting to its users a new, more involved, attitude, so that they cease
to be external elements and become participants, accepting a moral responsibility in the
progression of events. This hypothesis is explored through the analysis of the relation be-
tween image and sound in Tarkovskys film Stalker (1979) and behaviour observations in two
sonic interventions held in the cities of Lisbon (1999) and Guimares (2012).
418
1. Introduction
In 1997, ECM released an anthology1 presenting on its cover a photograph2 of an object, upon
which is projected a statement from Paul Virilio: The Essential is No Longer Visible. The
object a bunker built by Nazi Germany during WWII is beautifully shot and the image
is pleasant; however, it is the writing projection that stays in the mind. As one lingers for a
moment, the question arises: was the essential ever visible?
Between 1928 and 1930, the British decided to build on the south and northeast coasts
of England a group of large concrete structures. Known as acoustic mirrors, concrete dishes
or listening ears, they were designed to pick up the sound of approaching enemy aircraft.
Sound waves were caught in the belly of the mirror and relayed back through microphones
and a stethoscope to an operator who raised the alarm. The mirrors effectively gave Britain
a fifteen-minute warning of an impending attack. The essential was not visible but was ca-
pable of being heard.
Going a bit further back to the Middle Ages, Bernard of Clairvaux, a French abbot and
the primary reformer of Cistercian order that encouraged the contemplation of nature and
avoided any images or artefacts, said: You wish to see; listen. Hearing is a step toward Vi-
sion. This statement is strangely relevant to our world of 21st century technological mul-
ti-sensory experiences where nevertheless we still close our eyes to kiss, to savour, to listen,
to feel something deeply.
This paper investigates how architects may explore our sensory perception of image
and sound, both of which are inseparable ways in which we experience the world, to design
places. This dialectic is the leitmotiv of our research. Hearing is one of the first and last of our
sensory experiences in this world, so it seems interesting to use it to subvert the relationship
between image and sound in the city sight being the dominant of all our senses and thus
invite the citizen to engage affectively with the multidimensionality of reality and build the
place upon it.
The purpose is to uncover the role of aural experience in the affective (and more effec-
tive, as we will see) construction of place. In the films of Tarkovsky or Antonioni, the weak
narrative, based on ambiguity and improvisation, intentionally creates a distance between
the image and the story in order to weaken the logic of the narrative, originating a field of
419
associative images that arouses strong personal interpretations. The same may happen in a
city by applying subtle acoustic strategies, suggesting to its users a new, more involved atti-
tude, so that they cease to be external elements and become participants, accepting a moral
responsibility in the progression of events.
Rather than attempting to reinvent architectural form or function, this paper explores
how, through a sensitivity to the possibilities of sound in architecture, it is possible to tran-
scend the confines of its traditional uses and enable in its perceiver the freedom to engage
that allows for the individuals own sensitivity and mind to take an active role in creating a
personal connection with space and charging it with meaning, hence defining or construct-
ing the place. This is further explored through the examination of sound in Tarkovskys film
Stalker (1979) and the analysis of two sonic interventions in public space held in Lisbon (1999)
and Guimares (2012).
2. Framework
The construction of place is rooted in place attachment, the bonding that occurs between
individuals and their meaningful environments that has gained much scientific attention in
recent years (e.g., Giuliani, 2003; Low and Altman, 1992). Part of this interest is a consequence
of the awareness that personplace bonds have become fragile as tendencies like globaliza-
tion, increased mobility and virtual connectivity, and environmental problems threaten the
existence of, and our connections to, places that used to be important to us.
Interest in understanding the attachments that people form with places can be found
in a variety of disciplines. Sociology, for example, emphasizes how the symbolic meanings
of environments influence the social context of human interactions (Grieder and Garkovich
1994). Anthropology seeks to understand the cultural significance of places in everyday life
(Gupta and Ferguson 1997). Human geography has explored the concept of sense of place
(Relph 1976, 1997, Buttimer and Seamon 1980, Tuan 1977, 1980), which is similar to the no-
tion of place attachment as developed in environmental psychology (Altman and Low 1992).
When viewed from this latter discipline, attachment represents a positive connection or
bond between a person and a particular place (Giuliani and Feldman 1993, Williams and
Patterson 1999). In the course of this interaction, indifferent spaces turn into places charged
with meaning which serve as objects of attachment (Tuan 1977).
420
More attention has been given in the domains of human geography and environmental
psychology to the study of place attachment. This concept has been related to psychological
and physical characteristics (Bonnes and Secchiaroli 1995), and to variables related to feel-
ings, emotions, and bonds that people develop toward places where they live (Bagozzi 1978;
Hay 1998). Pretty et al. (2003) and Groat (1995) proposed that individual relations with places
assign them with meaning and order by means of personal, social, and cultural processes.
Riger and Lavrakas (1981) reported two particular characteristics of place attachment that
relate to rootedness and bondedness. While rootedness is related to duration of residence,
ownership, and expectations to live in the same place, bondedness is associated with be-
longing to and familiarity with the place.
One thing is certain: emotion was shown to have a deep influence on the links that peo-
ple establish with particular environments. Tuan (1977) suggested that emotion is a major as-
pect by means of which people charge environments with meaning. Eisenhauer et al. (2000)
showed how interaction with certain natural environments contributed to the development
of emotional attachment to those settings. Casakin and Billig (2008), Jorgensen and Stedman
(2001; 2006), and Kyle et al. (2004) found that affective attachment received higher scores as
compared to other dimensions of attachment such as place identity and place dependence.
Place attachment is also worthy of study because of its relevance to many important
processes. For instance, the examination of place attachment as an emotional bond has shed
light on the distress and grief expressed by those who are forced to relocate (e.g., Fried
1963; Fullilove 1996). Place attachment has thus been applied to disaster psychology (e.g.,
Brown and Perkins 1992), immigration (e.g., Ng 1998), and mobility (e.g., Giuliani, Ferrara, and
Barabotti 2003; Gustafson 2001). Other research has shown that place meaning and attach-
ment can be used to plan and encourage the use of public spaces, such as national parks (e.g.,
Kyle, Graefe, and Manning 2005; Moore and Graefe 1994; Williams and Stewart 1998).
Place attachment is also relevant to the study of environmental perception. Attached in-
dividuals experience a heightened sense of safety, even when their place is situated in a war
zone (e.g., Billig 2006). On a smaller scale, attachment to ones neighbourhood is associated
with fewer perceived incivilities (e.g., drug dealing, gang activity, traffic, etc.) on ones block
and less fear of neighbourhood crime (Brown, Perkins, and Brown 2003). Finally, because
of its associations with environmental risk perception, and place-protective attitudes (e.g.,
Kyle, Graefe, Manning, and Bacon 2004; Nordenstam 1994; Stedman 2002; Vorkinn and Riese
2001), place attachment contributes to the understanding of pro-environmental behaviour,
although the research on this topic is limited and the findings are inconsistent (e.g., Uzzell,
Pol, and Badenas 2002; Vaske and Kobrin 2001).
421
The diversity of definitions reflects the growing interest in place attachment, and can be
seen as progress in the concepts theoretical framework. Researchers have highlighted dif-
ferent processes, places, and people involved in personplace bonding, but these definitions
remain atomized in the literature, and thus the theoretical progress of the concept has not
yet been acknowledged, nor has a more general definition of place attachment been agreed
upon. By exploring the affinities across the different uses of the concept, we can begin to
outline, and then structure, a coherent understanding of it.
We adopted the three-dimensional organizing framework proposed by Scannell and Gif-
ford (2010). This framework proposes that place attachment is a multidimensional concept
with person, process, and place dimensions (see Figure 1). The first dimension is the living
being: who is attached? To what extent is the attachment based on individually and collec-
tively held meanings? The second dimension is the psychological process: how are affect,
cognition, and behaviour manifested in the attachment? The third dimension is the object of
the attachment, including place characteristics: what is the attachment to, and what is the
nature of this place? This three-dimensional framework of place attachment organizes the
main definitions in the literature.
We consider this framework with a special attention on the affective dimension (process)
associated to individual experience (person) of built environments (place).
422
2.1. Place attachment as individual experience
At the individual level, it involves the personal connections one has to a place. For example,
place attachment is stronger for settings that evoke personal memories, and this type of
place attachment is thought to contribute to a stable sense of self (Twigger-Ross and Uzzell
1996). Similarly, places become meaningful from personally important experiences, such as
realizations, milestones (e.g., where I first met my significant other), and experiences of per-
sonal growth, as Manzo (2005) notes in her study of the experiences and places that create
place meaning. She comments, it is not simply the places themselves that are significant, but
rather what can be called experience-in-place that creates meaning. Although other the-
orists argue that place characteristics are integral in the construction of place meaning, the
argument that individual experiences may form the basis for the attachment is convincing.
423
Relationships with place can represent an array of emotions from love and contentment
to fear, hatred, and ambivalence (Manzo 2005). For example, one can experience a childhood
home as a significant place, but that does not necessarily mean the bond is positive. Rather,
unhappy or traumatic experiences in a place may create negative feelings or even aversion
toward it. Although strong negatively charged bonds can be formed with important places,
attachment usually is defined in positive terms; the desire to maintain closeness to a place is
an attempt to experience the positive emotions that a place may evoke (Giuliani et al. 2003).
It is also in this (positive) sense that fosters Tuans cited work on environmental attitudes
and perception that investigates the love to the place: My main concern is with the forma-
tion and nature of positive attitudes and values. To this end, Tuan defines the neologism
topophilia as the affective link between the person and the place or physical environment.
Diffuse as a concept, vivid and concrete as personal experience (Tuan 1974). The concept
covers all the emotional ties of human beings with the material environment that differ pro-
foundly in intensity, subtlety and mode of expression. According to Tuan, topophilia is not
the strongest human emotion. When is irresistible, we can be sure that the place or envi-
ronment is the vehicle of emotionally strong events or is perceived as a symbol (Tuan 1974).
One aspect emphasized in his analysis is the lower variability of urban experience and
reduced physical contact with the natural environment in developed societies (i.e., literally,
un-involved): Whats missing people in advanced societies (and hippies groups seem to pur-
sue) is a smooth, unconscious engagement with the physical world, that prevailed in the past
when the pace of life was slower and which children still enjoy (idem). In fact, children have
an open-minded involvement, indifferent for oneself, and vague rules of beauty.
While not necessarily the direct cause of topophilia, the environment provides the sen-
sory stimuli that act as the perceived image and shapes our joys and ideals: what we decide
to pay attention (value or love) is an accident of individual temperament, purpose and cul-
tural forces that act at a particular time (ibid.). In short:
Topophilia takes many forms and varies in intensity and emotional range. Its
a start describing what they are: ephemeral visual delight; sensual delight of
physical contact; attachment to a place for being familiar, because it is home and
represents the past, because it evokes pride of possession or creation; the joy in
things due to animal health and vitality (ibid.).
424
From his innovative, for the time, and still refreshing analysis, we are particularly inter-
ested in the association he rebuilds3 between the notions of emotion, motivation and move-
ment, ending with:
In her analysis of spatiality in motion, Giuliana Bruno crosses the realm of emotion, con-
stantly returning to the place of topophilia, although in a somehow distinct perspective:
Although I have found inspiration in this work, my engagement with the notion
of topophilia stems from a very different premise. In order to explain the love
of place, Yi-Fu Tuan ended up establishing a system of values for places, ulti-
mately making claims for ideals of landscapes in an evaluative structure based
on binary oppositions and harmonious wholes. By contrast, I have used the term
topophilia to describe that form of cinematic discourse that exposes the labor
of intimate geography a love of place that works together with the residual
texture of cineres. Such work is driven by a passion for mapping that is itself
topophilically routed not on wholeness but on the fabric of lacunae. [...] This is
the site of (in)visible traces, inscribed and laid bare, yet enduring erasable on the
white fabric of the screen. (Bruno 2002)
Its precisely this dynamic mapping of affection we explore in this paper, resulting not
from a univocal sense of place but from interpretive openings, voids or tears requesting re-
pair, imaginary patches that overlap without, however, leaving a mark. In this sense, space,
as the film screen, becomes a place precisely when accommodating the projections we do
of what affects us, making us participants of an individual wholeness, after all the same that
Tuan craved.
3.Since the words have the same etymology: the Latin motus, movement.
425
2.3. Affect in the Construction of Place
Thrift (2007) in the presentation of non-representational theory proclaims a geography of
what happens to relate space and affect. He starts by the event and its essential feature -
the surprisingness - to describe the world-in-motion we live, in which decisions have to
be made for the moment, every moment. A momentary world, awaiting each ones action. A
world that is not foreshadowed is a world of radical possibility, where each real event arises
among many alternatives, where the possibilities exceed actualities: in a becoming, one
term does not become another, rather, each term encounters the other and the becoming
is something between the two, outside the two (Smith, 1997: xxx, apud Thrift, 2007). But if
something exceeds the event, what is it? Thrift argues that this excess is a virtual expressive
dimension that can be summarized as a generation of signals seized in practice: the sign is
an encounter rather than an act of recognition, and it can only be felt or sensed: signs act
directly on the nervous system (Marks 1998: 38 apud Thrift, 2007). This constant deleuzian
becoming is thus always performative (sensorimotor and corporeal) and interpretive, allow-
ing us to pass from the abstract nature of the concept of event to the concrete nature of the
notion of body.
This eventual thus corporeal form of realization is the touchstone of affect in the con-
struction of place. In this concept of embodiment is interwoven an important role for the
affect that should be clarified. Affect is not only emotion, nor is it reducible to the affects or
perceptions of an individual subject: Percepts are not perceptions, they are packets of sen-
sations and relations that outlive those who experience them. Affects are not feelings, they
are becomings that go beyond those who live through them (they become other) (Deleuze
1995: 137, apud Thrift, 2007: 116). And more:
426
thing remains unactualised, inseparable from but unassimilable to any particu-
lar, functionally anchored perspective. That is why all emotion is more or less
disorienting, and why it is classically described as being outside of oneself, at
the very point at which one is most intimately and unshareably in contact with
oneself and ones vitality. Actually existing, structured things live in and through
that which escapes them. Their autonomy is the autonomy of affect. (Massumi
1997b, apud Thrift, 2007)
Besides the affect of living things there is a world of other things, things that have their
own resonances, so artfully captured by actor-network theory: Latours famous example of
the automatic door closer and the weighted hotel key are both just the simplest of the means
by which bodies are guided along particular paths by things. (Thrift 2007) The encounters
with other things are growing in importance and as a result, the nature of these other things
became increasingly active, providing a greater decentralization of human subject. People
thus become quite ill-defined constellations that are spread around the world:
From these custom constellations Thrift extracts the tools to address the founding ele-
ment of meaning: creativity. Many contemporary thinkers addressed the issue without, how-
ever, stimulate applied research on the subject, making the understanding of certain forms
of expressive action that are important for the analysis of the urban phenomenon:
a whole category of social and cultural action, usually termed play, is unable
to be grasped. Play is a process of performative experiment: The ongoing, un-
derlying process of off-balancing, loosening, bending, twisting, reconfiguring,
427
and transforming the permeating, eruptive / disruptive energy and mood below,
behind and to the side of focused attention (Schechner 1993) which is brought
into focus by body-practices such as dance and which encourages the discov-
ery of new configurations and twists of ideas and experience (Schechner 1993).
It is the world of the subjunctive enacted (Sutton-Smith 1997), the world where
possibilities are acted out. [] Such meta-communication presupposes fantasy
produced through intersubjectivity, and is characterized by quirkiness, redun-
dancy, and oddity. It is, in other words, about producing variation (Thrift 2007).
This is the practical knowledge mode of experimental basis we use in daily urban life.
Thrift analyses dance as an example of performative experience process and mode of
understanding the expressive potential of public space:
To begin with, dance can help us to understand urban skills. Day after day,
all kinds of skills of expression are constantly deployed in the city, delineat-
ing time-spaces in which something significant and worthy of notice is to oc-
cur. These minor skills include all the everyday means of negotiating the city
driving the car, walking the pavement, crossing the street and the knowledge
stemming from those encounters (sometimes formalized in City Guides and A
Zs) In turn, these skills produce a city which is in continual flux. According to
Lefebvre (1995) apprehending the to and fro of these skills of expression itself
requires the cultivation of special skills of rhythm-analysis, which will appre-
hend the city as a series of times, polyrhythmically interacting with one another
to produce a music of the city. (idem)
From this analysis emerges a category of experience, already addressed by Breton, Ben-
jamin, de Certeau, and other scholars of the city that can be accessed with proper prepara-
tion: a process of tuning based on a lyrical expectation and willingness to experiment. This
type of awareness seems to open the spaces of urban eventuality, each one with their own
senses of possibility.
From the analysis of dance, Thrift also extracts the key innovations of non-representa-
tional theory. The first is the attempt to produce therapeutic interventions rather than
claim the grand theory. The second is the focus on a class of experiences seldom addressed,
the trivial, the interactive, the game: moving towards a poetics of encounter which both
conveys a sense of life in which meaning shows itself only in the living, and which, belatedly,
428
recognizes that the unsayable has genuine value and can be felt on our pulses (Wittgen-
stein 1969, apud Thrift 2007). The third is methodological and questions the traditional tools
(ethnography, focus groups, and the like) for being cognitive in origin and effect:
One is a residual cultural Cartesianism (replete with all kinds of gendered con-
notations): affect is a kind of frivolous or distracting background to the real work
of deciding our way through the city. It cannot be a part of our intelligence of
that world. Another is concerned with the cultural division of labour. The crea-
tive arts already do that stuff and there is no need to follow. A third explanation
is that affect mainly figures in perceptual registers like proprioception which
are not easily captured in print. (Thrift 2007)
429
And points out as many to justify the urgency of an affective approach to the city:
First, systematic knowledges of the creation and mobilization of affect have be-
come an integral part of the everyday urban landscape: affect has become part
of a reflexive loop which allows more and more sophisticated interventions in
various registers of urban life. Second, these knowledges are not just being de-
ployed knowingly, they are also being deployed politically (mainly but not only
by the rich and powerful) to political ends: what might have been painted as
aesthetic is increasingly instrumental. Third, affect has become a part of how
cities are understood. As cities are increasingly expected to have buzz, to be
creative, and to generally bring forth powers of invention and intuition, all of
which can be forged into economic weapons, so the active engineering of the
affective register of cities has been highlighted as the harnessing of the talent of
transformation. (idem)
Each of these three reasons points out to the relevance of affect, although it was always
a constant of the urban experience, it is now, more than ever, prone to a proposed activation
(often manipulated) and is getting closer to the networks pipes and cables that provide the
basic mechanisms and root textures of urban life, becoming as a set of binding elements and
relay working continuously establishing new biographies and emotional topographies, com
acar, com afeto (in English, with sugar, with affection) as Chico Buarque composed.
430
respond and in which they participate. In each case affect is understood as a
form of thinking, often indirect and nonreflective true, but thinking all the same.
And, similarly, all manner of the spaces which they generate must be thought
of in the same way, as means of thinking and as thought in action. Affect is a
different kind of intelligence about the world, but it is [emotional] intelligence
nonetheless, and previous attempts to either relegate affect to the irrational or
raise it up to the level of the sublime are both equally mistaken. (Thrift 2007)
431
It derives a microbiopolitics of the subliminal: the ability to operate the small gap be-
tween action and cognition (about half a second) that became detectable, the amount of time
that shapes the moment. Increasingly, urban spaces and times are designed to invoke an
emotional response according to practical and theoretical knowledge derived and encoded
by several sources ranging from psychoanalysis to the performing arts. It follows that the af-
fective response can be projected in the spaces, often from something that seems irrelevant.
Although the affective response can never be guaranteed, the fact is that this is no longer a
completely random process: It is a form of landscape engineering that is gradually pulling
itself into existence, producing new forms of power as it goes. (Thrift 2007)
From his analysis we can extract some tracks for the architectural theory and practice
that we seek to illuminate: corporeal because it uses the sensitive evidence we have learned
since childhood as cultural signifiers of intensity, embedded in time and in space, resisting
the paradigm of reading-writing-text but still intelligible to an awaken audience, as various
forms of (e)motion, and subliminal because it operates in the gap between action and cogni-
tion as a kind of visceral shorthand only possible in small spaces and subliminal times. As an
example of visual approach that seems to follow these premises we may consider the Butter-
fly House by davidclovers in Poyntelle, Pennsylvania (USA), seeking an empathetic relation-
ship with the context. This project can be interpreted as a manoeuvre of phenomenological
survival that questions the notion of self and other, the natural and the artificial, involving
the user in the process of construction of meaning through a set of optical effects that gen-
erate three-dimensional visual ambiguities.
Thrift ends, drawing as a path to follow (among others) the work resulting from alliances
between the social sciences and the arts that is leading to the formation of a new type of
cultural engineering: The marriage of science and the arts is often called engineering and
this seems to be the right term for the kind of theoretical-practical knowledges that are
432
now being derived, ad hoc knowledges of the ad hoc which can simultaneously change our
engagements with the world. Is this the crux of the matter: how to intensify our engage-
ment with the world without modifying it? For Thrift, the answer lies in the new ecologies of
belonging that transcend the social and have a performative bio-logic: I have tried to begin
to show that the challenge of affect is, at least in part, a challenge to what we regard as the
social because it involves thinking about waves of influence which depend upon biology to
an extent that is rarely recognized or theorized in the social sciences. (Thrift 2007) Conse-
quently, a new and fertile field is emerging where the affect practices can be understood
and worked. This field is at the intersection of bodily practices and technology and results
in the reinvention of several space crafts, among which naturally stands out the practice of
architecture, in particular its aural dimension, we seek to address here.
Architecture in every form or type is an experience, thus dealing with phenomena that are,
as defined by Seamon (2000): things or experiences as human beings experience them. As
experience, according to Steven Holl (1993), involves a certain vulnerability: [e]xperience
of phenomena sensations in space and time as distinguished from the perception of ob-
jects provides a pre-theoretical ground for architecture. Such perception is pre-logical
i.e., it requires a suspension of a-priori thought. Phenomenology, in dealing with questions
of perception, encourages us to experience architecture by walking through it, touching it,
listening to it. Architecture involves an opening not only to the sensorial realm, but also to
the possible revelation of meaning with ontological implications. This revelation is inter-
preted differently from individual to individual. To deal with this open and plural ontological
significance, Gianni Vattimo (1983) introduced the provocative notion of weak thought (il
pensiero debole).
Behind the propositions of this phenomenology is an interpretation of contemporary
cultural conditions. We live a fragmented reality of overlappping virtual and real times that
is presented precisely as juxtaposition: a discontinuity, something that is in complete con-
trast to a single, unique, closed and complete system. Vattimo claims that a lot of the gen-
erally accepted certainties that have sustained our monolithic culture are not certainties at
all. He says that, in order to see them as they are, we need to find a type of weak thought
433
whereby our strongest and most basic intellectual assumptions are dissolved from within
and replaced with a more flexible set of possibilities, which we should avoid moulding into
yet another fixed and static foundation for thought: [w]e shall no longer be conditioned
by a single image, a single interpretation. [] one can no longer say that there is a golden
number, an ideal measure that can be used in the construction of buildings or the planning
of cities, nor even that there are basic natural needs, since it is increasingly absurd to try to
distinguish them from new needs induced by the market and therefore superfluous, not nat-
ural [] (Vattimo 1988). Vattimo argues that traditional metaphysics has privileged strong
thought in the form of reason and, following nihilistic thinkers such as Nietzsche and Hei-
degger, advocates instead the ontological as a form of weak thought, where Being itself
becomes an unnoticed and marginal event.
Architecture is traditionally associated with narrative, based in a formal logic of coher-
ence and legibility, causal, linear, visual, that facilitates understanding but reduces the com-
plexity of the experience. Mystery, the instrument of enhanced engagement and affective
density is subtle, open, haptic, and necessarily improbable except for those who experience
it, for which it becomes inevitable. Here is the fundamental difference of the approach we
propose here. The question is not only the information natural elements, figurative art,
or ornament (Salingaros and Masden 2006) nor its organization, but the way it presents
itself: the experience of mystery, in architecture as in theology, as of nudity, often muteness,
fragility, doubt, silence and night; is an experience of not knowing, not seeing, not having the
power... It is a repeated no that paradoxically ends up becoming a meeting place. (Tolentino
Mendona 2012) After all the same essential fragility that nature manifests at birth, as recalls
Tarkovsky in Stalker (1979):
434
Pallasmaa (2000) says our culture aspires to power and dominance and this ambition
also characterizes western architecture, an architecture that seeks a strong image and
impact. This approach to architecture does not respond to the need of mystery referred
above, which results in emotional and hence existential enrichment of human life. Vattimo
introduced the notion of weak ontology and fragile thought (with affinities with Goethes
delicate empiricism) that identifies the need of the effort to understand the meaning of
anything through a prolonged empathic contemplation based in direct experience. In this
line we can also speak of a subtle or weak architecture or, more precisely, an architecture
of weak structure and image. While the first strong wishes to impress through a singular
exceptional image and the consistent articulation of form, the architecture of weak image is
contextual and responsive, is more concerned with the actual sensory interaction than with
idealized and conceptual demonstrations.
Ignasi de Sol-Morales was one of the first to project the Vattimos ideas in the reality
of architecture in an essay entitled Weak Architecture published in 1987 where he offers
a theory of architecture after the crisis of the modern project, calling it weak architecture,
in reference to Vattimos weak thought that fits the loss of the plea and the desire of rep-
resentation: La interpretacin de la crisis del Proyecto Moderno slo puede hacerse desde
lo que Nietzsche llama la muerte de Dios, es decir, desde la desaparicin de cualquier tipo
de referencia absoluta que de algn modo coordine, cierre, el sistema de nuestros cono-
cimientos y de nuestros valores, a la hora de articularlos en una visin global de la reali-
dad. (Sol-Morales 1987: 72-73) The end of the classical period, of the vision of a closed and
complete universe as if it was a finished whole. A universe where there was no place for the
diversity of time, the Big Bang and Darwins evolution.
Weak architecture is built, therefore, on the transition from an enlightened culture, in
which the enlightened architect expresses the order of the world through architectural
form, to an existentialist culture, in which each individual constructs his own reality based
on experience. This individualization of experience, confirmed by neurosciences, allows an
approach to the initial conjecture of this work: the affective role of soundtracks in the con-
struction of place.
Other features of weak architecture are its decorative and monumental condition. Dec-
orative as to what is accessory and does not requires an attentive reading because it emerg-
es from the periphery, the surroundings, the atmosphere. In this sense, it is diffusive and
becomes the opening that enlarges awareness. Monumental, not as a representation of the
absolute, but in the sense that Foucault gives to it of trace or resonance. Sol-Morales devel-
ops these ideas based on concrete works of artists like Duchamp and Sierra, and architects
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as Jujol, Hoffmann and Melnikov, defending the aesthetic experience as the more relevant
model of a weak construction of reality. The art world, which includes architecture, appears
as a kind of reality reserve that can feed on humans. It does not intend to be a central expe-
rience from which one can deduce the organization of all reality, but be produced in a subtle,
peripheral and fragmentary way, with the ability to insinuate, rather than determine, a more
intense and deeper understanding of reality.
Another notion that brings us to the concept of weak architecture is the Deleuzian fold
telling us that the subjective and the objective are not distant fields and sometimes intersect,
giving rise to folds of the same reality. And thats very enlightening to this approach to archi-
tecture because the encounter occurs precisely when the time of the subject and the time
of the object meet, like a wrinkle in their own journeys, a co-motion, a moment of poetic
and creative intensity. This set of the precariousness of the event and the extemporaneous
folding of reality can only be decorative. In its most common sense, the decorative is not es-
sential, is not substance but just accident. Sol-Morales outlines it like that which does not
want to be central, not to impose itself. This recognition of the tangential value, of a certain
fragility, is possibly its condition greatest elegance and its strength. Its like the sound of the
bell after ringing. It has to do with the taste of poetry after reading it, the savour of music
after listening, to the pleasure of architecture after experiencing it: Es la fuerza de la de-
bilidad. Aquello que el arte y la arquitectura son capaces de producir precisamente cuando
no se presentan agresivas y dominantes, sino tangenciales y dbiles. (Sol-Morales 1987: 85)
We can identify, even before 1980, some examples of architecture capable of reproduc-
ing the conception of weak thought: lvaro Sizas bank buildings and Frank Gehrys house in
Santa Monica (previous image) are references to consider. In these works we see an accept-
ance of the precarious relationship that architecture has with the physical and social envi-
ronment that dispels the modernist heroism and facilitates a sort of convalescence in the
fragmentary. These fragments constitute themselves precisely as material inscriptions of
possible inconsistencies of the milieu. Siza (1980) says: an architectonic proposition whose
aim is to go deep [...] cant find support in a fixed image, cant follow a linear evolution. [...]
Each design must catch, with the utmost rigor, a precise moment of flittering image in all
its shades, and the better you can recognize that flittering quality of reality, the clearer your
design will be. It is the more vulnerable as it is true.
The problem identified by Siza (1980) remains present, and Yaneva and Latour (2008)
recognize it: the problem with buildings is that they look desperately static. It seems almost
impossible to grasp them as movement, as flight, as a series of transformations. We perceive
the world as a process, constantly changing, and we cannot not reach any higher level of
436
consciousness and sense of place without grasping this dynamic. Only then we are aware
of ourselves, the world, and the constancy of this inevitable and mysterious relationship. It
is this dynamics that architecture should reveal, allowing the user to understand his deeply
personal experience of space and, from there, build his place in the world. We need, there-
fore, to conceive an architectural device that, unlike Mareys photographic gun, transforms
(the vision or sensation) of something seemingly static in a multisensory synthesis of its flow,
an essentially projective instrument, imaginative, cinematic, something as Giuliana Brunos
(e)motion picture, which enables intimate experiences open to multiple interpretations: a
polyphonic instant in the heart of the chaotic metropolis. (Sol-Morales, 1992)
It is precisely in cinema that Juhani Pallasmaa (2000) will fetch the necessary analogies,
notably in the films of Tarkovsky or Antonioni where the weak narrative, based on ambiguity
and improvisation, creates an intentional distance between the image and the story with the
objective of weakening the logic of the narrative, creating an associative field of images that
arouses strong personal interpretations. Andrei Tarkovskys Stalker (1979), for example, takes
us on a journey of inner discovery where is more important the insinuating and mysterious
path, than the place where it gets. Also on weak architecture what matters is the journey
because thats where we can find meaning. We know the starting point and we have an ex-
pectation of the arrival, it is nevertheless along the route that we can be distracted and, in
this mode of peripheral perception and expanded awareness, build our own place in reality.
This process can happen in the city by applying subtle strategies, with minimal need for
physical intervention, suggesting to the user a new gaze, diffuse, involved, so that it ceases
to be an external element and becomes a participant, accepting a moral responsibility in the
progression of events.
No other filmmaker of the modern era has created such indelible images of the urban
universe and, with such a deliberate ambiguity, recalls in its audience such intense percep-
tions about what moves his characters as Michelangelo Antonioni (Samuels, 1972) who says:
We know that under the image revealed there is another which is truer to reality and under
this image still another and yet again still another under this last one, right down to the true
image of that reality, absolute, mysterious, which no one will ever see or perhaps right down
to the decomposition of any image, of any reality. With a background in architecture, ob-
sessed with the appearance of the contemporary city, Antonioni was interested above all in
the presence of figures in urban or desert landscapes, and in no other film this clearer than
in The Passenger (1975). What looks like a thriller is just the structure, because the dense
and real suspense is actually the imaginary hook that leaves us oscillating between issues
of identity, the riddle of existence and solitude. The actions on the screen are the medium
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through which the images unfold. Actors and plot are parts of the scenario. The atmosphere
overrides everything.
In short, weak architecture is not concerned with reinventing form or function but in
fragmenting spaces to enable the possibility of an imaginary interpretation that may take it
to be transformed in personal images. The soundscapes that constitute our aural experience
of the city are certainly important in the process of weakening architecture. In the next sec-
tion we will identify two conceptual tools that can be used for this to happen.
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of many equally plausible interpretations. The ambiguity in this neurobiological definition
is, therefore, the obverse of constancy, it is the ability to represent simultaneously, on the
same canvas, not one but several truths, each one of which has equal validity with the others.
(Zeki, 1999) It is therefore more-than-representational, as intended by Thrift. The built envi-
ronment can be an important catalyst for biological demand and weak architecture exploits
it by evoking something less familiar, something that forces the brain to pause, engage its
various sectors and reflect on the new phenomenon found. In short: the brain enjoys the
challenge of a good puzzle, but vision is such a powerful sense that makes the use of ambi-
guity needed to drive significant thus memorable multi-sensory experiences.
Stephen Greenblatt, the founder of the new historicism, in his essay Resonance and
Wonder (1990) gives special critical attention to how wonders boundary might be extend-
ed and made to resonate. This wonder should intensify resonance between whats in and
whats outside of the artefacts themselves. The conclusion is an apology of hybrid strategies
that use wonder to arouse the desire for resonance. When compared with Pallasmaa and
Zeki, the difference is in the strength. While Pallasmaa and Zeki propose a weak approach
based on ambiguity, Greenblatt defends a strong approach through visual marvelling. We are
trying to approach a third and also subtle way through aural experience.
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We who live in the world of reflected light, in visual space, may be said to be in a
state of hypnosis. Ever since the collapse of oral tradition, before the age of Par-
menides, Western civilization has been mesmerized by a picture of the universe
as a limited container in which all things are arranged according to a vanishing
point, in linear geometric order [] The term sensus communis in Ciceros time
meant that all the senses were translated equally into each other. It was the Lat-
in definition of man in a healthy state, when physical and psychic were constant
and distributed in a balanced way to all sense areas. In such a condition it is
difficult to hallucinate. In any cultural arrangement, trouble always occurs when
only one sense is subjected to a barrage of energy and receives more stimulus
than all the others. For modern Western man, that would be the visual state. By
neglecting ear culture, which is too diffuse for the categorical hierarchies of the
left side of the brain, Mankind has locked itself into a position where only line-
ar conceptualization is possible. [] Acoustic space is both discontinuous and
nonhomogenous. Its resonant and interpreting processes are simultaneously
related with centers everywhere and boundaries nowhere. Acoustic and visual
space structures may be seen as incommensurable, like history and eternity, yet,
at the same time, as complementary, like art and science or biculturalism. (Cox
and Warner 2004)
By selecting and combining materials and shapes, architects embed their respective in-
tentions in structures that we see, hear, and feel:
Besides offering sound cues that can be interpreted as objects and surfaces, aural archi-
tecture can also influence our emotions, even if we are not conscious that the aural is itself
a sensory stimulus, we react to it:
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We may experience a living room as cold or warm independent of its actual
temperature, or a train station as lonely and forbidding independent of its actu-
al appearance. The acoustics of a grand cathedral can create an exalted mood;
those of a chapel can enhance the privacy of quiet contemplation; those of an
elevator can produce the feeling of encapsulation and, in the extreme, claustro-
phobia. The acoustics of an open area can produce feelings of either freedom or
insecurity. (idem)
Aural architecture, with its own aesthetics and meaning, complements visual architec-
ture. Visual and aural meanings may align and reinforce each other or not. For example, we
may sense the visual vastness of a cathedral through the eyes but also through the ears by
enveloping reverberation, and this causes a feeling of absolute and divinity to those with re-
ligious beliefs. On the other side, imagine dining at a fashionable restaurant whose interiors
suggest a sense of harmony and elegance, but whose acoustics emphasizes noise, causing
stress, anxiety, and psychological tension. The visual and aural attributes are in this case
conflictual and this may eventually be intentional: aural discomfort induces customers to
leave sooner, which may increase the economic return for the owners, at least on a short-
term perspective.
To investigate aural experience, we first need to understand the basics of listening. What
does it mean to be aware of sound or spatial acoustics?
At one extreme, there is raw sensation. It comprises detecting an auditory stimulus that
has no meaning or affect, as for example, laboratory signals composed of pure tones, tran-
sient clicks, or noise bursts. If we ignore minor physiological differences, there is little be-
havioural variability among individual listeners when detecting such sounds. Raw sensation
is predominantly a biological property of a species.
Farther along, the next step is perception. This is essentially comprised of cognitive
processes, containing the individual listeners personal history, that convert raw sensation
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into an awareness that has a certain meaning. Perception integrates cultural influences and
personal experiences. For example, understanding speech requires knowledge of the words
meanings and conventions specific to the culturein order to decode sounds. Perception
does not require the sound to have any relevance to life; a spoken sequence of random num-
bers can be perceived as linguistic objects, a sequence of musical notes can be perceived as
a melody, and a sound source can be localized. Perception is predominantly a property of
cultural exposure.
At the far end of the continuum, we find emotionally engaged listening. In this case,
sounds produce a visceral response, a heightened arousal (Thayer 1989), and an elevated
state of mental and physical alertness. Such sounds have personal meanings and associa-
tions for the listener. In some cultures, certain kinds of music are so powerful they are used
to create trances, altered states of consciousness (Rouget 1985; Besmer 1983). Listening ex-
periences have the capacity to produce overt or subliminal affect. Overt affect corresponds
to strong feelings, whereas subliminal affect corresponds to subtle arousal. We are mostly
interested in listening experiences that have the capacity to produce subliminal affect.
Even though a listener may clearly perceive and decode the information in a sound, the
experience may produce neither overt nor subliminal affect. There are at least two reasons
why listening might be experienced as irrelevant. First, the sound and acoustic space may
be without meaningful content for a particular listener; there is nothing biologically rele-
vant being communicated. Second, the listener may not be paying attention to the sound
and space. Even if these are emotionally charged, you may not be engaged in focused lis-
tening; indeed, you may have tuned out altogether, ignoring all sounds while attending to
daydreams. In both cases, sound is nothing more than background noise, quickly forgotten.
(Blesser and Salter 2007)
Is this background noise, especially in the second case, when the listener is not paying
attention, so insipid or innocuous? We need to explore the process of emotions to be able to
respond to this question. How are emotions triggered? This is the question that follows and
Antnio Damsio answers:
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constitute reasoning. [] On occasion, however, certain stimuli are ambiguous
enough to activate more than one site, leading to a composite emotional state.
A bittersweet experience is the result, a mixed feeling arising from a mixed
emotion. (Damsio 2010)
4. Soundtracks
To clarify some key terms used in this paper, the adjective aural, which parallels visual, refers
exclusively to the human experience of a sonic process; hearing, to the detection of sound;
and listening, to active attention or reaction to the meaning, and emotions contained within
sound. When you listen carefully with your eyes closed, you engage in attentive listening
intensely focusing on the sounds of life in the immediate environment. Take a moment to
imagine the world from its sounds: the singing birds foreshowing the onset of spring in the
park, the creaking of a rocking chair on a front porch, the laughter of children at the play-
ground, or the sound of music piercing through the open window. Solely through sound, an
entire environment, complete with memories and emotions, comes alive. Indeed, we feel
included in the life of the soundscape: the auditory equivalent of a landscape. (Blesser and
Salter 2007) Whereas landscapes can be comparatively static and sometimes almost lifeless,
soundscapes, of necessity, are dynamic: they require animated activities to produce son-
ic events. In tribal societies where survival is a continuous struggle against hidden events,
soundscapes are frequently more relevant than landscapes (Feld 1996).
Researchers who have studied the soundscapes of old settlements have noted that par-
ticular sonic eventssoundmarkswere the auditory counterparts of landmarks (Truax
2001). Soundmarks are sounds that are unique and high status, often with important social,
historical, symbolic, and practical value. The sounds of church bells, foghorns, railroad sig-
443
nals, factory whistles, fire sirens are examples. In many towns, only those individuals who
lived within the auditory perimeter of the most important soundmarks were considered cit-
izens of the town. Indeed, the size of a community was effectively determined by its acous-
tic geographyterrain features having noticeable acoustic effects, such as flat plains, dense
forests, gentle hills, deep valleys, craggy mountain peaksand by the vagaries of the local
climate. (Blesser and Salter 2007)
For the purposes of this paper it is particularly important a second element of sound-
scapes: soundtracks. Its traditional definition is related with film: soundtrack is intentional
sound that accompanies moving images in narrative film (Deutsch 2007) This does not ex-
clude sounds that are captured accidentally (such as ambient noise most often associated
with documentary footage); rather it suggests that any such sounds, however recorded, are
deliberately presented with images. In our case, the definition is expanded to include the in-
tentional sounds that accompany any environment and intensify it, the fragment of a sound-
scape that invites the perceiver to fill the space with his own consciousness. A soundtrack
usually comprises two different (but not mutually exclusive) elements: sounds that encour-
age us to believe what we see, and sounds that invite us to feel something about what we
are seeing. All elements of the soundtrack operate on the perceiver in complex ways, both
emotionally and cognitively. The recognition of this potential to alter the viewers reading
of a film might encourage architects to become more mindful of using soundtracks, musical
or non-musical sonic events, which, as we shall see below, are likely to shape the emotional
environment through which the user experiences the city.
As soon as the sounds of the visible world are removed from it, or that world is
filled, for the sake of the image, with extraneous sounds that dont exist literally,
or if the real sounds are distorted so that they no longer correspond with the
image then the film acquires a resonance. (Tarkovsky 1987)
Renonance and wonder are two elements particularly present in the films of Tarkovsky.
These elements are articulated not only through image, as postulated by Greenblatt,
Pallasmaa and Mallgrave (2011), but in the dialogue between image and sound. The analysis
of the soundtrack of Tarkovskys 1979 film Stalker will help us understanding how the use of
sound may create a unique perceptual awareness in an audience. Rather than attempting
to reveal meanings and symbols in the film, this analysis explores how, through a sensitivity
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to the possibilities of sound in film, it is possible to transcend the confines of its traditional
uses and enable in its perceiver the freedom to engage that allows for the individuals own
sensitivity and mind to take an active role in creating a personal connection and meaning.
Stalker (and this is true of all Tarkovskys films) is very much focused on the characters
intimate processes and how it is the individual who creates reality. Reality is not a predeter-
mined set of values and rules that can be applied collectively but is constantly shifting and
blurring, as the nature of the Zone itself. The essence of Stalker is oblique. It does not aim
to clear up these anomalies, but rather to pose metaphysical questions for the viewer to
engagewith.
Stalker has something of a pilgrimage, as it traverses a path from one point to another,
knowing that what is essential is the disposition and not the destination itself. This is the
definition of a contemplative poetics, focused in a deed stripped of self, of fear and desire.
Tarkovsky is therefore, focused on total experience, not of one part but of the whole, a con-
tinuous examination of our perceptual awareness of the world and a continuous extension
of our ability to understand the nature of that world (Irwin 2000). This kind of examination
of how we define our reality and the transience that surrounds us can be found in the films
of Andrei Tarkovsky and is central to the theme of this paper. His films feel as if they have led
us into Malevichs desert and left us where all that was familiar and known has disappeared.
Underneath this, however, is offered the opportunity to engage with the multidimensionality
of reality. The soundtracks offer a complex and multidimensional experience of his films and
create an intensified experience of listening that is very unusual within cinema. We will be
focusing in particular on the use of sound in Stalker, and how its uses challenge the percep-
tion of reality and enable the complete involvement of its listeners.
By dissecting and analysing Stalker, it is possible to understand the methods, processes
and objectives that facilitate and inform a deeper insight into how the sound is functioning
and the affect it has on its audience. Tarkovsky uses sound in order to define place, wheth-
er that be literal, psychological or existing as some kind of parallel reality. He allows sound
the time to evolve, develop and build the space, often before the viewer is aware of what is
occurring visually. It is also his use of sound that creates a concealed precision and intricate
development within the progress of the film, allowing individual soundscapes time to unfold,
defining what is apparently obvious and/or revealing what is hidden from the auditor. The
experience is often one of moving sometimes noticeably, sometimes imperceptibly) between
causal listening and reduced listening4. It is the blurring of the two modes that Tarkovsky
4.Causal listening consists of listening to a sound in order to gain information about its cause (or source) and
445
manages to manipulate so effectively. (Smith 2007) This is attained by a complex amalgam of
strata, where sound and music are rarely illustrative, always retaining the feeling that they
are operating as more than representation as proposed by Thrift in his non-representational
theory.
We can find here some affinities with Cages use of noise and consider it as the decora-
tive dimension of weak architecture: a peripheral element of perception. Kim Cascone, as-
sistant sound designer on David Lynchs Wild At Heart, compares Lynchs work to Stalker. He
observes that Lynch creates a sound world that is not contained within the screen but one
that forms a dimensional space around it:
In some parts, the soundtrack is so resonant and expressive that the absence of music
is not missed in the development of the dramatic tension. The richness of dynamics and
textures effectively acts as score which allows the diegetic sounds space to invoke their
own innate musical qualities. A good example is the scene of the trolley train journey. The
train can only be seen when the characters first sit down, we do not see it for the rest of the
scene. The sound is the only evidence of its presence. The absence of the visual here plays a
dual role. The close-up on the faces of the characters makes us overlook the surroundings
and consequently the physical journey becomes an inner journey. In addition, separating the
sound from its source over the period of the journey takes the auditor through a process that
starts in the mode of causal listening moving to reduced listening. Here, as in Stalkers house,
the sound of the environment is practically non-existent. The effect is to draw the viewer
further and further into the inner worlds of the characters coaxed by the mesmerizing repet-
itive sound of the handcar. The delicate and precise balance between natural environment
and the musique concrte leads to an ambiguity of time and space that makes the scene so
the reduced listening mode focuses on the traits of the sound itself independent of its cause and of its meaning
(Chion 1994).
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profoundly effective. As with the trains and music heard in Stalkers house, the boundaries
between diegetic and non-diegetic are being sensitively explored. A very careful blending of
diverse tonal and distorted organic elements clouds the distinction between natural sound,
sound design and music, encouraging the audience to question the very nature of the reality
presented to them on the screen and to viscerally join the characters on the beginning of
their journey into the heart of darkness (Peachment 2001: 1004).
It is largely through the absence of sound that the Zone evokes such a haunting and iso-
lated sensation. Tarkovsky achieves this not through silence but by calling attention to cer-
tain sounds such as the cry of a cuckoo (a recurring aural theme in several of his films) or a
ghostly breeze with no visual reference. This stripped-down soundtrack encourages a much
stronger emotional impact as richer surreptitious sound elements periodically infiltrate the
barren landscape, acting more as a metaphorical representation of the psychological state of
the three characters and/or the abstracted consciousness that is the Zone itself. The source
of this sound is unseen and therefore belongs to the realm of reduced listening. This use
of sonic representation acts as an illusive score, whilst still allowing the sound to feel very
much an extension of space. Again there is a pause within the story where there can be re-
flection, the use of abstracted sound raising questions and enabling connections that do not
need to be answered or revealed but allowing for the visceral connection to something par-
allel to the immediate experience, something outside of human intellectual understanding.
(Smith 2007) Using sound in this way also encourages reduced listening. Although we know
the cause of the sound, separating the sound and placing it on an alternative image produces
a heightened perception of both visual and aural space. The innate qualities of each sound
are allowed to inhabit their own dimension and be experienced more viscerally. The image is
therefore imprinted with a poetic quality. This visceral connection with sound is so strikingly
different that there is the feeling of catharsis the sense of hope that Tarkovsky regarded
as so important in his filmmaking.
The films sound closing is like the opening, we can hear the sound of a train passing
noisily and see vibrating some objects on the table, Beethovens Ode to Joy enmeshed on
the edge of perceptibility. The initial interrogations remain. What is real and what is illusion?
Tarkovsky definitely leaves us in Malevichs desert. The use of discontinuous and inconsist-
ent sounds found in Stalker leads to what Slavoj Zizek called ontological undecidability: It
seems as if Nature itself miraculously starts to speak, the confused and chaotic symphony of
its murmurs imperceptibly passing over into music proper (Zizek, 1999). This is the space of
affect, of visceral connection that, through alienation, generates the bond of appropriation
by making us decompose the anonymous zone and build a proper place.
447
Although Tarkovsky is very meticulous with all elements of the sound in his
films music, dialogue, diegetic and nondiegetic sounds it is in the spaces he
leaves that allows these other elements to play out their idiosyncratic, hypnotic
patterns. Silence is where he hands over completely to the audience. We are
invited to fill the space with our consciousness. This is the space of dreaming.
Through his precision of structure in his film-making he invites us into a meta-
physical world with no boundaries (Pangborn 2006) (Smith 2007)
Traversing the sound tracks of Tarkovskys cinematic world leads the perceiver into a
background of contradictions and abnormalities that will lead only to frustration and confu-
sion, if sought to be understood through logic or rational thought. However, if the perceiver
allows his conscious mind to renounce control and construct an intuitive connection to the
film, then it makes the way for a surprisingly fulfilling experience.
Walkie Talkie is the title of a sound installation executed as part of idealities, an urban
intervention realised in the context of the bicentenary of Almeida Garret5s birth. The pro-
5.Joo Baptista da Silva Leito de Almeida Garrett, Viscount of Almeida Garrett (February 4, 1799 December
9, 1854) was a Portuguese poet, playwright, novelist and politician. He is considered to be the introducer of the
Romanticism in Portugal. He is regarded as one of historys greatest romantics and a true revolutionary and
humanist.
448
ject idealities brought forth tendencies and suggestions that, in either an oblique or explicit
way relate to the garrettian cultural mould. Much like Garrett himself, who cultivated and
devoted a diversity of very distinctive discourses, from the poet to the playwright, from the
journalist to the politician, from the novelist to the historian, idealities refuses the use of
monologues and offers an unexpected and subtly interactive feature.
The experiment was located in Chiado, an area of the city of Lisbon that was the stage
of one of the most violent fires of its history on August 25, 1988. The fire had its initial origin
in Rua do Carmo and then propagated to Rua Garrett, where the installation is located, and
only thanks to the great efforts made by the fire-fighters was it possible to avoid its prop-
agation to the surrounding areas, all of them also historical areas. This fire caused the de-
struction of 18 buildings, some of which were quite emblematic of the commercial activity of
the city: the Chiado Stores, the Eduardo Martins Store, the Ferrari Pastry Shop, the Batalha
Shop, and other shops dedicated to traditional commerce. Many offices and houses were
also destroyed. It is estimated that about 2,000 people lost their jobs.
Walkie Talkie was conceived as a catalyst of urban rehabilitation and was executed at
the end of the long process of reconstruction lead by lvaro Siza. The site the entrance of
the inner courtyard of one of the blocks redesigned by Siza is a space related to all others
in a way that neutralizes or inverts the circuit of existing relations. It is a non-place, the
volumetric negative of built masses that surround it and negation of the existence in its sur-
roundings. There is a place, but the place does not exist; and this absence of a support that
cannot translate into absent support nor absence as support, provokes and resists all binary
or dialectic determination, leaving room for the interpretation of an emanating composition:
the trans-site par excellence. The intention of this installation was to stimulate a sensory
awakening, unconscious at first, and then conscious, re-creative, playful even, persisting in
the perception of space the intensity of the lived moment. The character of the space and
the conceptual premises of the project suggested the creation of a subtle spatial element
that would function as an escape point from Chiado (and from ourselves) to a physical (the
courtyard) and psychological (the self) inner journey.
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Figure 5. Passer-byes looking into the courtyard.
The apparatus comprised one shotgun condenser microphone (Sennheiser MKH 70),
one digital audio delay processor (DBX Digital Dynamics Processor), one microphone pre-
amplifier (Tascam MA-8) and two outdoor speakers. The microphone was discreetly installed
3 meters up the street between two balconies (Figure 5) and captured the sounds of the
area of the sidewalk beneath it. This sound was then delayed 3 seconds and produced in the
speakers subtly installed in the passage to the courtyard. Any passer-by would therefore be
able to hear the specific soundscape he had perceived (or not) three steps before, on her/his
way, walking down the street.
This provided an experience of dj-cout, a surprising echo or resonance coming
from an unexpected location, something similar in aural terms to the visual sensation of d-
j-vu. Observations registered 83% of the passer-byes slowing their pace (or even stopping)
and gazing through the passage into the courtyard (image below); 27% of these eventually
stepped into and crossed the space of the courtyard. Separating the sound from its source
takes the perceiver through a process that starts in the mode of causal listening moving to
reduced listening. The effect is to draw the perceiver to an ambiguity of time and space that
makes the event so profoundly effective, encouraging him to question the very nature of the
reality presented and to viscerally engage on a journey into the heart of darkness similar to
the one performed by the characters of Stalker.
450
4.3. Experiment #2: Soundtrack, Guimares, 2012
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as it is, in this everyday life, enabling each person to interpret and create another world
(your reality) from it (and not in spite of it)? The liberation in this case does not signify be-
ing able to have, but being able to not have, waive, abdicate, the objects but not the life (or
significance) contained therein, whether of everyday or of another world.
Soundtrack sought a way to stimulate the individual construction of place through audio
and visual experience in a strategy similar to that identified by Juhani Pallasmaa6 in the films
of Tarkovsky or Antonioni in which the weak narrative, based on improvisation, intention-
ally creates a distance between the image and the story in order to weaken the logic of the
narrative, originating a field of associative images that arouses strong personal interpreta-
tions. This is an attempt to translate this cinematic strategy into the city experience, sug-
gesting to its users a new more involved look, so that they cease to feel and act as spectators
and become full participants.
The interior space is simply defined by a gypsum board wall painted black, mirror film
and a black curtain on the window, tier benches with twenty chairs, and one table. The ap-
paratus comprised also four ECG wireless sensors (Plux), one laptop, one soundboard and
two speakers. Four volunteers among the audience were invited to wear the ECG wireless
sensors. These Low-noise ECG triodes are specially designed for local differential placement
and make ground for unobtrusive signal acquisition. The ECG works mostly by detecting and
amplifying the tiny electrical changes on the skin that are caused during the heart muscle
cycle during each heartbeat. Its state-of-the-art design maximizes the sensor performance
providing high-resolution signals.
6.The Diffuse Image: fragile architecture, atmosphere and emotion written for Soundtrack and partly based on
the authors earlier essay Hapticity and Time: notes on fragile architecture (2000), published in Juhani Pallasmaa:
Encounters 1, Architectural Essays, Peter MacKeith, editor, Rakennustieto Publishing, Helsinki, 2005.
452
Figure 7. Soundtracks entrance and improvised auditorium with partition (photo: Hugo Santos Silva).
The performance started with the curtains closed and the typical announcement: Good
afternoon! The performance is about to start. We remind you that the use of mobile phones
is not permitted, nor any type of audio and video recording. Thank you and enjoy the per-
formance. Then, the curtains open, enabling the audience to see the exterior space through
the window. The heartbeats start to be diffused in the room, at first one by one and later
mixed, generating a literally live soundtrack. The duration of each performance was approx-
imately 45 minutes. Observations registered 8% of dropouts. This provided an experience of
intimate resonance that led, in some cases, to altered states of consciousness with descrip-
tions similar to trance.
As in the soundtrack of Stalker, although we know the cause of the sound, disconnecting
the sound and reproducing it on an alternative image, the image of the living city, creates
a heightened perception of both visual and aural space. The innate qualities of each sound,
banal exterior urban sounds included, are allowed to inhabit their own dimension and be
experienced more viscerally. The image of the city is therefore imprinted with a poetic qual-
ity. This visceral connection enabled by the sound is so strikingly different that there is the
feeling of catharsis that leads to what we may call the construction of place.
453
5. Conclusion
Interactive sound installations such as the ones analysed in the previous section of this paper
encourage the audience to become participants in the construction of place by generating,
listening and reacting to sounds extracted from the everyday life and/or environment. This
sounds may be found, recuperated, or remembered. This practice is based on intervening
in public spaces in such a way that peoples experience of the space is enhanced by its new
articulation that interrogates the pre-existing space and identifies and underlines the key
phrases of the language in place through the reuse of banal sounds which are normally fil-
tered out in ordinary day-to-day life.
John Cage used two tools, in music, that may be useful in this weakening of architecture
through the de/re/composition of urban soundscape: the accentuated practice of chance
to arrange and select the sounds and the durations of a piece, and the introduction of noise
(from the physical impossibility of silence) within a composition as an equivalent to conven-
tional musical sound.
He took the world of noise and chance to penetrate the concert hall, following in this
respect the example of Duchamp, who did the same thing in relation to the art gallery and
museum. The next step was simply to leave this uncertain world and forget the sceneries
of the concert, the stage, and so on. This was the theoretical foundation of happening, but
also of several works on the body and on the landscape: In Cages cosmology (built on Asian
philosophy) the real world was just perfect if we could hear, see, and understand it. If we
454
could not do that it was because our senses were closed and our minds full of preconceived
opinions. (Kaprow 1996)
In Western societies there is a difficulty digesting these ideas, and those who embrace
them are more talkers than doers. It is here, in any case, that lies the main interest for this
work of Cages innovations in music: these experiences can be a great invitation to the art
of living, and, with this invitation, art may disappear and give way to the richness of life and
everyday experience. Heres what we propose in this interventions in public space: an open-
ing, an introitus, an awakening of the senses and consciousness7, opening the door to an
interpretation and a deeper understanding of the ordinary reality of the pre-existing space.
What happens when we are attentive to everything, particularly to routine behaviour, is
that it changes. Attention transforms what we pay attention to. Just think of the most basic
operations of everyday life, for example, walking. When walking on the sidewalk do you walk
straight or irregularly? What is your normal speed? Do you usually cross the street diago-
nally? Do you look at the shop windows? Do you look at the passers-by? What part of their
body do you look at first? What is the minimum distance that you keep from others? Do you
hear their conversations? How many different sounds can you distinguish and identify? And
how many odours?
If you want to rebuild this whole system of operations while walking, youll notice that
they seem to take longer than they should and that everything happens due to chance, or at
least nothing seems to add up. You may never have reflected on the amount of movements
you do automatically or the physical sensations they provide. You could easily develop a
fascination with the rhythm of your steps, the movement of your feet, the act of looking at
the different colours of the eyes of passers-by. Then, realizing that everything is strange you
would notice youd just entered the territory of the familiar unfamiliar.
These events contain, indeed, the meaning of life. From the moment in which art similar
to life participates in its daily source, intended to be as life, it provides an interpretation
and thus a meaning. But it is not life in general that has a meaning; one cannot experience
a generalization. Only life in its particular aspects can be experienced. The meaning here is
7.The simple and classic definition of consciousness from the dictionary - the perception by the organism of
his own being and his environment - allows us to easily imagine how consciousness brought human evolution
to a new order of creations that would not be possible without it - the moral conscience, the social and political
organization, the arts, the sciences, technology - and that are of fundamental importance in the field of urban
studies. Thus, we cannot study the urban landscape nor understand it if we do not consider the centrality of
human consciousness in the analysis of the interaction of the human being with his environment. Damsio (1999)
defines consciousness in a enlightning way: At its simplest and most basic level, consciousness lets us recognize
an irresistible urge to stay alive and develop a concern for the self. At its most complex and elaborate level, con-
sciousness helps us develop a concern for other selves and improve the art of life.
455
not just variable and unfixed, but also inventive. Its what we add, by our imagination and
our interpretation, to what we do. The artists whose artistic production processes seek to
resemble life itself are, in the same way, conscious inventors of the same life that also invents
them (or at least they try to be as conscious of it, as they can).
Interpreting life, is that life? Interpreting life, is that life? Life is simply another way of
life? Am I playing with words or posing real questions about life? The life of birds, flowers
and volcanoes, simply exists. But when I think of life, it becomes life. Therefore lifelike art
is played somewhere between the attention we give to the physical process and the inter-
pretation. It is of the order of experience, yet, it is impalpable. Requires quotation marks like
life, but loses them as the un-artist8 loses art. In a nearly parallel and equally tortuous route,
the soundtrack may as well lose the quotation marks and be a source of meaning for the city.
It is not necessary for the true always to take on material form, it is enough that it should
flutter to and fro, like a spirit, promoting a kind of accord; as when the companionable peal-
ing of a bell rings out, bringing us some little measure of peace. (Goethe)
8.Lartiste exprimental daujourdhui est lUn-Artiste. Non pas lanti-artiste, mais lartiste vid dart. (Kaprow
1996). In Education of the Un-Artist, Allan Kaprow elaborates four passwords for members of the art club:
Nonart, Antiart, Art-art, and Un-art. Originally published in ArtNews, n. 3, pp. 34-39, 1972. The author used the
version published in Allan Kaprow, Essays on the blurring of art and life, Jeff Kelley (Ed.), University of California
Press,1993.
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461
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Anja Kanngieser
a.kanngieser@gold.ac.uk
Goldsmiths College, London, UK
Abstract
This paper explores some of the acoustic landscapes of Sector V New Town/Rajarhat: a
quickly growing satellite city and special economic zone in West Bengal, Kolkata. Embedding
these in their physical and economic geographies, this paper indicates the potential for in-
corporating a sonic method into how we approach and make sense of urban and urbanizing
spaces. By playing with this tension between the affective and the semiotic, it argues for a
perspective that brings the nuanced registers that listening requires to the analytical prac-
tices of the social sciences. Through such experimentation sound becomes a means to en-
gage with, and elaborate upon, contemporary social-economic and political landscapes that
require polyphonic and dynamic readings. At the same time the paper shows the importance
of incorporating geo-economic and political critiques into sound discourses and practices.
462
1. Introduction
The sounds of a place reveal much of its conditions. By listening to a place we get a sense of
the shifting terrains that make up its ecologies; an attention to the collective, spatial-tempo-
ral character of sound allows us to apprehend and understand the atmospheres of the places
we witness, inhabit and move through (Thibaud 2011). Through careful listening we are able
to encounter sound as a way of knowing, as an acoustemology.
In this paper I want to introduce a proposition on listening to atmospheres that has
relevance for a relational materialist politics. By thisI mean a politics that is attenuated to
the differential and unequal access to resources (such as work, housing, mobility, educa-
tion, healthcare) and social relationsthat tend to be experienced and reproduced through
processes of contemporary capital. Politics, as I am using it, is less orientated toward rigid
systems that see capitalism as a thing in the world, than toward the complex ways that such
processes and conditions assemble and decompose; it is an understanding of capital as a
way of relating and being affected. Sound is usefulto thisorientationprecisely for its ability
to accommodate such complexity, bringing together possibilities for affective and semiotic
approaches. It is this specific combination a capacity for attending to those highly contin-
gent and contagious atmospheres of a place, and to infrastructural, discursive and material
systems, that makes sound interesting for geo-politics.
In this paper I want to signal two elements of this proposition: firstly, the importance of
sound to the unfolding of atmospheres, secondly, the practice of acoustemology and what it
means for a political geography.
My research in New Town/Rajarhat took place in 2011 in the frame of Transit Labour, a pro-
ject exploring the changes in forms of work in China, India and Australia during what has
been termed the Asian Century (www.transitlabour.asia). Of dual focus were the logistics
and informationindustries. Along with another sound artist, Sophea Lerner, and architect/
geographer, Kate Hepworth, I undertook several days exploring the accelerating develop-
ment of IT parks in the outskirts of Kolkata. We were working with the(Mahanirban)Calcut-
463
ta Research Group a collective of scholar-activists exploring issues of autonomy, human
rights, womens struggles, forced displacement and migration, conflicts and borders. During
the course of our fieldwork we became aware of the acutely overlapping elements of these
high tech construction and agricultural environments. These were both visible (concrete
building sites overtaking fields) and invisible (rhythms of work relative to time, the intersec-
tional usages of space). The atmospheres of the sites we visited articulated these environ-
ments in myriad ways, and the specific properties of sound played a significant role in this
articulation.
Critical to understanding atmospheres, and the importance of sound to them, are inter-
relations of space, materiality and affect. Bodies, human and more-than-human, along with
objects, architectures and sensory stimulants such as smells, colours, textures, tastes are
fundamental for the production and situation of atmospheres. As Ben Anderson writes
The emergence of atmospheres has been linked to the extra-individual, miasmatic in-
tensity of affect. Sound pervades environments and situations in excess of any individual or
group. It is affective in so far as it comes prior to cognitive and discursive comprehension,
independent of bodily modes and indifferent to emotional products or narrations. Sound
propagates intensity; it arises out of and through exchange. Working within and across space
and infrastructures, sound creates atmospheres through its vibrations, pitches, amplitudes,
frequencies, harmonies and disharmonies, which may be conducive to particular embodied
states.
Furthermore, the interactions of space with sound are necessarily effected by the vast
quantities of objects, corporealities, situations, desires and ideologies that propel them. In
this sense, sound both fills space and is filled by the spaces into which it is projected. If, as
R. Murray Schafer argues, the general acoustic environment of a society can be read as an
indicator of the social conditions which produce it (1994, 7) then sounds are correlative to
social contexts. We must take this further to suggest that political and economic conditions
announce the character of the sonic environment at the same time as sounds iterate and re-
flect aspects of a political culture. Where and how sound is heard tells us something of how
geographies are categorized and allocated, by whom they are populated and in whatcapacity.
464
One way to explore the economic and political conditions of contemporary lifeis by ex-
tending what has been called an acoustemological approach an acoustic knowing derived
from the intersections of sound, space and place (Feld 1996, 97). This is relatively common
in sound studies, however, more effort must be made to include critical political analysis
alongside concerns of the aesthetic, social and cultural.
Acoustic landscapes underscore the highly textured topographies of a space. The sites we
visited in New Town were in the process of transition. These were predominantly areas with
recent histories of conflict state-assisted corporate acquisition of land and resources for
the development of commercial and housing infrastructure. Established in the 1990s New
Town is a planned satellite city directed toward the IT industries, built on cultivable land
with water bodies formerly (and still currently) used for subsistence agriculture and animal
husbandry. The signs of displacement are apparent; alongside the skeletons of business in-
dustrial centres and apartment buildings were farmers tending to small plots of land and
moving rubble. What struck me across the different sites I visited were the tight consolida-
tions of rural and urban sounds which rather than being exceptional in their interruptive
patterns, seemed integral to the rhythms of labour and reproduction. The particular as-
semblages of people and objects in these spaces, the ways that space is interpolated, were
audible, oftentimes even more so than they were visible. The enmeshing of rural and urban
acoustic landscapes were evocative of the transversals, complicities and antagonisms that
such construction processes engender.
The three building sites we encountered were in various stages of development. While
from the outside they appeared frenetic and were surrounded by heavily populated roads
and shops, they contained vast stillness: long tracts of concrete lying inert, clanging heard
only through far off echoes. This stillness was intersected by concentrated nodes of ac-
tivity apprehended acousmatically: a room full of workers arc welding, children pushing
wheelbarrows over stone and dirt mounds, a security guard singing while walking through
a half finished car-park, the splashing and thudding as a group of men heaved mud onto
the bank of a lake, dozens of cows grazing in the background only a few miles away from
corporate buildings.
465
The mobilities and interstices of noise and silence on re-listening highlights the concate-
nations of activity and stillness within these processes. To recall Blesser and Salter (2007), we
sense dimensions of depth and size in the resonances of rooms, steel and concrete frames,
the clatters of heavily populated food stalls, the thick passing of traffic. In the satellite city
of Rajarhat one starkly hears the tensions unfolding primitive accumulation into neoliberal
urban commerce and the daily rhythm of its progression through the tenors of voiced in-
structions and conversations, the amplitude and speed of construction, but also the stalling
and evacuation of sound. We also hear our own interruptions, the mishandling of recording
devices, buzzing from a broken microphone, weather interference, dialogues, and our often
failed negotiations toenter property.
4. Conclusion
There are a few points I would like to emphasise here on how an acoustic analysis can be
generative for the economic social sciences. The first has to do with the forces of power
such a reading illustrates. The sonic elements that constitute the landscape are products of
value systems articulated in this case through practices of accumulation by dispossession,
re-territorialisation and employment, embedded in capital expansion. By paying attention
to the compositions of a place we can hear how power is critical to the everyday unfold-
ings of geographies. Secondly an acoustemological approach definitively reminds us that the
production and reception of knowledge in this case through listening is never passive,
nor are the technologies used to record, transduce, edit, playback and disseminate it. How
knowledge, here sound, is framed and analysed, speaks to dynamics of power, and this is in
no way obfuscated. Thirdly, such an approach can help us to experiment with polyphon-
ic epistemological (re)productions in that the landscapes of sound are always shifting and
contextual. This helps us to hone a sensibility attenuated to the interpretative and creative
activity of knowledge production at the same time as requiring us to be sensitive to the
resonances and disjunctions we are exploring. I would argue that an orientation toward the
sonic aspects of geo-political and economic processes opens up a means to work with dense
materials in ways that do not seek to enclose or reduce their multivalencies, but that can
hold in conjunction historical and contemporary tendencies with situational specificities.
466
To be sure, to usefully employ methods of acoustemology for listening to atmospheres
we need to understand them in the same way as we do any empirical device as infused with
conditions and limitations that require hesitation and questions rather than definitive asser-
tion. If we are to approach sound as a way of knowing we need to reflect on what it reveals
about the stakes of our hearing. We have to ask: what does it mean to listen, to be a listener,
and to produce sound as knowledge? How do we recognise the moment of recording for
what it is, one moment in a world of many, affected by the technologies of digitisation, inter-
pretation, editing? And if we acknowledge this, how can we discover and unravel the threads
of what we are hearing while we translate them? Attention to the soundings of atmospheres
can contribute to a practice of research that is finer in its reading. This is a useful perspec-
tive to take if we wish to engage the relational and material political elements that contribute
to these atmospheres, and the differential economies of sound that in part compose them.
References
203-215.
467
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Abstract
This paper explores ReSounding Binghamton, a civic engagement effort designed to move
my sound studies work from theory to methodology to praxis, particularly focusing on the
production of social difference via listening and how differential listening practices creates
fractured and/or parallel experiences of allegedly shared urban spaces. I want to enable my
students to mobilize sound studies not just as an analytic filter to help them understand the
world, but as a method allowing meaningful engagement with it. Working with local resi-
dents and using asset-based theories of civic engagement, my students developed projects
that sought to re-sound the city of Binghamton, enhancing existing forms of communication,
amplifying hidden sounds and histories, and creating new sounds to resound throughout
Binghamtons future.
468
I want to enable my students to mobilize sound studies not just as an analytic filter to help
them understand the world, but as a method enabling more meaningful engagement with
it. This essay explores ReSounding Binghamton,the first phase of my pedagogical efforts
to move my sound studies research from theory to methodology to praxis in the classroom
and in my larger community. In particular, I am working to intervene in the production of
social difference via listening and the process by which differential listening practices create
fractured and/or parallel experiences of allegedly shared urban spaces.
Inspired by ongoing efforts such as ReBold Binghamtona local visual arts groupand
two collaborative city planning efforts Blueprint Binghamton and the Binghamton Neigh-
borhood Project, I have worked to articulate sound studies methods with long-term com-
munity engagement interventions.1 My first step was to task the upper-level undergraduate
students in my Spring 2014 introductory sound studies course How We Listen with a col-
laborative final designing community engagement projects that identified and addressed an
issue in Binghamton, the de-industrialized town in upstate New York housing our university.
My students proposals ranged from rain-activated sound art, to historical sound walks that
layered archival sounds with current perceptions, and a noise month sound-collection and
remix project designed to challenge entrenched attitudes. They then presented the projects
via a public poster session open to faculty members, administrators, community represent-
atives, and peers.
Working with local residents and using asset-based theories of civic engagement, the
students projects sought to re-sound Binghamton, enhancing existing forms of communica-
tion, amplifying hidden sounds and histories, and creating new sounds to resound through-
out Binghamtons future. While the students initially set out to fix Binghamtonbringing
year-round residents into the world as their largely 18-21 selves heard itthe majority opened
their ears to alternative understandings that left them questioning the exclusivity of their
own listening practices. Students realized that while they may have inhabited Binghamton
for the past few years, they hadnt been perceptually living in the same town as year-round
residents, and, conversely, that the locals tendencies to hear students as privileged nuisanc-
es had historical and structural roots. Working on ReSounding Binghamton with my stu-
1.ReBold Binghamton is a student organized group that seeks to bridge the gap between Binghamton Univer-
sity and the Binghamton community through the collaborative power of public art. <http://reboldbinghamton.
com>.Blueprint Binghamton is a citizen-driven city planning effort; full text is available at <http://blueprintbing-
hamton.com>. The Binghamton Neighborhood Project, directed by David Sloan Wilson, is a research-driven col-
laboration between Binghamton University and community partners to understand and improve the quality of life
in our region<http://bnp.binghamton.edu>.
469
dents convinced me that sound studies methodologies can spark the kind of self-realization
that leads to civically engaged citizens.
The historical, theoretical, and methodological groundwork that scholars of sound have
laid in recent decades toward heightened social and political understandings of soundfan-
tastic in volume, quality, AND reachhave equipped sound studies scholars with powerful
critical tools with which to build a more directly civically engaged sound studies, one as
much interested in intervention and prevention as continued reclamation and recovery. For
example, sound artists and acoustic ecologists have been at the forefront of what might be
called an activist sound studies. The historical, theoretical, and methodological groundwork
that scholars of sound have laid in recent decades toward heightened social and political un-
derstandings of soundfantastic in volume, quality, AND reachhave equipped sound stud-
ies scholars with powerful critical tools with which to build a more directly civically engaged
sound studies, one as much interested in intervention and prevention as continued reclama-
tion and recovery. For example, sound artists and acoustic ecologists have been at the fore-
front of what might be called an activist sound studies. The work of Hildegarde Westerkamp
(2007), Barry Truax (2001) and R. Murray Shafer in the World Soundscape Project (World
Sound Scape 2014), for example, has been foundational to sound studies latest fluorescence.
Inspired by their work, recent pieces such as Maile Colberts The Sound of Disaster: Our
Relationship to Sound in Dangerpublished first in Sounding Out! (Colbert 2012) and then
expanded in the 2014 Cochlear Poetics volume of Mono published by the University of Porto
interrogate how sonification can help us understand climate change by citing Andrea Pollis
Sonic Antarctica (Polli 2008)the album she produced during her residency with the Nation-
al Science Foundation that documents iceberg breakage caused by the Tohoku tsunamiand
Mark Behrens field recordings of Norwegian glacier melting as foundational models among
others by Bernie Krause and Peter Cusack. However, while installations and field record-
ings certainly cue important interventions often with an ear toward a global impactthey
may not, on their own, perform cultural work as sustained, multi-generational, or locally
enmeshed as civic engagement projects can. What happens when we understand recording
and provocative installations as methodologies rather than end products, as actions rather
than as objects?
However, while installations and field recordings certainly cue important interventions
often with an ear toward a global impactthey may not, on their own, perform cultural
work as sustained, multi-generational, or locally enmeshed as civic engagement projects can.
What happens when we understand recording and provocative installations as methodolo-
gies as much as an end products, as actions rather than as objects?
470
Scholar-artists such as Linda OKeeffe have begun to fuse audio artistic praxis with the
more social science-oriented field of urban studies, and her arresting presentation at the
2013 European Sound Studies Association conference in Berlin, Methodologies for Explor-
ing the Urban Soundscape with Teenagers, revivified my belief in sound studies ability to
disrupt present perceptual frameworks and more directly shape our perceptual and spatial
futures. OKeeffes community project, highlighted in (Sound)Walking Through Smithfield
Square in Dublin (2014) set out to solve an audio- spatial problem at the very heart of the
city: why did planners efforts to rehabilitate the landmark Smithfield Squarewhich had
been a public market for hundreds of yearsbring about its demise as a thriving public space
rather than its rejuvenation? Equipping local students with recorders, OKeeffe documented
the students understanding of the space as silent, even though it was far from absent of
sound. She noted the students use of silence as distinct from dominant notions of retail
quiet sought by new middleclass shoppers in the Square, rather it stood for their own si-
lencing, an absence of activities, life, general sounds of community, consumption and pro-
duction. OKeeffe noted local teenagers did not feel welcomed by the newly wide-open and
hushed square; the reverberation of their sounds as they grouped together to chat made
them feel uncomfortable and surveilledso it remained a space of egress for students rather
than a gathering place.
Importantly, OKeeffes conclusion moved beyond self-awareness to political praxis; she
presented her students self-documentation to Dublin city planners, intervening in Smith-
fields projected future and attempting to prevent similar destruction of other thriving city
soundscapes unaligned with middle-class sensory orientations. OKeeffes work sparked me
to think of listenings potential as advocacy and agency, as well as the increasing importance
of reaching beyond the identification of diverse listening habits toward teaching people to
understand the partiality and specificity of their sonic experience in combination with the
impact listeningand the power dynamics it is enmeshed inhas on the lives, moods, and
experiences of themselves and others. Listening habits, assumptions, and interpretations do
not just shape individual thoughts and feelings, but also ones spatial experience and sense
of belonging to (or exclusion from) larger communities, both actual and imagined. Learning
to understand ones auditory experience and communicate it in relation to other people
enables new forms of civic engagement that challenge oppression at the micro-level of the
senses and seeks equitable experiences of shared space to counter the isolating exclusion
compelled by many urban soundscapes.
OKeeffes project also made me rethink how space-sound is shaped through social is-
sues such as class inequity, particularly in my community of Binghamton, a small town of ap-
471
proximately 54,000 currently facing profound economic challenges. Binghamtons industrial
history dates back to the mid-nineteenth century and and it weathered several booms and
busts, with the rise and fall of several cigar factories, the Endicott-Johnson shoe factory, and
its most famous company, International Business Machines in 1911. Most recently, it has suf-
fered an extended bust. The end of the Cold War in the early 1990s devastated the regions
economythen primarily based in defenseand the economic downturn of the early-1990s
provided a knock-out punch, severely impacting the region in ways it has yet to recover
from: the behemoth local IBM relocated to North Carolina, manufacturing jobs permanently
decreased by 64%, and the population shrank almost by half. Recent climate-change induced
disasters have also left their mark; massive floods in 2005 and 2011on a geographic foot-
print historically flooding only 200-500 yearsdisplaced thousands of low-income residents,
destroyed many businesses, and collectively caused close to 2 billion dollars in damage (Kil-
ganon 2011). The global recession of 2008 left over 30% of Binghamtons residents below the
poverty line, including 40% of all children under 18. (gobroomecountry.org 2013).
The campus, 16,000 undergraduate and graduate students strong, often seems remote
from the Binghamton I have just described. Only 6% of Binghamton University students are
drawn from the local area, Broome County. There are actually more out of state students
(7%) and foreign students at BU (8.6 percent) than local residents (Princeton Review 2014).
The vast majority (60%) of BUs students hail from the New York City area, a site of historical
tension with the rest of the state; political groups such as Unshackle Upstate, which often
posts billboards in Binghamton, regularly advocate for secession, arguing that New York
Citys different needs bring the rest of the state down. In this context, different arises as
racial code for immigrants, people of color, and/or poorer residents. Indeed, Binghamtons
student body is more racially diverse than Binghamton, although not as much as residents
commonly perceive (although its surrounding area, Vestal, is 88% white (Census 2010) and
even though the campus serves many first-generation college students, students with large
financial aid packages, and students employed while matriculating, their class privilege is
amplified by Binghamtons intense poverty. These longterm structural fissures have led to
tensions between the university studentsproblematically pegged by Binghamtonians as
wealthy outsiders and frequently racially targeted, as the campus is far more diverse than
the surrounding communityand full-time residents, whom the majority of students call
Townies and treat as the backdrop to their college experience at best and as a lower life
forms at worst. The tense affect of the divide hangs palpably in the air over town and on
campus, even more so now that Binghamton proper is economically dependent on the cam-
pus for its survivalBinghamton University is now the citys third largest employer.
472
OKeeffes exploration of differently-classed residents divergent perceptions of Smith-
field Square prompted me to consider that, while students and so-called Townies may in-
habit the same physical spaces in Binghamtonthey may live next to each other, encounter
each other at Walmart, and drink pitchers side by side on State Streetthey are not in fact
living the same place, and they are experiencing, interpreting, and acting on the same audi-
tory information in drastically different ways. As Rachel Dwyer remarks in her Editorial: A
Sonic Geography: Rethinking Auditory Spatial Practices (2012),the map can no longer con-
fine itself to the description of a static territory, as it is called to account for the multiplicity
and general mutability of contemporary spaces. Binghamton, actually Binghamtonssounds
differently to each group, both in terms of the impressions and interpretations of various
auditory phenomena, but also the syntax of the soundscape (the order of importance of indi-
vidual sounds at any given moment). Embodied aural perceptions shaped by class, race, age,
and differing regional experience may in fact drive many of the town and gown conflicts
noise complaints most obviouslyand exacerbate others, particularly mutually distorted
perceptions that students bring Binghamton down and that residents are, as one student
cruelly stated in the campus newspaper Binghamton Pipedream on May 8, 2012, creatures
from an endless horror movie. Figuring out how to re-sound Binghamtonteaching people
that perceptual differences exist and helping them to communicate their experience and
understand the impact they have on the lives, moods, and experiences of themselves and
otherscan help Binghamton resoundeasing some of the towns deep tension while most
importantly, provoking recognition of the larger structural challenges faced by contempo-
rary residents, both temporary and year-round.
So how to address this divide, both its everyday affect and its historical roots? And how
to use sound studies to do it? Honestly, I had no idea. I did know I did not want to impose a
community project on my students that did not have their buy in and creative energy behind
it. Ultimately, I decided to drop the individual sound studies research paper and presenta-
tion I had previously assigned in favor of a group-sourcing project that students to designa
sound-studies based community project. I asked my 41 undergraduates to design a project
together, troubleshoot their ideas with community members and stakeholders, and present
poster pitches at an open-house presentation that would take place during our final exam
period. The became the first phase of a longer-term project, with the most workable idea
serving as the basis for the next iteration of my course in Fall 2014, which would move closer
473
toward an eventual full-blown service learning experience. However, the assignment proved
to be pedagogically valuable in its own right, not just as a prelude to future work.2
Rather than merely switching out the research paper for a project, I re-arranged my en-
tire course to scaffold the proposal assignment, providing students with the critical thinking
skills to imagine a project of this type. We began with theoretical and methodological ma-
terials that would introduce them to sound studiesnone of my students were familiar with
the field and its assumptionsand ground their thinking in the idea that listening is a com-
plex sociocultural, political, and critical practice. While we read and discussed multitude
of pieces on listening, the students reported four scholars as especially inspirational to the
project: Yvon Bonenfants theorization of queer listening (Bonenfant 2010) as a listening out
(rather than the more normative taking in), Regina Bradleys work on race and listening in
American courtrooms that focused on how white lawyers discredit witnesses speaking black
dialects, Maile Costa Colberts artistic imagining of a wayback machine (Colbert 2013) and
Emily Thompsons work on noise and time/space/place, both in Soundscapes of Modernity
(2004) and in her new interactive Roaring Twenties (Thompson 2013) project on the online
journal Vectors. For example, student Daniel Santos, whose group designed the Bingham-
ton Historical Soundwalk Project I selected to continue in Fall 2014, reported in a voluntary
survey:
The relationship between sound and time was very useful to our project; we
understood the concept that no city ever sounds the same after a long period of
time, and we sought to take advantage of this fact. Through our residents sto-
ries, we learned that Binghamton was once booming with sound from numerous,
lucrative industries. Walking into a factory brought an industrial cacophony:
card punchers thudded as steel was pounded against steel. However, today, a
walk into these factories results in an eerie silence. We wanted our soundwalk
participants to realize and become affected by this lack of and difference in
sound, and raisepertinent questions: what happened to these sounds? Why is
there such a large difference in sound levels? Where do I place myself within
this soundscape?
2.I have created the ReSounding Binghamton website to update students and community participants on the
ongoing project, last modified December 2014. <https://binghamtonsoundwalkproject.wordpress.com>.
474
In addition to providing students a firm theoretical and methodological foundation, I
worked with Binghamtons Center for Civic Engagementa highly successful model pro-
gram founded in 2010and in particular with Assistant Director Christie Zwahlen, to equip
students with basic-but-solid knowledge that would enable a new understanding of com-
munity workWe asked them to read selections from Building Communities From the Inside
Out: A Path Toward Finding and Mobilizing a Communitys Assets John Kretzman and John
McKnight (1993) and Service Learning in Higher Education by Barbara Jacoby and associates
(1993). These texts brought home two major principles to students: 1) that service learn-
ing has a pedagogical component; it is important to a projects success that students learn
something through their work rather than merely donating time or skills, 2) Community en-
gagement works best when based on identifying and mobilizing a communitys assets rather
than implementing an external project addressing perceived deficits. Again from Santos:
The two key concepts of civic engagement meshed especially well with the students
evolving understanding of listening as multifaceted, political, and deeply impacted by tem-
poral and spatial contexts, because it required the students to engage directly with commu-
nity members and learn how to listen to their voices, histories, and needs.
For both civic engagement and sound studies, Christie and I introduced students to the
various methods used to solve problems and answer our most important questions. For civic
engagement, Christie focused on the asset map, which forced students to think of the sur-
rounding community in terms of its strengths rather than the weaknesses they could already
readily list. This exercise not only flipped their perspective a bit, but helped them imagine
and hone their project by identifying community stakeholders who would be receptive to
their inquiries. In terms of sound studies, I introduced them to a multiplicity of methods
475
through readings, experiential activities, and process writing, in particular sound provoca-
tions and sound walks that students found them quite important to their conception of the
final project. According to student Hannah Lundeens post-project survey, the sound walks
she performed proved especially fruitful:
3.Binghamtons Center for Technology and Innovation is a non-profit organization whose mission is to docu-
ment and present in context the inventions and industrial innovations of New Yorks Southern Tier. Accessed 9
December 2014 from http://www.ctandi.org/
476
Here is a sampling from the rich palette of student project pitches:
Restoring the Pride: A public art initiative building rain-activated sound sculptures.
BUCS: Binghamton Unites Community with Sound: A public group karaoke project.
Safe and Sound: A kiosk walk of 10-interactive electronic sound art pieces that
increase downtown destination traffic by day and operate as a blue light safety
system by night.
Blues on the Bridge Junior: A childrens music stage at one of Binghamtons most
popular yearly events.
Happy Hour: A weekly campus radio show designed to combat seasonal depression.
Listen Up!: Sound Month Binghamton: An annual themed digital sound collection
month in March with accompanying sounds of Binghamton remix project. This
project fosters community habituation to Others sounds while also tracking long-
term changes in the soundcape and in residents ideas of noise.
Sound Walk Through Binghamton: Historical soundwalks through several areas in
Binghamton, where archival sounds of the past (some compiled from recordings,
some performed) are placed in continuity and contrast with contemporary sound-
scapes.
While we have enjoyed observing the students personal and intellectual growth, Zwahl-
en and I understand that this iteration of the project does not constitute civic engagement
as of yet. The second and third phases of ReSounding Binghamton will seek community
partners for the research and implementation of the Sound Walk Through Binghamton
project. At this first stage, the students raised key questions toward sustaining such efforts
long term: how to work withand equitably solicit contributions fromcommunity mem-
bers rather than organize classroom-first? How to increase community involvement on a
campus that is a foreboding maze at bestand how to increase student traffic in the many
sites not reached by Binghamtons limited public transportation? How to deal with student
turnover in a long-term project? How to ensure that a soundwalk will function critically and
multivalently and not just as a flattened tourist attraction or city public relations campaign?
Most importantly, how to share sound studies epistemology beyond the classroom, creating
listening experiences that not only take social differences and inequities into account but
potentially re-script them?As we move forward with long-term development, we will un-
doubtedly encounter more questions.
However, even at ReSounding Binghamtons earliest stages, I know that guiding my stu-
dents to integrate sound studies methodologies with asset-based service learning provid-
ed them with a transformative experience concerning the powerful resonance of applied
477
knowledge and civic engagement. It created meaningful connections between them and a
local community suddenly made significantly larger through listening. For my students, lis-
tening became more than a metaphor or an individualized act of attention, rather they be-
gan to understand its role as a material conduit of location, outreach, and connection. As
a student shared in my anonymous teaching evaluations: This class was different, but in a
very good way. It has been so involved with the human experience, more so than with other
classes. In the middle of the so-called humanities crisis, this response points to the po-
tential power of a civically engaged sound studies, a branch of the field combining research
with praxis to reveal the role of listening in the building, maintenance, and daily experiences
of diverse communities in the city spaces they mutually inhabit but often do not fully and
equitably share.
Acknowledgments. I thank Christie Zwahlen for her support in developing this ongoing pro-
ject and for her insightful read of this essat. I thank Liana Silva for her careful editing when a
version of this essay was published on Sounding Out! in September 2014. Maria Daza Chaves
provided invaluable and timely research support. Thank you also to Raquel Castro and Maile
Colbert Costa for their patience and enthusiasm for my work as well as its audience at the
Invisible Cities conference in Viseu, Portugal.
References
ety Love: Listening to the (Dis)Respectability Maile Colbert, 8 July 2013. The way Back Sound
Politics of Rachel Jeantel, Sounding Out! 9 Machine: Sound Through Time, Space, and
com/2013/07/01/disrespectability-poli- http://soundstudiesblog.com/2013/07/08/
tics-of-rachel-jeantel/ wayback-sound-machine-sound-through-
478
Rachel Dwyer. 2012. Editorial: A Sonic Geogra- LindaOKeeffe, 4-6October 2013, Methodolo-
phy: Rethinking Auditory Spatial Practices. gies for exploring the urban soundscape with
sue-2/ Gruenrecorder.
County, NY 9 December 2014, the Tuning of the World (New York: Destiny
http://factfinder2.census.gov/faces/table- Books).
2013, 9 December 2014, /http://www. Emily Thompson, 2002, Noise and Modern Cul-
Barbara Jacoby and Associates, Service Learning Listening in America, 1900-1933 (Cambridge:
Corey Killganon, 9 September 2011, Flooding Emily Thompson, Fall 2013, The Roaring Twen-
Persists in Southern Tier of New York, New ties Vectors 9 December 2014,
nytimes.com/2011/09/10/nyregion/ny-re- php?project=98
John P. Kretzman and John L. McKnight, Build- Hildegard Westerkamp, 2007, Soundwalking
ing Communities from the Inside Out: A Path Autumn Leaves, Sound and the Environment
Toward Finding and Mobilizing a Communi- in Artistic Practice, Angus Carlyle ed. (Par-
Linda OKeeffe, 10 February 2014, (Sound) WorldSoundScape. 2014. Last modified Decem-
soundstudiesblog.com/2014/02/10/sound-
walking- through-smithfield-square-in-
dublin/
479
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Joo Cordeiro
joao.cordeiro@usj.edu.mo
Faculty of Creative Industries, University of Saint Joseph, Macau
Miguel Gonalves
migueldgoncalves@gmail.com
Abstract
At EA/CITAR (School of Arts/Research Centre in Science and Technology of the Arts), sound
has always assumed a fundamental role, both in academic research and curricular offer, fea-
turing a Master Program in Sound Design and a Doctoral Program Specialization in Com-
puter Music. This paper presents an overview of some recent artistic/research projects un-
dertaken by students and researchers at this institution, which stimulate the user/listener
awareness for the acoustic phenomenon. Furthermore, we describe three pedagogical prac-
tices, stemming from Soundscape and Film Sound studies, which aim at training students to
avoid the devious influence of sight on the assessment of soundscapes.
480
1. Introduction
The acoustic phenomenon plays a fundamental role in the lives of most species. From fish to
humans, insects to large-scale animals, sound (and its propagation) accounts for an impor-
tant share of the communication processes occurring both at the interpersonal level and be-
tween individuals and the environment. However, in the saturated soundscapes of modern
urban centers, the signal-to-noise-ratio has decreased to a point where meaningful sonic
exchanges between the environment and citizens have become scarce, limited in distance or
painfully loud. In order to change this situation is important to regain control and sense of
identity over urban soundscapes, which, in our opinion, starts by creating awareness for the
acoustic phenomenon among citizens.
The research projects described in this text all share the same underlying goal of incit-
ing the listener to gain a deeper conscience about the auditory phenomena. For the sake of
clearness, we have opted for grouping the projects under the following categories: 1) Audiog-
ames, 2) Tools and 3) Soundscape Sensing Applications. A brief outline of each of the projects
is presented next, followed by the description of the pedagogical practices.
2. Audiogames
481
2.1. Murky Shooting
Murky Shooting is a first-person shooter game, a sub-genre of shooter games characterized
by displaying a view from the player perspective. In the case of audiogames, that is accom-
plished by providing the user with an auditory perspective of the character they control in
the game. It was initially developed a desktop version for OSX in Max/MSP version 5 and
later a mobile version for iOS programmed in C++/openFrameworks. The audio output is to
be listened with headphones in order to increase immersion and avoid contamination by ex-
ternal sounds. The initial version used HRTF1 for sound specialization in order to have an im-
proved matching between the auditory perception and the real experience. The objective of
the game is to hit a target as many times as possible over a time limit. A noisy crow perched
on a high voltage cable represents the target. Its position on the cable changes over time
and is made accessible to the player through the crows caw (sample sound), which changes
its panoramic according to the crows horizontal position on the cable. Different game levels
are set by varying the amount of time the crow remains still in one place: decreasing the time
increases the difficulty. On the entry level the crow remains still during five seconds before
updating its position, decreasing one second per each level. Player has access to unlimited
munitions, yet it has to recharge his/her weapon every eight shots. This control feature was
included to dissuade players of indiscriminate shooting and is implemented differently in
the desktop version and mobile version.
Figure 1. Murky Shooting GUI: daylight mode (on the left) and night mode (on the right).
482
In order to aid the player during the hunting task there are auxiliary sound guides that
indicate the crosshairs position. These guides are blip-like sounds (synthesized sound) that
change pitch and frequency of occurrence consistently with the distance to the target. Mov-
ing away from the crows position lowers the pitch and decreases the number of blips. When
the crosshairs are on sight with the crow, a burst of noise is triggered. Player has then the
opportunity to hit the crow and increment his/her score. A background sound composed
of a quiet city ambient was added to the game in order to set the context for the action. A
celebration sound plays every time the player hits the crow and a rifle sound is heard on
every shot.
The game has two distinct modes: 1) in daylight mode the player can see the crow and
the crosshairs moving on the screen. This mode exists for practicing purposes, allowing the
users to understand the match between sound and game action. 2) In nigh mode the player
does not have any visual feedback.
Both versions of the game (mobile and desktop) were systematically tested. The most
important conclusions were that the game could be learnt, users started to show a steady
increase in the score after two gameplays. Nonetheless, for the sake of this paper, the results
of qualitative analyses based on informal enquiries with the players disclosed rather inter-
esting insights. In general the enquiries were surprised that such a visual game paradigm
could be successfully played using basic and limited audio cues.
483
The primary interaction with the user is based on the sound of the game, the only feed-
back resulting from his or her actions. It is up to him or her to react to it by using the weapon.
The player becomes aware of the unsuccessful shots through the creeping in of the mon-
sters, which sound like they gradually get physically closer and become more violent. On the
other hand, if the player hits the creatures, they will scream in agony. The game is structured
into several levels, in which a new wave of monsters spawns, more agile and clever than be-
fore, forcing the player to adapt.
A 16.1 speaker system with discrete channels, setup in a circular setting with a diameter
of 4.6 meters was used in the installation. For the real-time spatial synthesis of the dynam-
ic sound sources, the Ambisonics technique was used (see (Gerzon 1985) for an insight on
Ambisonics technology).The Nintendo Wii Remote, along with the Vicon Motion Capture
system allowed for the tracking of the several actions for the weapon: point, shoot and re-
load. The programming of the game was accomplished using Max/MSP version 5.
The presentation of The Sound of Horror took place in the Motion Capture Laboratory,
in the School of Arts of the Portuguese Catholic University in May 2013. The game was played
by a total of 25 people. A slight change on the games protocol was made, by introducing a
very dim lighting, so that the public could observe the players movements. The result was
surprising. The immersion of the player, as it was conceptualized, leaked out and was shared
with all of the audience. An interesting case was a child that felt this so strongly that be-
484
came frightened and refused, at first, to play. General comments from users regarded the
intensity of the game, accuracy of the weapon and positioning of the targets and feeling
of improvement along the gameplay over different levels. No systematic gamability testing
was accomplished.
3. Tools
The assessment of sound qualities is a common practice across different professional and
scientific areas. Acousticians, Sound Engineers, Environmental Attorneys, Musical Instru-
ment Builders are some of the groups of people that have to deal with measuring and ana-
lyzing sound. Typically, the sound assessment is made through a combination of objective
and subjective analysis. In this section we present a framework created for soundscape as-
sessment in laboratory, which is a combination of both objective and subjective analysis,
expanded with an active participation of the test subject.
3.1. MMucS
MMucS - Massive Multichannel Speaker Setup (Joao Cordeiro, Barbosa, and Santos 2013),
is a soundscape assessment tool that privileges aspects of Ecological Validity of auditory
stimuli and Representative Design during listening tests. It is comprised of a room featuring
a multichannel surround system of 16 discrete speakers (Genelec 6010A plus a subwoofer),
a costume made software for sound spatialization, video canvas and projector, a SPL meter,
a midi controller and a set of audiovisual samples featuring HD video and 6 channels audio
recordings. The room area is approximately 75m2, with stonewalls, concrete floors and mi-
nor acoustic treatment (black flannel curtain converging the surrounding walls). The goal of
this system is to accomplish listening tests in laboratory, assessing real or artificial sound-
scapes, in a way that the test subjects experience in the laboratory matches the experience
in a real scenario. This is accomplished in different levels: first, the original soundscape is
recorded with a microphone array technique optimized for recording sound atmospheres2
and diffused through a matching multichannel speaker setup; second, theres a video canvas
485
displaying real-scale video in front of the test subject, offering him or her the same visual
perspective of the real scenario; third, the test subject is in contact with some furniture and
objects from the real place.
After setting up this test framework, we compared it against traditional techniques based
on binaural recording and headphones listening. The results shown us that using a surround
sound system that is headphone-free gives the test subjects a greater sense of reality even if
some sound features are compromised (sound quality, fidelity).
Additionally, we have built a module for soundscape design, featuring four audio tracks,
each one dedicated to a single category: dialogs, radio/tv, nature, cafeteria. Each track had
four 6-channel surround samples, with a total of 16 samples and 256 possible combinations.
The system allowed the user to select one sound for each track/category and modify its vol-
ume (a typical audio mixing process). No GUI was used; subjects interacted with the system
using a tangible MIDI controller3. The sounds were reproduced using the surround system
described before.
3.Behringer BCF2000.
486
Figure 4. MMucS being used during a listening tests (photography by Adrian Santos).
As mentioned before, the system was used and evaluated during a batch of systematic
listening tests. The survey not only validated the assessment method as it told us that peo-
ple agreed that the process of designing the soundscape was a efficient way of promoting
awareness for environmental sound.
In this section we describe two systems that have in common a sound-sensing mechanism
as part of their core. This sensory characteristic is of high relevance in the interconnected
world of sensor networks as it opens new windows of opportunity to understand our envi-
ronment and routines. The two applications presented next are Hurly-Burly (Joao Cordeiro
and Makelberge 2010; Joo Cordeiro, Barbosa, and Afonso 2013; Joao Cordeiro and Barbosa
2013a; Joao Cordeiro and Barbosa 2013b) - a sound-based social network application - and
URB (Gomes and Tudela 2013), a system for automated analysis and storing of an urban
soundscape.
487
4.1. Hurly-Burly
Hurly-Burly is a context-sensing mobile application for the iOS, comprised of three main
blocks: soundscape-sensing, information visualization and relational database. It was devel-
oped as a research tool to be used in a broader research project about the Soundscape in the
context of Mobile Online Social Networking, aiming at determining the extent of its appli-
cability regarding the establishment and/or strengthening of new and existing social links.
Two main goals guided this prototypal research tool: collecting data regarding users
activity (both sonic and kinetic) and providing users with a real experience using a Sound-
Based Social Network, in order to collect informed opinions about this unique type of So-
cial Networking. The application Hurly-Burly senses the surrounding Soundscape and
analyzes it using machine audition techniques, classifying it according to four categories:
speech, music, environmental sounds and silence. A sample of users ran the application,
gathering information about their acoustic environment and sharing it within their social
network.
Results demonstrated that users, by visualizing long-term records of their acoustic envi-
ronment, could identify the basic patterns of their quotidian activity and monitor their noise
exposure, creating awareness for possible health problems. On the other side, exchanging
this information with their peers allowed them to receive real-time non-intrusive informa-
488
tion, regarded as useful for enhancing social interactions. Using sound as an unexpected
element on online social networking, brought users attention to the acoustic phenomenon
and made them think about their sound environment, both by analyzing long-term records
and comparing their soundscapes with their peers. Taking this approach a step further, by
implementing this features on commercial applications, would increase the users awareness
for the sonic environment.
4.2. URB
URB4 is a system for automated analysis and storing of an urban soundscape based on avail-
able and inexpensive hardware and open source software. It complements the traditional
sound maps5, allowing the direct access to the sound features at any arbitrary moment since
the system boot, thus facilitating the study of the soundscape evolution and allowing for its
direct comparison between specific timeframes. Moreover, this system simplifies the access
to the aforementioned datasets for artistic purposes. It was developed to be used not only by
environmentalists and urban planners but also by artists with creative intentions.
URB is part of an ongoing research project of exploratory nature, which emerged from
the desire to find ways to use soundscapes as source material for significant artistic achieve-
ments. It aims to study the processes of capturing and storing the sound ambient and its
4.www.urb.pt
5.Sound maps are geographical maps that associate landmarks and soundscapes.
489
ecological decryption, specifically in its approach to artistic application. As such, in a first
stage, seeks to understand how it is possible to capture and represent the most challenging
variable of this massive sonic element that is constantly changing: its temporal axis. Grasp-
ing its nuances both on a scale of miniature time as in large time scales. In a second phase,
attempts to understand the relevance of this information and its direct influence on the act
of music and sonic creation. Therefore, our proposal is not only a continuation of the work
already done, but also an artistic reinterpretation of sonic material that surrounds us and a
study of how it influences us.
In a second stage a call was open to the musical and sound art community to work in the
challenge of using URB6 in the creative process. From that call emerged several works that
the main element used was the data compiled by the system. URB proved to be efficient in
accessing the audio descriptors data retrieved from sound ambient, in particular their tem-
poral variations. It also provided composers enough raw materials in order to devise their
works and achieve a higher awareness about sound environment. The artistic outcomes all
pointed into diverse realizations about the aesthetic significance of using URBs raw data
(described in detail in (Gomes et al. 2014). While some artists guaranteed musical elements
such as melodies or formal coherences, others claimed that their instinct as composers in-
duced them to adopt URBs metadata as a variation source, independent of the descriptors
significance. In this case, even if the work is artistically interesting, there is not an evident
correlation with the original source.
In this section we describe three pedagogical practices we apply during the teaching of
sound design courses, at different levels and stages of the academic path of our students.
The aim of these exercises is to train the ear to perform judgment tasks detached from
the devious influence of sight. Such skill is important to attain, particularly when designing
sound for moving images, such as animations or feature films.
6.https://vimeo.com/79103493
490
5.1. Sound Sketching
Sound Sketching is an enhanced version of a soundwalk, were a group of four to five stu-
dents walk through a given place having one of its elements blindfolded. Along the path, the
blinded element listens to the soundscape and describes the different sounds he or she is
listening, while other group element writes down this information, taking notes about the
nature of the sounds, spatial features and temporal evolution (e.g. car passing by on my left,
loud music in a cheap radio, siren sound coming from behind). At the same time, other
members of the group record the soundscape (a few steps away from the other members to
avoid capturing their voices) and take some pictures of the place. The second part of the ex-
ercise takes place at the sound editing room, where students try to reconstitute the sound-
walk soundscape by searching and retrieving from a sound database, the sounds they have
previously listed. The third part of the exercise is a critical listening comparison between the
real soundscape and the one produced in the laboratory.
Throughout the exercise several complementary learning outcomes are attained. Dur-
ing the first stage, students train critical listening on sound environments. Usually they will
state that the blindfolded element will listen things that escaped their perception. Also at
this stage, students learn how to do field-recordings. At the second stage, students realize
that describing sounds in words is not a simple task. This is also the right time to teach them
about basic sound categories (ambiances, voices, sound effects, natural vs. artificial, etc.) and
491
the three listening modes: causal listening, reduced listening, and semantic listening. Addi-
tionally, they learn or improve their audio editing and mixing skills, using common digital
audio workstations. At the last stage students realize that producing credible soundscapes
in postproduction it is possible but requires mastering different skills. They acknowledge
that the everyday sound environment is rather complex, and that non-trained ears usual-
ly overhear the plenitude of an intricate soundscape. Frequently, because they may have
underachieved some of the steps, the resulting soundscape not always replicates well the
original one.
492
with the real soundscape from the place. The learning outcome for this exercise regards the
understanding of real soundscapes as a complex phenomenon, sometimes nothing obvious
regarding the displayed images. Furthermore, students learn that the same place can afford
different soundscapes and that, most of the times, it is a human responsibility to shape re-
sponsibly its sound environment.
In this paper we have present some of the projects and pedagogical practices developed at
CITAR, which contribute for creating awareness for the acoustic environment. Nonetheless,
this list is necessarily incomplete as a result of the profuse artistic and scientific production
that every year takes place at this institution. Some examples not mentioned before include
the organization of a seminar in 2012 on the topic Sound Design For Electric Vehicles - A
challenge and an opportunity?7 and the work from all other researchers that collaborate
with CITAR on the field of sound.
In conclusion, we strongly believe that educating the ear and the hearing is the first step
towards a better acoustic environment. The proposals presented here are a few examples of
creative approaches developed and tested systematically that can contribute to accomplish
such goal.
7.http://artes.ucp.pt/sound4ev/contest.php
References
Cordeiro, Joao. 2011. Murky Shooting: Em Porto: Sociedade Portuguesa de Cincias dos
In Acta Da 4a Conferncia Anual Em Cincia Cordeiro, Joao, Andre Baltazar, and Alvaro
E Artes Dos Videojogos, edited by A. Ramires Barbosa. 2012. Murky Shooting: The Use
493
the 7th Audio Mostly Conference: A Con- Cordeiro, Joao, and Nicolas Makelberge. 2010.
- Greece, 4043. AM 12. New York: ACM. For Sound Based Social Networking. In Pro-
Cordeiro, Joao, and Alvaro Barbosa. 2013a. 109113. Washington D.C.: International Com-
Tools for the Acoustic Environment. In Con- Gerzon, MA. 1985. Ambisonics in Multichannel
Valladolid: Sociedad Espaola de Acstica. Gomes, Jos Alberto, Nuno Peixoto, Filipe
Cordeiro, Joao, and lvaro Barbosa. 2013b. Lopes, G Costa, R Dias, and Alvaro Barbo-
a Way to Enhance Social Interactions. In tion. In Proceedings of the 2nd xCoax 2014:
Paper - Not in Proceedings]. Daejeon. Gomes, Jos Alberto, and Diogo Tudela. 2013.
Cordeiro, Joo, lvaro Barbosa, and Bruno Urb: Urban Sound Analysis and Storage Pro-
Afonso. 2013. Soundscape-Sensing in Social ject. In Proceedings of the Sound and Music
Conference on Acoustics. Merano: EAA Eu- Bresin, 493499. Stockholm, Sweden: Log-
roregio. os-Verlag.
Cordeiro, Joao, Alvaro Barbosa, and Adrian Gonalves, Miguel. 2014. Ambientes Sonoros
olis-Days of Sound 2013: Sounds, Noise and Pausch, Randy. 2008. The Last Lecture: The
Music for Re-Thinking Sustainable City and Legacy Edition. 1st edition. New York, USA:
494
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Rubn Coll
rubencollhernandez@gmail.com
Pablo Costa
babacafre@gmail.com
Irene Lpez
ireneindi@gmail.com
Piluca Martnez
piluca.martinez@gmail.com
Abstract
The present paper tries to summarise the project Matadero Memoria Aural focusing on piv-
otal themes such as urban transformation, sound or collective memory. Throughout the-
oretical references, the collective has established the essence of the project in which the
importance of oral history, sense of place and community converge. In this sense, Sound
Readers have been experimenting with sound, urban practice and different methodologies;
eventually, they have launched an accessible online database with the results of their re-
search.
Keywords: Soundscape, urban memory, history, sound studies, oral history, sitespecific
stories
495
1. Introduction
Over the course of 2013, thanks to a subsidy granted by the Department of Arts of Ma-
drid City Council, the Madrid-based collective Sound Readers complied the research for
Matadero Memoria Aural1. The aim of the project was to reconstruct through sound the lost-
scape of the former municipal slaughterhouse (Figure 1) currently a contemporary creation
centre which conserves the name of its original purpose: Matadero Madrid2 and its sur-
roundings in Arganzuela district. This paper will expose different aspects of the development
of the project in this once vibrant working class area, regarded between the mid-twenties
and the late eighties as the belly of Madrid due to the presence of the slaughterhouse and
the livestock market, as well as of the main wholesale fruit and vegetable market.
496
2. Sound Readers and the beginning of MMA
Sound Readers is an interdisciplinary collective formed in 2012, whose members3 come from
various fields, including sociology, art history, music and design.
During a residency in Matadero Madrid cultural centre, Sound Readers decided to launch
MMA, in part as the result of a series of shared interests. These included the potentialities
of experimental podcasting; walking as an aesthetic practice from the rediscovery of the
city through the flneurs strolls to the situationist drifting exercises; and, above all, a wish
to address memory-related topics from a sonic perspective -but at the same time inspired
by the practices of collectives like Ultra-Red or Escoitar.
As a matter of fact, Sound Readers name alludes to the writings of Walter Benjamin, in
which he invites one to read the history of what is not yet written. Furthermore, the project
is also inspired by Andreas Huyssens texts, especially in his urban memory and palimpsest
concepts in which he proposes that we have come to read cities and buildings as palimp-
sests (Huyssen 2003, 7) since:
An urban imaginary in its temporal reach may well put different things in one
place: memories of what there was before, imagined alternatives to what there
is. The strong marks of present space merge in the imaginary with traces of the
past, erasures, losses, and heterotopias. (Huyssen 2003, 7)
Taking into account the theoretical background and the importance of the urban mem-
ory and landscape, we will now explain the area of Arganzuela where Sound Readers exper-
imented and created the project.
3.There have been several members since the foundation of Sound Readers, but the ones active and who have
made MMA possible are: Rubn Coll, Pablo D. Costa, Irene Lpez and Piluca Martinez. Regarding this paper, it
was conceived and written by Coll. Lpez proposed some valuable modifications. Costa and Martinez are equally
credited as authors due to their vital contribution to the MMA project and their technical support.
497
3. Describing the area
MMA was not only a project focused on the municipal slaughterhouse and livestock market
turned into a cultural centre. Its impact on the environs was equally important in the re-
search process (Figure 2). It was much needed considering the neighbourhoods of Chopera
(where the Pico del Pauelo housing colony, built in the early 1920s, is located: a total of
1500 dwellings for workers) and Legazpi (where the fruit and vegetable market was active
between 1935 and the mid 1980s and also Madrid Rio, a space which merges with the
boundaries of Matadero Madrid. This is a large recreational and pedestrian area created
over M30, one the main highways of the city, which runs parallel to the Manzanares rivers
flow. Madrid Rio and the second life of the slaughterhouse are a result of the citys land-use
plan, responsible for the urban renovation of this zone and in some ways of the forthcoming
gentrification of this traditional working class area.4
Today Matadero Madrid is one of the most important cultural platforms of the Madrid
City Council, thanks in part to its strategical location. But this centre has not always been
a space devoted to the cultural production. Only since 2006 it has been in use as a c
ultural
4.The two neighbourhoods closest to the slaughterhouse are Chopera and Legazpi, both of which have tradi-
tionally sheltered migrant people. First after the Spanish Civil War receiving people from other regions of the
country and later between the late twentieth and early twenty first century with the arrival of new residents
from abroad, mainly Latin Americans. The Dominican community, for example, is quite important.
498
center. Its 165.415 square meters were designed during the first third of the twentieth cen-
tury by architect Luis Bellido (1869-1955), who aimed to build a small productive city (Azur-
mendi 1979, 591) which would be active from 1924 to 1996.5 Besides its crucial role for Madrid
foods supply during part of the twentieth century, the bibliography and documents about
the daily life around such an idiosyncratic space are scarce6 and practically nonexistent on
the sonic side.7
The activity of the ever-present bulldozers could be considered in Murray Schafers
terms a soundmark of the zone.8 But at the same time, bulldozers are not erasing everything.
The Madrid City Council has declared the slaughterhouse and the Pico del Pauelo housing
colony as a cultural heritage site. This initiative could be regarded as part of the musealisa-
tion process of some of the oldest sites of the city, as well as a tactic to enhance them. This
is a process in which Sound Readers have paradoxically and unintentionally contributed to
with MMA.
The early steps circa late 2012, early 2013 of MMA consisted of a first contact with the
area subject area of our research. An exploratory approach was taken, based on taking strolls
without a precise direction, in the vein of the situationist driftings, although far from the
subversive aspect of that practice which focuses on questioning the never-innocent urban
planning. Sound Readers took advantage of its explorative potentials, trying to pay more
attention to our ears than to any other sense in those walks.
5.In 1996 the municipal slaughterhouse was closed definitely due to the lack of proper infrastructures demand-
ed after Spain entered the European Union. Its functions would be replaced by the creation of Mercamadrid Meat
Centre in 1999, one the largest in Europe.
6.For their historical approach two references were very helpful since the beginning. First, the documentation
for the refurbishment project of the municipal slaughterhouse published in 2005 by the Colegio Oficial de Arqui-
tectos de Madrid (COAM). Second, the photography-based project Muta Matadero (2007) by No Photo collective.
7.Nonetheless, one must keep in mind that in the recent past there were other sound-based projects developed
by other artists who worked on the same area. In 2010, La Stargate by Carolina Caycedo, a community-based pro-
ject which employed excerpts of field recordings from Arganzuela district, sometimes using interviews with some
of the neighbours. One year later, Metros cuadrados de sonido (Square meters of sound) was another interesting
effort to try mapping sound snippets of the former slaughterhouse and the surrounding area. But none of these
sound-related projects were really focused on the memory of the place or oral history.
8.For example, in the audio trails with Pedro, Juan y Ramn or Avelina it is easy to listen to the sound of the
bulldozers in the background.
499
After some days walking across the different edifices of the slaughterhouse, and do-
ing field recordings indoors, Sound Readers realised that the resulting audio files were not
enough to explain what actually happened during decades in those buildings and their sur-
roundings. Each one of the buildings had been designed for a specific purpose slaughter-
ing, quartering, storage, etc. or for a particular animal calves, pigs, lambs, poultry, cows.
Listening to the echoes or reverberations of those enormous halls did not provide enough
information about the different professions, the relationships among the workers (for ex-
ample, the strong bonds of solidarity as we were later told), the interaction between the
surrounding neighbourhoods and the slaughterhouse (closed for the non-workers but not
strictly hermetic, permeating the everyday of the environs). Sound Readers dilemma was
how to reflect sonically that continuous flux during decades in a particular area which had
become a sort of palimpsest.
As a project MMA did not aim to elicit nostalgia, but rather to bring alive stories or events
pleasant or not happened in the past in this particular and constantly shifting area. Sound
Readers produced a series of sound pieces that offer a very subjective and personal almost
musical take on the acoustic properties of some of the buildings inside the slaughterhouse
complex. Musician and audio technician Pablo D. Costa created the sound pieces inspired by
the original purpose of the different slaughterhouse edifices (Figure 3).9 These compositions
were played back at loud volume in each one of those usually empty and large spaces, in or-
der to activate them through sound, recording them with a set of microphones scattered in
different points of each building.
Despite this highly demanding effort and although satisfied with the results, Sound
Readers thought it was necessary to deepen the sonic approach to the memory of the place
from a different perspective.
9.They can be listened to on the MMA website layer entitled Piezas Sonoras.
500
Figure 3. Sonic reinterpretations of the different slaughterhouse buildings.
5. Theoretical references
For that reason, referencing the work of Toby Butler and Isobel Anderson would be help-
ful. Both authors decisively influenced Sound Readers in engaging with a more oral history
based project as a way to set out an hypothetical description of the long lost soundscape of
the considered area.
On one hand, Sound Readers took from Butlers Memoryscape project his approach as an
urban geographer who was trying to integrate through new technologies different practic-
es from the fields of art, landscape and oral history. Memoryscape was the name chosen by
Butler for a series of audio walks involving oral history recordings that allow (re)discovering
the river Thames and its complex and mercurial history which was something unlikely from
a more traditional and static perspective focused on the memorial and monumental aspects.
The landscape was interpreted and imagined using the memories of others (Butler 2006)
due to the ability of spoken memory to make connections with other times, symbols and
places. (Butler 2006)
Sound Readers adopted his concept of expanded audio guide as a tool that can transform
a particular territory in a sort of site-specific piece. For this researcher, the walks seemed
501
to engender a feeling of identity with the landscape. (Butler 2006) For that reason, w
henever
possible, life interviews were carried out while strolling. The totality of the contents (in-
terviews and sonic reinterpretations) were recorded in order to be listened to while going
through the area, since the audio walk are an ideal resource providing opportunities for
people to build identity and empathy with their surroundings. (Butler 2006)
On the other hand, Andersons text: Voice, narrative, place: Listening to Stories was equal-
ly influential. This was partially, owing to her vindication of the overlooked role of storytell-
ing in sound art10 through the concept of site-specific stories, characterised by the fact that
they require the listener to engage creatively with their narratives and, therefore, induce a
productive listening state. (Anderson 2012) This particular kind of listening is crucial for the
creation of identity bonds with the landscape because, through it, the audience construct
new meaning within their physical surroundings, transforming it from merely space, into
place(Anderson 2012), achieving one of the goals aimed by Sound Readers for MMA project:
Listening to stories of place, in place enabling the listener to see alternative landscapes
intertwined with what is taken for granted as reality. (Anderson 2012).
6. Methodology
The theoretical references mentioned pushed Sound Readers to search for residents of the
neighbourhood (preferably long-term ones, but not exclusively so) and former slaughter-
house employees, as well as current cultural workers who could narrate how the area and
their lives in it had changed. The task was not easy because most of them are very old,11 and
a lot of people had moved to other areas of Madrid, especially during the eighties, the decade
that was the beginning of the decline of activity in the area.
Although, the goal was to do interviews while going around the area, sometimes it was
not possible: the delicate health of some of the elderly interviewees or the impossibility of
going out due to job obligations were not petty factors. And a good proportion of the time
invested in field work consisted of earning the confidence of the potential interviewees. It
10.In fact, Sound Readers share her critique of Alan Lichts words about the long prevailing definition of sound
art as a medium that rarely attempts to create a portrait or capture the soul of a human being, or express some-
thing about the interaction of human beings (Licht 2007, 14) being its main focus the sound as phenomenom of
nature and/or technology. (Licht 2007, 14)
11.One of our contacts, Jacinto, died some weeks after interviewing him. He was 92 years old and he worked
most part of his life in the slaughterhouse as a meat deliverer.
502
was not an easy task to persuade the former slaughterhouse workers to return to their job
place almost two decades after its closing (Figure 4). It was not necessarily a comfortable ex-
perience to revisit a place where they had spent the bulk of their lives working. A lot of them
refused the request of being interviewed there.
A list of subjects was prepared as a guide for conducting the life interviews. That list
included the following topics: Spanish civil war and post-conflict years, transformations on
the urban landscape, sense of community, immigration, politics, solidarity between workers,
etc.12
Sometimes Sound Readers asked the interviewees if they were able to remember a par-
ticular sound that could be identified with the area. Interestingly, most of them were notable
to remember any sound from the past, nor from the present, although they didnt find it
difficult to remember the unpleasant smell of dry skins from the slaughterhouse.
Figure 4. Sound Readers interviewing Ramn, one of the former slaughterhouse employees.
12.This is reflected in the use of tags in the mma.soundreaders.org web site, which makes a subject-based
search easier.
503
7. Making the research accessible
The result of seven months of field work, from March to November 2013, of intense field
work was uploaded into the mma.soundreaders.org internet domain, an exclusive web site
designed to serve as a sort of repository for collecting the different recordings which includ-
ed: sonic reinterpretations of the slaughterhouse spaces and life interviews. The web site
presents all of these sound materials geo-located on a map. Among the interviews, a part of
them were conducted while rambling, appearing displayed on the map as individual trails
(Figure 5). The remainder appear geo-located on singular spots. But almost all the record-
ings were assigned to the locations where they were recorded.13
The MMA website was not only designed to be used for archive or compilation purposes.
It was also conceived in order to transform the aforementioned area in a sort of site-specific
piece. Through the use of mobile devices like smartphones and tablets (Figure 6), the latter
freely available to the visitors of the current contemporary centre for several months,14 the
MMA website could work as an interface which allows the public to find many site-specific
stories. It is possible to see on the screens which geo-located contents are closer in order to
13.There are a few exceptions: the Josefa Aguilera and Luisa & Jesus audio trails. They were interviewed in their
homes because they were not able to go out due to health issues.
14.From 29th November 2013 to 28th February 2014, the period the project was showcased.
504
listen to (with the help of headphones) in situ the life narratives of some Arganzuela district
inhabitants or the sonic reinterpretations of some spaces of the slaughterhouse.15
Figure 6. Tablet, headphones and leaflet available to the visitors of Matadero Madrid.
8. Oral/Aural
Up to this point, one could question whether a project like MMA sound-based but mainly
oral was actually effective in recovering the sound of a definite lostscape, especially when
the answers to the question about identifying a specific sound were not particularly fruitful.
Nevertheless, taking a wider definition of sound, the collected life interviews turn out
to be really helpful in the reconstruction of that particular soundscape, always keeping in
mind that sound could also be understood as all that might fall within or touch on auditive
phenomena () sounds heard by everyone or imagined by one person alone. (Kahn 2001, 3)
In that way, interviewees in their descriptions of daily tasks from the past provided, almost
15.Due to the totality of interviews collected in the MMA website are in Spanish, Sound Readers have created
a video which try to summarize the aim of the project. It is a selection of excerpts from the repository of life
interviews combined with images of the places where they were recorded. English subtitles are provided in order
to overcome the linguistic gap and the video could be watched on line in the following link:
http://vimeo.com/100896895
505
without realizing it, a huge amount of information about how the sound of that shifting ur-
ban landscape could be heard across decades.
Of course, it is highly speculative, but not less interesting that Sound is also about as-
sociations, memories, feelings, experiences, imagery and thoughts. (Anderson 2012). Thus,
while strolling guided by the MMA interface, it is possible to listen to or imagine the sound
of the shootings and bombings that affected the zone during the Spanish Civil War in the late
thirties.16 Similarly, it is possible to imagine, during the after-conflict, how the soundscape
was marked by the reintegration of the routine of productive life: the hubbub of the workers
inside or outside their workplaces (for example: crowding the bars for lunch),17 the arrival of
beasts to the slaughterhouse18, their sometimes sonorous slaughtering (specially pigs19) and
quartering (done by hand without the help of mechanical devices20), and the comings and
goings of trucks and trains.21 Perhaps also the sound of political prisoners forced to work in
the Manzanares river could be imagined.22
Or sounds depicting different moments of the social life, like: children playing after
school on the streets;23 summer nights where neighbours talked until late in front of their
houses24 (a custom lost in the sixties with the arrival of television);25 weekend gatherings not
far from the river where the youths danced to the music played back on portable turnta-
bles;26 the whispering of clandestine street sellers (estraperlistas) during the years of short-
age.27 And any other kinds of events like popular festivities28 or incidents such as a fatal burn-
ing of several shanties29 (today completely disappeared) or the expropriation of cultivation
lands30 leaving some families without a chance of making a living, (both in the fifties).
16.Listen to the interview with Antonio, owner of La Alcubilla bar and also the interview with Julio.
17.Listen to the spot number 3 in the audio trail with Mariano and also the interview with Nati, owner of Venta
Matadero bar.
18.Listen to the spot number 4 in the audio trail with Pedro.
19.Listen to the interview with Josefa Ocaa.
20.Listen to the spot number 15 in the audio trail with Ramn y Juan.
21.Listen to the spot number 4 in the audio trail with Pedro.
22.Listen to the spot number 11 in the audio trail with Avelina.
23.Listen to the spot number 1 in the audio trail with Alfredo.
24.Listen to the spot number 7 in the audio trail with Josefa Aguilera and also the interview with Mari Carmen
Rosa.
25.Interestingly this is a custom really missed by the elder residents that mourn the lack of a closer community
life. In the last years the new Latin American neighbours in the area have recovered it but since then, and para-
doxically, it is often criticised by the elder residents.
26.Listen to the spot number 6 in the audio trail with Luisa y Jess and also the spot number 15 in the audio
trail with Alfredo.
27.Listen to the spot number 3 in the audio trail with Luisa y Jess.
28.Listen to the interview with Natividad.
29.Listen to the spot number 2 in the audio trail with Mariano.
30.Listen to the spot number 13 in the audio trail with Avelina.
506
The categorization by tags of the different subjects collected in the life interviews helps
set out hypothetical soundscapes in different decades in a particular spot. This is a task
in which Sound Readers currently work trying to set out how the explored area sounded
in a more detailed way, in the vein of works like Reinhard Strohms Townscape Soundscape
or others inspired by it, for example, Miguel ngel Marins Sound and Urban Life In a Small
Spanish Town During the Ancien Rgime.
Although the field work process has ended, it does not mean that MMA is a closed or
finished project. Sound Readers hope that other researchers find the MMA website helpful
and that the public feels the wonder of rediscovering parts of Arganzuelas district through
the voices of its inhabitants. Input from researchers, as well as the public, will determine the
future of this project, in which the intertwining of the historical and the biographical as a
set of geo-located narratives will hopefully contribute developing knowledge of an area in
constant change.
References
Azurmendi, Luis. Madrid. Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, Marin, Miguel ngel. Sound and urban life
Anderson, Isobel. Voice, narrative, place: regime. Urban History vol. 29, 1 (2002):
Listening to stories. Journal of Sonic Studies 48-59, accessed May 21, 2014, doi: 10.1017/
vol. 2, 1 (2012), accessed May 20, 2014, http:// S0963926802001050.
Butler, Toby. Doing heritage differently. Rising Music in Late Medieval Bruges, 1-9. Oxford:
http://www.uel.ac.uk/risingeast/archive05/
academic/butler.htm
2001.
507
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Sabine Breitsameter
sabine.breitsameter@h-da.de
Professor for Sound and Mediaculture
Hochschule Darmstadt/Germany, Faculty of Media
Abstract
During the last three decades, the big cities on our planet have undergone a significant
acoustic change, resulting in an assimilation of their soundscapes and a loss of acoustic
identity. The paper explores the parameters of auditory homogenization and reflect son its
reasons. Dialectically, not only the phenomena itself are investigated, but also the ways of
listening, as coined by offers, habits, media, and societies basic principles, priorities, de-
ficiencies and power relationships. How does the global homogenization of urban sound-
scapes affect and coin the conventions of organizing sounds? What do they reveal about our
societal systems, and: can such an order of sounds be changed?
Sabine Breitsameter (Berlin), expert for experimental audiomedia, auditory culture and
media ecology researches and teaches since 2006 as professor for Sound and Mediaculture
at Hochschule Darmstadt.
Since 1985:dramaturgue, director, editor and artist in the German public radio system
ARD, for NPR/USA and CBC/Canada. Since 1991: director of festivals, symposia and exhi-
bitions. Since 2013: Frankfurt B3 Biennalescurator for the Campus Program and Autumn
School. 20022008: Co-founder of the Master program Soundstudies UdKBerlin. 2010 she
published the first complete German translation of Murray Schafers The Tuning of the
World at Schott International.
508
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Trever Hagen
hagen.trever@gmail.com
University of Exeter, United Kingdom
Abstract
This research presents the relationship between soundscapes, learning, and belonging in
the Konohana ward of Osaka, Japan. Konohanas soundscape affords various modalities of
intersensorial listening: from inside ones home, it is possible to hear neighbors TVs and
conversations, cars and motorbikes passing by, children playing in the street, trash collector
vehicle jingles, the local noodle-carts whistle and the tofu sellers passing bell. Belonging
is constituted through these sonic encounters within the soundscape of everyday Kono-
hana life. Yet these encounters hinge on learning how to appropriate perceptual, cultural
and performative affordances of those sounds. The result is a multi-temporal, multi-sited
assemblage of soundscape that affords an experience of a neighborhood through local, city,
country and memorial emplacement.
Through ethnographic interviews, participant observation, and multisensory ethno-
graphic methods of neighborhoods in Konohana the paper aims to contribute an analytical
model of learning in soundscapes that interrogates how sonic affordances constitute be-
longing. By doing so, the ongoing research aims to interrogate the sociology and anthropol-
ogy of sound and the manner in which sounds emplace listeners thereby facilitating learning,
modes of knowing, feelings of belonging, aesthetic valuing and forms of practice.
509
1. Introduction
Sound in ethnographic research and writing has been pursued by anthropologists and so-
ciologists calling attention to the auditory culture of social life through soundscapes (Feld
1984, Feld and Brenneis 2004), mediating technology (Bradey 1999), situated learning (Rice
2008, 2013), political implications of listening (Hagen 2013; Hagen and DeNora 2011), and how
sound and sound technology order urban experience (Bull 2000; Atkinson 2007). This paper
aims to develop the literature addressing the ethnographers ear (Clifford 1986) within the
sociology and anthropology of sound by taking the case of the Konohana neighbourhood in
Osaka, Japan.
Konohanas soundscape allows for a marked sense of nearness due to the construction
planning and material of many of its houses and buildings; from inside ones home, it is pos-
sible to hear neighbors TVs and conversations, cars and motorbikes passing by, children
playing in the street, trash collector vehicle jingles, the local noodle-carts whistle and the
tofu sellers passing bell. Various modalities of intersensorial listening present themselves
through sonic encounters within the soundscape of everyday Konohana life that subse-
quently constitute belonging. Yet these encounters hinge on learning how to appropriate
perceptual, cultural and performative affordances of those sounds. The result is a multi-lay-
ered assemblage of soundscape that affords an experience of Konohana through local, city,
country and memorial emplacement.
In what follows, I outline a theoretical context and model of learning in soundscapes and
then move on to discuss the specific sonic encounters in Konohana that aid in how one feels
belonging to a place, what are the invisible traces of the places boundaries and how one
learns these through listening.
The Konohana case study research sought to engage hearing and listening by examining
site-specific contexts of how people configure their listening attention and their experi-
ences of those places. The objective was to pursue how sounds have come to be valued by
social groups and what social practices came to be shaped and constituted via listening. In
510
this sense, multisensory ethnographic fieldwork was crucial to understanding sounds rela-
tionship to belonging in contemporary urban publics. Multisensory methods situated the re-
search within a larger sensory framework that is not based on lexical description but rather
on experience of place. Embodied perception, instead of semantically articulated meaning,
looks toward how the senses organize the world, considering comprehensive, global dimen-
sions of spatiality, experience and emplacement (Pink 2009).
The data presented here was collected over a ten-month period with six months liv-
ing in the Konohana neighborhood. Crucial to the study was participant observation, both
participating in sound making as a sonic participant and observing the soundscape, as it
were, through guided walks and simply day-to-day habituation to Konohanas soundscape.
To support the observation numerous phonographic and visual recordings were made, along
with conducting nineteen ethnographic interviews with residents of Konohana. These in-
terviews considered peoples interaction with and in sonic environments and their relation
to belonging. Within the techniques of conducting ethnographic fieldwork, interviewing is a
primary means for revealing how people create meaning. Ethnographic interviewing relies
not on the researchers categorization of phenomena, but rather elicits information from the
interviewee in order to arrive at better understanding of the subjects worldview (Spradley
1979, 48-49). The intent was not to focus on the sounds themselves per se, but rather peoples
relation and categorization of sounds, focusing on activity, practice and events.
From Schaefers initial prescription of soundscapes analytic features, its conceptual descrip-
tive development has been widely employed. In many cases, this has reduced its use to a sen-
sitizing variable or has rendered soundscape as slippery in its interdisciplinarity (Kelman
2010, 214). This is even more the case when human and non-human activity is incorporated
rather than excluded as background noise, showing the soundscape-listeners amorphous
relationship. Soundscape-as-context has thus been described as a multimodal experience
(Raimbault and Dubois 2005, 342), rhizomatic in its non-linear change (Koutsomichalis 2013),
a process of becoming (Fors, Bckstrm, and Pink 2013), which occurs through a constel-
lation of relationships (Kelman 2010, 213), and could be more comparable to the fluidity of a
seascape than landscape (Shelemay 2006, xxxiv). Each of these definitions attributes value,
511
in terms of analysis and interpretation, to dimensions of space, time and framing discourse
in a constant process of negotiation and constitution between sound and listener. In oth-
er words, the soundscape is indexical in its meaning (Garfinkel 1967)in addition to being
perceptually communicative it furnishes material to which meaning is articulated, used and
adapted contingent upon the emplaced listener. This indexical approach attributes power to
sound, its social value and how it is used as a resource in learning. Learning how to hear and
listen in specific soundscapes, then, is a socially distributed practice that mediates relation-
ships between people, places and spaces.
Wengers (1998) community of practice analyses learning as an on-going, collective
project based on participating in and therefore learning from activity in context. Learning in
this focus is situated (Brown et al 1989) and occurs at tacit levels of attention. Wengers focus
reveals two points: [1] learning happens in situ through teacher-apprentice activity, such as
imitation and training; [2] from these relationships, dispositions emerge socially. The no-
tion of sonic dispositionshow one orientates themselves toward a soundis thus a political
question when considering how, why and in what ways collectives, city councils, property
developers and transnational organizations attribute different aesthetic value to quiet areas
or noise. Moreover, learned dispositions are a critical building block in belonging.
In his study on social learning of dispositions in relation to becoming a marijuana smok-
er, Becker (1953, 237) notes that without social learning, marihuana [sic] was considered
meaningless; not only is a presence of an object necessary for effects to happen, but one
also needs recognition. Therefore, to experience marijuana, one must be aware or con-
scious, which, as Becker argues (ibid, 240), emerges from interaction with others, particu-
larly with experienced users, or teachers. Recognition speaks to the complex, entangled
process of how an object is mediated or discursively encountered within group cultures; yet
this learned orientation is not always consciously articulated as Becker states. It also occurs
at tacit, unconscious or even instinctive levels of knowing; or to put it more simply: what
naturally feels good and what doesnt.
While sociological literature on social learning, as that of Wenger and Becker, has helped
ground how objects socially and culturally constituted meaning affects practice within sit-
uated clusters of people interacting, we are left wondering if this can be accurately applied
to sounds: is the sound a honking car meaningless if we do not recognize it? Do we need a
teacher in this case? Is the listener of one urban soundscape alien to that of another? In-
teractionist approaches can therefore rely too heavily on socially constructed meaning and
thereby ignore properties of an environment. It is here that music sociologists have contrib-
uted to our understanding of practice by examining objects (such as music and sound) and
512
their properties (volume, intensity, pitch, frequency, real-time) within social environments
and how these properties afford various forms of activity (DeNora 2000). Growing out of
perceptual psychology (Gibson 1977, 1979; Greeno 1994), DeNora outlines how people appro-
priate musical affordances, for example using a musical beat to help one concentrate, re-
vealing how this activity is co-configured between environment and peoples abilities. Sim-
ilarly, Antoine Hennion (2005, 141) has addressed environmental learning in his pragmatic
theory of reflexive taste through an ecological perspective of exposure, identification and
attunement: to train ones faculties and perceptions (both collectively and individually), to
learn tricks and ways of doing things, to have a repertory, classifications, and techniques that
reveal the differences between objects. Affordances and abilities contribute to an ecological
understanding of how people articulate meaning to activity, learn from it and use it, often at
tacit levels of knowing.
In Becker, DeNora and Hennions studies, the process of meaning configuration via ob-
jects and with others who show the way is one that is revealed through gradual, habitual,
achieved and built up actions in an environment of use and learning. Tom Rice (2013), in his
ethnography of sound in hospitals, ties together both situated learning, community of prac-
tice with an affordance perspective, shows the cultural categories of listening and learning
in auscultation, detailing the learning process of listening attention, enskillment and use of
auscultation by medical students. Rice concludes that listening is key skill in the transitional
process of becoming a doctor.
This process of becoming is not dissimilar to the process of belonging through how one
negotiates meaningful sounds in soundscapes that contributes to knowledge production.
Within the anthropology of the senses, Howes (2003) and Pink (2009) have broached this
question through the notion of emplacement as considering mind, body and environment.
Fors, Bckstrm, and Pink(2013) have developed an emplaced approach to sensory learn-
ing, where they draw on Masseys (2005) scholarship of place-events. Place-events are de-
scribed as a flexible site that is not bound by materiality but can also mediate global frames
and meta-local discourses, much like an archeology site is multi-temporal in its materials.
Situated learning in a place-event, then, takes on a sensory dimension, that is not always
bound by a teacher-apprentice relationship, and one in which learning similarly constitutes
the place-event with meaning. Thus, learning in context is a sensory-emplaced project
(Fors et al 2013).
For example, a person growing up in the northern part of the globe might be used to
walking on snowy and icy roadscertain snow requires certain ways of walking, and some
ice affords different actions (sliding or cracking) that coordinated how one distributes body
513
weight, how far one lifts their feet from the ground, or how long are their strides. This type of
knowledgeor knowingis not something taught as much as it is learned by doing through
sensory emplacement as a patterned context along with imitation in situated learning, such
as watching how an older brother might slide further on an icy patch or make a better a
snowball. Such a description is similar to how MarcellMauss ([1935] 1979) has described tacit
knowledge of the body as a body technique. However, as Rice (2013, 94-96) has pointed
out, Mausss conception of body techniques assumes a unity of the body, rather than an
intersensorial, relational focus between the senses in contexts (Bull 2006, 6).
Weaving together these theoretical strands, we arrive at a form of knowing that emerges
not just through perceptual transmission of sensory data but by engagement, enactment
and appropriation of sensory material affordances, like touching snow and ice or listening to
sounds, as described in the presented soundscape below. These sounds are contingent upon
the relationship between mind, body and environment and a persons abilities (however tacit
those may be) that are configured, and attuned to a soundscape. The importance here for
the study of sounds and soundscapes is the way in which sound is co-constituted through
listeners, environments and practices and the meaning that subsequently emerges. To zoom
in on this process of meaning emergence that occurs within soundscapes, I look toward a
mechanism of encounter.
514
collectives, which thereby provides material for belonging to multi-sited and multi-tempo-
ral places.
Within these encounters we have points of exchange between different types of son-
ic-based material and sonic participants: information (e.g., the jingle of a trash collection
vehicle), emotions (e.g., relief from hustle and bustle of a city centre) and consciousness (e.g.,
memory of childhood). These points of exchange show us two types of knowledge produc-
tion: sonic literacy and auditory knowing. The former indicates explicit knowledge (I take out
the trash when I hear a sound) whereas the latter suggests a tacit dimension to knowledge (a
sense of calm when returning to Konohana). In either case we have an interplay and move-
ment between the known and the unknown, the familiar and unfamiliar. Using the case of
sonic encounters in the Konohana neighborhood, I analyze this movement of learning and
its relationship to emplacement.
Around 4.30pm everyday, I hear the sound of a single bell, which must be a
hand bell, ringing and moving throughout the neighbourhood. Since December
[the first three months I was living here], I was unable to identify from which
direction the sound was coming from and what was its purpose. Today I waited
outside [my flat] for the bell at its normal time. Only until I was on the street at
this time did I see a man (~65 years old) on a bicycle selling fresh tofu. Attached
to his bicycle in the front is a hand-held bell and a cooler full of fresh, cold tofu
strapped down on the rear rack. The next day I waited inside until I heard his
bell, hoping to buy some tofu, yet I was unable to catch him: how close he is to
515
[my] house is masked by the way the bell disperses sound and the fact that I can
hear street sounds from all directions. Ill try again tomorrow.
Late every evening, there is a sound I have not encountered before [in other
places I have lived in Japan] it sounds like a call from a reed instrument. It is a
short call; only 2-3 notes played every 3-5 minutes. I first heard it in December
[2012] and thought it might be from the local shrine, but Ivenow heard it nearly
every evening since I moved into Konohana. Last week I found out that the reed
flute call was played by a man (~70 years old) selling ramen noodles from a large
red cart that he pulls behind him. I had followed the sound around the neigh-
bourhood at night until I saw him in the street preparing a bowl full of ramen
[noodles] for a neighbour. After ordering a bowl for myself, he told me that hes
been selling ramen from the cart nearly every evening for the past fifty years.
Ive heard his call just now again (9.30pm).
516
ramen and tofu seller), its material environment (e.g., simple building construction that al-
lows for hearing outside), and its geographical location in the city (e.g., an island made from
reclaimed land). Konohanas nearness, then, is singular when compared to other urban areas
of Osaka. Thus Konohana as a local place with a local identity is experienced intersensorially
through contrast to other Osaka neighbourhoods and revealed through sonic encounters
with mobile food sellers calls.
For Konohana, local rests on the sonic fluidity between public-private spaces. A lack of
sonic control over ones material environment and public-private space anticipates happen-
stance encounters. Thus the appropriation of affordances here takes shape in practice as a
psychosocial letting in (acceptance of the neighbourhood sounds) and seeking out (pursu-
ing the activitytofu and ramen) which underpin the feeling of belonging. These practices,
letting in and seeking out, help to constitute a particular way of life, one that is simultane-
ously situated within a city.
517
4.3. Country Emplacement
So far we have considered emplacement via the appropriation of local and city sonic affor-
dances. These above examples are communicative functions of sound in that they trigger a
response but also contribute to patterning of time, contact points with neighbors and city,
and participating in taste culture (cooking tofu).
To look at a further sonic encounter, which emplaces a listener within further spatiality, I
examine the natural phenomena of earthquakes. Japans natural disasters are not necessarily
linked to a national-political-cultural identity but to the geographic experience of country
on a particular place on the globe, specifically, the Pacific Rim. One resident of Konohana
describes the sonic encounter of an earthquake that emplaces the listener in the country of
Japan:
When Im falling asleep, I often feel my windows shake and rattle. I listen for a
bit and feel how much the building trembles. I wait nervously and wonder if it is
an earthquake. It is only until after I hear a large truck go by that I know it is not
time to take cover or run for high ground [in case of tsunami]. Of course in April
[13, 2013] it actually was an earthquake. (J., 48)
Here the feeling of sound, the vibrations, along with the rattle of windows is attributed to
emplacement in Japan, a country habituated to earthquakes. Hearing and feeling an earth-
quake is a skill one learns to develop over time as a form of tacit knowledge that coordinates
action, such as running for cover, running for high ground; these activities of safety again
develop the practice of seeking out. This tacit knowledge is not necessarily related to an
emplacement in Konohana or Osaka, but rather to being in the country of Japan.
Drawing together these intersensorial listening practices, we have an experience of
place at different siteslocal, city and country. This multi-spatiality within the soundscape
integrate and connect the inhabitant through the practices of letting in and seeking out that
rest on competencies (anticipating disaster) and activities (taking out trash, eating) coordi-
nated to the material environment (house, street) thereby affording explicit and tacit knowl-
edge production. In short, emplacement frames the relationship between listening, knowing
and belonging.
518
ance and the letting in of Konohanas soundscape in that it may be considered enjoyable or
attractive. For many who live in Konohana, it is desirable not only because of low rental cost
but also because of childhood nostalgia. On a walking tour of the Baika neighbourhood, a
Konohana resident described how the neighbourhood provided material for nostalgia:
[Pointing] If you look up you can see the old [fishbone] TV antennae. Every-
where else [in Osaka], everyone has [satellite] dishes now. Here [Konohana] is
very nostalgic for me, the neighbourhood reminds me of my childhood, where
I grew up. There are very few cars, kids playing baseball in the street, these
buildings [gesturing toward a row of houses]. It is very rare to find this [1950s]
old-style in Japan nowadays. Its the Konohana style (laughing). (H., 39)
I suppose [the alleys] are a waste of space, very poor planning. But I have very
fond memories of running through alleys like this when I was growing up. Playing
games like hide-and-seek with other kids. I guess I never realized how special
these alleys1 are. You cant do that in [contemporary] apartment blocks. (K.,37)
These above memories are revealed through lived past experiences: both H and K are
from different districts of Osaka, which had at one time been similar to contemporary Kono-
hana local life. In relation to sounds, a Japanese visitor [from the Kanto district] to Konoha-
na showed surprise at the sound of the ramen flute, illustrating a mediated memory:
Oh, Ive only seen this old movies.Nowadays most people who sell ramen have
a recording. This is an exceptional thing to have in your neighbourhood. (S., 40)
These sonic encounters trigger memory that are all contingent on the contrast to mod-
ern Japanese living, technological development and disappearing cultural practices. Old
antennae, the ability to hear a reed flute from inside your home, to play between what is
considered wasted space in urban planning are all functions of residential non-develop-
ment yet allow for feelings of nostalgia and thus and acceptance and aesthetic valuing of the
519
non-development. The material environment of Konohana therefore affords a nearness to
the past that has disappeared from other environments in Osaka and is situated in both lived
and mediated memory work.
5. Conclusion
The soundscape of Konohana consists of a series of sonic encounters wherein people appro-
priate sonic affordances for learning. As the reed flute, hand bell, trash lorry jingle, and win-
dow rattles reveal, sonic encounters are perceptual, cultural and symbolic paths to know-
ing a multi-temporal, multi-sited Konohana that emplaces individuals and collectives. This
learning through emplacement, in turn, provides material for belonging.
Yet this may be belonging to only one or all sites within Konohana. From these examples
of intersensorial encounters, we see that place is multi-temporal and occurring at non-mu-
tually exclusive sites; in other words, one is at once local in the neighbourhood, as they are
in a city (Osaka), country (Japan) and existing at different points in time (both the lived and
mediated past and present). These encounters are constituted by their related practices,
letting in and seeking out, which are learned through emplacement and negotiated by in-
dividuals and groups. The place-event contextualizes the sounds, therefore context is the
activity of emplacement.
Nearness is a dimension of spatiality that contributes to forming of place-related know-
ing and belonging via the sensory experience, facilitating commitment, investment and valu-
ing of a place. The paper shows how people coordinate competencies and abilities to certain
environments with different materials. Such an intersensorial affordance perspective allows
for an understanding of how individuals are reconfigured through sensory emplaced learn-
ing as together in neighbourhood, in city and in country.
520
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H., 39. Interviewed by author. Konohana, Osaka,
522
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Nuno Fonseca
nunosmdafonseca@gmail.com
Instituto de Filosofia da Nova (Ifilnova) / FCSH / Universidade Nova de Lisboa
Abstract
Until very recently in the history of philosophy, sounds have been almost absent from serious
philosophical consideration and auditory perception has rarely been considered for its per-
ceptual specificity, superseded by the visual modality of perception. In an essay on metaphys-
ics, P. F. Strawson conceived an exclusively auditory world as a thought experiment designed
to consider an alternative conceptual scheme for the world. But since sounds wouldnt have,
according to him, intrinsic spatial characteristics, an exclusively auditory world would only
provide a temporal framework. Notwithstanding, there is now an intellectual consensus in
philosophy that accords spatial features to sounds and spatial content in auditory perception,
which provides a valuable cognitive resource for the spatial representation of the environment.
Nevertheless, it seems reasonable to accept that sounds have a temporal constitution and that
they are not only perceived in time, as can be proven by the study of auditory perception, but
they even add to the perception of time itself. Moreover, we can think of sounds and aural prop-
erties as qualitatively enriching our experience of objects, events and our own self-awareness.
If the spatial aspect of auditory perception enables the perceiver with cognitive tools to
build a descriptive and operational map of places and situations, then the temporal features
provide qualitative elements for the weaving of acoustic narratives, inhabited with meaningful
experiences that emotionally connect (or disconnect) the perceiver with (from) its environment.
What I aim to do in this presentation is then to highlight the temporal features of audi-
tory experience through the phenomenological description and critical analysis of auditory
perception, in order to show how soundscapes are interweaved with temporal elements that
necessarily pervade the personal experience of places.
523
1. Philosophical awareness about an auditory world
It is, nowadays, common place to assert that modern western civilization thought patterns
have been dominated by visual perception and concepts. In fact, one cannot find many ex-
amples in the history of philosophy where other perceptive modalities are paid similar at-
tention. In what concerns us here, i.e., sounds and auditory experience, apart from some
individual cases in ancient and modern philosophy Aristotle, Locke, Berkeley or Condillac,
and yet, all these were still dominated by a visual ideological frame , it was not until very
recently that philosophers have begun to seriously consider the aural modality of perception
and the ontological specificities of sounds. It is now an emerging sub-area of philosophy, en-
compassing metaphysics, epistemology, aesthetics and philosophy of mind, and it has been
originating a growing number of books and articles in the past few years. But it would not
be fair to ignore an unexpected yet major contribution to the philosophical consideration of
sounds, which can be found in a 1959 book, also responsible for the rebirth of metaphysics
in the analytical tradition, Individuals: An Essay in Descriptive Metaphysics by British philos-
opher P.F. Strawson.
The reason for invoking this book at the beginning of this presentation is connected with
the controversial yet pregnant thought experiment, presented in chapter 2, where Strawson
entertains the hypothesis of a purely auditory world, and the consequences of its analysis
for the characterisation of sounds. In his project of a descriptive metaphysics, in the con-
text of an ordinary language philosophy, Strawson was focused on clarifying our conceptual
scheme of the world. For that purpose, he was looking for a category of entities that would
be objective and independent from references to other entities, so that they could ground a
spatio-temporal framework where descriptive relations would be coherent and thus enable
us to structure our conceptual scheme and effectively perceive our environment. He had
found, in the first chapter, a category of referentially basic entities: material bodies. But, in
the second chapter, he tested his hypothesis with an alternative category of objective en-
tities: sounds. He has chosen sounds because he wanted to speculate over the possibility of
building a conceptual scheme different from ours with reference to objective entities
that were not material bodies and thus non-spatial1 (since, according to Strawson, auditory
experience is in itself non-spatial)2. The triumph or misfortune of this thought experiment
1.The relevance of discussing basic non-spatial entities derives from Strawsons analysis of the Kantian claim
that the notion of there being objective particulars should involve the notion of space (Strawson 1959, p. 62).
2.Delving deeper in his thought experiment, he was forced to postulate something he called a continuous mas-
524
is of no concern here, yet, this characterisation of sounds and the controversial assumption
that auditory perception is essentially temporal and non-spatial encouraged me to seriously
rethink the nature of sounds and sonic experience.
ter-sound, which would then provide a frame of reference, analogous to space, in order to allow the distinction
and re-identification of particular sounds (Strawson 1959, p. 76).
3.The fact that humans are equipped with two directional aural receptors, ears, is also responsible for the
spatial information perceived in auditory experience, namely via interaural time and level differences. Also see
(Bregman 1990, pp. 7983) and (Warren 2008, pp. 3563).
4.This scepticism about spatial audition has been shared by other aspatial accounts of auditory experienc-
es (OShaughnessy 1957) and by some proximal theories that locate sounds at or near the ears of the subject,
despite the distant location of sound sources (Nudds & OCallaghan 2009, pp. 6983 and pp. 117125). To be fair,
some of these theories do not deny that auditory experience may convey spatial information, insofar as it can
represent spatial features or have spatial content, namely concerning the causes of sounds. According to these
theories one should subtly distinguish between the location of sounds and the location of sound sources, as well
as between the spatial content of auditory perception and the spatial properties of sounds themselves. Further-
more, these differences between the various theories also result from different perspectives concerning the
nature of sound, its ontological or metaphysical status.
525
3. What, then, are sounds?
On this topic, Strawson starts by saying, in a very traditional fashion, that sounds are the
proper objects of hearing and then characterises them stating that they of course5 have
temporal relations to each other, and may vary in character in certain ways: in loudness,
pitch and timbre. However as I have pointed out he insists that they have no intrin-
sic spatial characteristics (Strawson 1959, p. 65). We can infer, from his argument in the
thought experiment, that he considers sounds as objective, public entities, mind-independ-
ent particulars that can be distinguished and re-identified. But saying that sounds are the
public objects of auditory perception only spares us from the conclusion that they could be
subjective mental states (or properties of hearers)6, although it does not tell us much about
their metaphysical nature. What ontological category do they belong to? They seem to be
particulars, not universals. But: Are they properties? Are they powers or dispositions? Are
they abstract particulars or tropes?
The recent philosophical publications on the ontology of sounds have given different
answers to these questions from the traditional and scientifically consistent wave view
to the property view but this is not the place to survey them all7. Nonetheless, there is a
type of answer that is particularly sound and that stresses the main aspect of auditory expe-
rience that concerns me in this presentation: temporality. As we have emphasised above in
our quotation of Strawsons characterisation of sounds, it seems obvious that they, at least,
have temporal relations to each other. And although it is debatable if sounds have locations
or if they are intrinsically or only extrinsically spatial, almost everyone would agree that, not
only they have temporal relations between each other, but sounds themselves occur in time
and have durations8. An approximate answer to the ontological question what are sounds?
one which takes temporality as an essential feature of these entities, might be, then, that:
they are events (Casati & Dokic 1994, pp. 3648) (OCallaghan 2007, pp. 5771).
5.Italics mine.
6.Actually, this is a rather traditional view about sounds that is warranted by the phenomenon of aural halluci-
nations.
7.For a brief review of these various positions concerning the ontological status of sounds, see (Nudds & OCal-
laghan, pp. 48), (OCallaghan 2007, pp. 1328 and pp. 5771) and (Casati & Dokic 2012).
8.Although Jonathan Cohen argues against the exceptional and distinctive temporal features of sounds that
would allegedly distinguish them from other sensible qualities, namely colours, he still concedes of course, that
sounds occur in time, that they have temporal durations, and perhaps bear many other interesting relations to
time (Cohen 2010, p. 304). So, in this chapter on Sounds and temporality he does not deny the intrinsically tem-
poral characteristics of time, but simply states that they are not that distinct from temporal features of colours, for
instance.
526
4. Sounds as events
The event view informs us that: either sounds are events happening to material objects that
resonate (the Located Event Theory defended by Roberto Casati and Jrme Dokic) or they
are events that involve both the causal source and the disturbed surrounding medium (the
Relational Event Theory defended by Casey OCallaghan). One of the main consequences of
this event view, in both versions, is that sounds are intrinsically temporal entities9, they
take time and involve change (Nudds & OCallaghan 2009, p. 36), they are either instanta-
neous events or temporally extended processes (Casati & Dokic 2012).10
Whether or not we accept the event view of sounds, it seems consensual that sounds
involve temporal features, since they occur in time, they have instantaneous or extended du-
rations, they start and cease (and sometimes last), they qualitatively change or survive qual-
itative change and, to sum up, our auditory experience of sounds is significantly a temporal
one. I will go further and claim that the experience of sounds shows us something about time
itself, insofar as it assists us in perceiving time and in building our own temporal experience.
Notwithstanding, before considering this somewhat more ambitious claim, I will analyse the
ways in which auditory perception comprises time.
Besides the obvious temporal relations involved in the perception of various and successive
sounds, which imply the elementary experience of previous and subsequent sounds, and
9.Saying that sounds are events implies that they are, of course, spatio-temporal ocurrences. Nonetheless, for
what concerns me here, I shall only emphasise their temporal features, which singularise them from other meta-
physical entities, be it properties, dispositions or abstract particulars.
10.The wave view of sounds also recognises that they are temporally extended occurrences and that they are
somewhat persisting particulars, but, as OCallaghan critically observes, at best it mistakes the lifetime of a train
or bundle of sound waves in an environment for the duration of a sound and is thus unable to correctly grasp
the temporal characteristics of sounds. To be clear, the propagation of sound waves is, according to the Relational
Event Theory, a consequence of medium-disturbing events which sounds, ontologically, are, and the collisions
or vibrations of material objects are the respective causes precisely the events that indeed are sounds, in the
Located Event Theory. In this last version, sound waves propagating in a medium are the necessary condition for
auditory perception of sounds but not to their existence (in the property view sounds could occur in a vacuum,
but also according to (Casati & Dokic 2012)).
527
consequently, an order of succession between them, there is also a temporal dimension in
the perception of each individual sound.11 Temporal processing in auditory experience is
highly complex, involving temporal resolution (or acuity), which refers to the ability to de-
tect change gaps or modulations in stimuli over time, but also temporal integration (or
summation) the ability of the auditory perceptual system to add information over time in
order to enhance the detection and discrimination of various future stimuli (Moore 2013, pp.
169202).
Furthermore, any of the traditional perceptual properties of sound pitch, loudness and
timbre requires, in one way or another, some temporal dimension to be able to produce the
psychoacoustic sensation in the perceiver. Pitch is the qualitative and subjective perception
of frequency, which is a physical property of the pressure waves that occur when sounds
are produced. So pitch tells the perceiver the number of cycles of motion per unit of time
that the particles constituting the disturbed medium (air, water, etc) undergo12. Even if this
is the result of an infra-level perceptual process, it is undeniable that time has a part in the
perception of pitch by the hearer of a sound. Loudness is the perceptual quality that gives
the perceiver an account of the intensity or magnitude of a sound. This means that it informs
the hearer about the sound energy transmitted per unit time through a unit area, but while
this measure of sound intensity depends on the sound pressure exerted by the atmosphere,
the subjective magnitude of the sound also depends on its frequency, waveform and dura-
tion (Truax 1999), which, in some sense, still gives time a role in loudness perception. Finally,
timbre, usually known as the quality or even, metaphorically, the colour of a sound, is de-
termined by the behaviour in time of the spectrum of a sound or its frequency content (the
presence and distribution of the fundamental frequency, partials and transients, their phase
relations, their growth and decay in time) (Truax 1999). Given the rich variety of traits that
influence timbre perception13, it helps singularising sounds and reveals itself to be very use-
ful in the recognition of sound sources in the environment of the perceiver. The relevance
11.In fact, even the human detection of sound is dependent upon duration, since everything shorter than 40 ms
will be virtually inaudible and, for durations of less than 200 ms, the sound intensity necessary for detection must
increase as duration decreases (Moore 2013, p. 64).
12.I am, somehow, still keeping in mind the Relational Event Theory of OCallaghan in this characterisation of
pitch, even though my claim concerning the temporal condition of pitch perception is valid for other definitions, in
general. For details on how he dealt with the objection that pitch seems a perceptual quality about sound waves,
see (OCallaghan 2007, pp. 7686). For details concerning pitch perception, also see (Warren 2008, pp. 64106).
13.After Pierre Schaffers Trait des Objets Musicaux and his theory of reduced listening, timbre as a perceptual
category for the identification and description of sound objects has been criticised, namely by Michel Chion, for
its lack of homogeneity, its causalist nature and its dependence not only on spectral analysis but also on dynami-
cal variations and context. See (Chion 2010, pp. 1845).
528
of time in the perception of each of these different qualities makes it, not only an important
feature, but a constitutive element in auditory experience.
But if the perception of sounds necessarily needs time to occur, auditory experience is a very
effective way to make us aware of time itself. Since, we do not own a specific sense fitted for
the perception of time, it is commonly accepted that we become aware of time and experi-
ence it through the perception of other things, particularly events and changes in states of
affairs, but, also in the perception of the relations of non-simultaneity, movement, variation
and order among objects. Sounds are thus exceptionally fitted for the experience of time, not
only because of their temporal nature, insofar as they can be conceived as events, but also
due to their perceptual properties and how the perception of these qualities aesthetically
and emotionally affects the perceiver. Through the perception of duration, timbre, spectral
and harmonic variation and even loudness and pitch properties of sounds, the listener is
affected in a particular way that is, by all means, cognitively significant14 but also aestheti-
cally and emotionally meaningful, in a way that transforms time experience inasmuch as it
tinges and singularises particular moments or periods. Just think of how our time awareness
changes during the experience of music, rhythms, poetry declamation or speech recitation
on radio, for instance.
Certainly, music and speech perception are particularly interesting cases of auditory
experience with a perceptually distinct character of unity, integration and intelligibility,
which notably suits them for temporal experience. Husserls well-known analysis of time
consciousness during the auditory experience of a melody showed us that, even though we
only perceive the tone moment-by-moment, we have a capacity for retaining the continu-
ally passing moments in a way that enables us to put them all together and thus unify them
in a whole melody (Husserl 1991, pp. 4042). This is made possible because of a tripartite
composition of consciousness, according to Husserl, made of primal impressions (the live,
actual experiences that occupy the momentary now), retentions (a sort of adumbrations,
14.It informs about sound sources, distance (via interaural time and loudness levels) and other space character-
istics, like amplitude, indoors or outdoors situation (via resonance, reverberation or echoes, acoustic phenomena
where duration and repetition is crucial).
529
primary memories, not quite yet ordinary memories of previous tone-phases) and proten-
sions (future-oriented counterparts of retentions), at any given moment (Dainton 2010), that
make the listener aware of the time flow yet suspending him in a continuous unified audi-
tory stream of musical tone. Rather curiously but significantly enough Husserl used the
example of an auditory experience that does not involve the perception of music but the
perception of a mundane sonic event the approaching of a stagecoach (Husserl 1991, pp.
289 et sqq.)15 in order to expound how we become conscious of temporal experience, giving
thus an aperu on how the perception of an aural event assists us in perceiving time itself.
Notwithstanding, the most striking aspect of temporal experience through the percep-
tion of sounds is not the fact that we become aware of the passage of time between a past,
a present and a future but that it assumes a concrete and meaningful phenomenological
character that has little to do with an abstract chronological time. The experience of sounds
of music, speech but also any natural or urban sounds changes the awareness of time,
expanding or compressing it16, associating it with feelings, ideas and, of course, memories
in fact, the temporal experience of sounds is not just a matter of perception but of memory
as well rendering it psychologically rich and meaningful. Furthermore, the enriched and
hued experience of instants, moments, events, and periods by sound contributes to our own
self-awareness and identity inasmuch as it assists us in building a temporal representation
a complex of narratives, a history of our living experience. This might be conscious but
also subliminal, since aural phenomena often permeate our experience in ways that we are
not particularly aware of until we make some sort of reflexive exercise upon past events or
until another similar auditory experience triggers feelings, thoughts or personal memories
that were accompanied by sonic events17.
15.Husserl describes it in the following fashion: The perception of the sound in the perceptions ever new now
is not a mere having of the sound, even of the sound in the now-phase. On the contrary, we find in each now,
in addition to the actual physical content, an adumbration; or better: we find a unique sound-adumbration that
terminates in the actually sensed sound-now. If we focus reflectively on what is presently given in the actually
present now with respect to the sound of the postilions horn, or the rumbling of the coach, and if we reflect on
it just as it is given, then we note the trail of memory that extends the now-point of the sound or of the rumbling.
This reflection makes it evident that the immanent thing could not be given in its unity at all if the perceptual
consciousness did not also encompass, along with the point of actually present sensation, the continuity of fading
phases that pertain to the sensations belonging to earlier nows. The past would be nothing for the consciousness
belonging to the now if it were not represented in the now; and the now would not be now that is, for the per-
ceiving consciousness pertaining to the moment in question if it did not stand before me in that consciousness
as the limit of a past being. The past must be represented in this now as past, and this is accomplished through the
continuity of adumbrations that in one direction terminates in the sensation-point and in the other direction and
in the other direction becomes blurred and indeterminate. (Husserl 1991, p. 290)
16.In his acousmatic experiences, Pierre Schaeffer detected some distortions in the perception of sound dura-
tion, which he labeled anamorphoses temporelles [temporal anamorphosis] and developed in his Trait des Objets
Musicaux (Schaeffer 1966, pp. 216243).
17.In a recent publication dedicated to the role of audio technology in memory processes and cultural practices,
530
7. Soundscapes as dynamic and diegetic environments
The notion of soundscape was, as it is now well-known, introduced by Robert Murray Schaf-
er in 1969. Schafer based this notion in an analogy with landscape and defined it roughly as
any acoustic field of study (a musical composition, a radio program or an acoustic environ-
ment) (Schafer 1993, p. 7), which means that any sound environment with an emphasis on
the way it is perceived by an individual or society (Truax 1999) may be understood as being
a soundscape. Landscape as a word appeared itself originally in reference to a framed image
of land scenery in seventeenth century Dutch and Flemish painting (landschap) and progres-
sively became a rather vague and comprehensive notion of a visual panorama of a spatial
environment, a unified and harmonious image (be it graphic, mental or social) that exhibits,
embodies or expresses the character of a place and grasps a certain impression of wholeness
and identity. A soundscape can be understood as it certainly is sometimes as a meta-
phorical variation of that notion to the auditory realm, making it an aural representation of
a specific sound environment. Nevertheless, the difference here cannot be just one of mo-
dality, a mere transfer from the visual to the aural. Because of the temporal nature of sounds,
if it is an image, it is necessarily a dynamical and diegetic one, which already introduces a
rather important difference in relation to a landscape, traditionally a rather static and de-
scriptive image of the environment. I do not mean to say that a landscape has to be a purely
static representation or entirely devoid of temporal indices and symptoms, but that its visual
character makes an emphasis on a spatial dimension that is grounded in simultaneous and
situational, rather than successive or causal, relations between the various components of
the landscape. A soundscape develops in time; it describes events and tells a story or rather
multiple stories that occur in a given environment.
It is clear that the spatial information conveyed by sounds, the spatial content of audito-
ry perception, enables the perceiver with cognitive tools that are apt to build a descriptive
and operational map of places and situations and thus also give a stable and structural rep-
resentation of the environment. Likewise, the systematic relationships between individuals
and the sonic environment is what sustains a scientific enterprise like acoustic ecology and
even the idea of soundscape design the improvement or even the creation and modelling
of such environment implies a supposed or expected relative stability. Even Schafers basic
Carolyn Birdsall focus sound souvenirs in relation to the traumatic events experienced by earwitnesses of World
War II, to whom involuntary remembering and embodied memories are, still nowadays, triggered by the listening
of particular sounds. See (Bijsterveld & van Dick 2009, pp. 169181).
531
features of a soundscape keynote sounds, signals and soundmarks delve in this struc-
tural logic in order to provide objective tools for the representation of the aural landscapes
identity. But none of these factors necessarily turn a soundscape into an immotile image of
an environment.
What distinguishes the notion of the soundscape which consists of events heard not
objects seen (Schafer 1993, p. 8) is, certainly, its temporal dimension, the fact that it is
made of elements that occur in time, that start and cease, either instantaneous events or
temporally extended processes, that suffer constant, even if mild, variations but may also
somewhat persist through change. All these features and the way they may affect the per-
ceiver qualify the sonic environment, giving it a particular set of hued perceptual and cogni-
tive but also aesthetic and emotional attributes.
Naturally, a soundscape is not an abstract entity, it is a complex set of spatio-temporal
acoustic relations that generally combines geophonic, biophonic and antropophonic (to bor-
row Gage and Krauses terminology)18 elements that an individual can experience at different
times and for different durations. It can be an episodic acquaintance a one-time or itera-
tive experience or an extended endurance of the environment. Whatever the case, these
different experiences are accompanied by aural events with varying degrees of vividness
and affection that more or less impregnate them consciously or subliminally with audile
memories. These souvenirs, which may be nostalgic sound romances (the church bells of
the native village, the steam train whistle traversing homeland prairies) but also traumatic
sound phobias (wartime bombings or ambulance sirens), may emotionally connect or dis-
connect the subject of those experiences with or from the respective environment and,
certainly, are relevant features in the interweaving of personal acoustic narratives and the
building up of identity.
As a final note, I should recall that, due to the nature of sound what it is and the
psychoacoustic phenomenology of human auditory perception, each sound tells a story. Be-
cause of its temporal essence, when we hear a sound we always become aware of something
that just happened, an event in the immediate past that produced the auditory effects we are
experiencing at the moment, something that resonates in our body and will leave a deeper or
lighter memorable trace depending on multiple external acoustic and contextual factors
but also subjective dispositions that will endure in ourselves and become part of our own
personal history. But we should also be aware that a sound is somewhat a perceptual fiction,
532
inasmuch as our system of auditory perception is constantly working19 to decompose and
recompose the extremely rich and entangled acoustic phenomena we are submersed in. The
fact that some constitute meaningful experiences, charged with an aesthetical and/or emo-
tional character is, of course, unpredictable, but this is what will make them a relevant part
of our own narratives and will tie the affective knots that may bind us or not to a given
soundscape and the place that it expresses. It is, therefore, important that we do not neglect
the auditory realm of our lives, since a deeper understanding of the implications of sound
experience may help us create, improve or model a more convenient acoustic surrounding
but also teach us skills to properly enjoy and interact with it.
19.With processes such as auditory grouping, stream segregation, sequential and spectral integration that can
be very complex and detailed in the now famous auditory scene analysis. For a summary of these complex process-
es, see (Bregman 1990, chapter 8, particularly pp. 641697).
References
Bijsterveld, K. & van Dick, J. (Eds) (2009) Sound Chion, Michel (2010) Le Son: Trait dAcoulogie,
Souvenirs Audio Technologies, Memory and 2e dition Revue et Corrige, Col. Cinma/
Bregman, Albert S. (1990) Auditory Scene Anal- ty in Zimmermann, Dean W. (Ed.), (2010) Ox-
ysis: The Perceptual Organization of Sound, ford Studies in Metaphysics, Volume 5, Oxford:
Bull, M. (2000) Sounding Out the City. Personal Dainton, Barry (2010), Temporal
Stereos and the Management of Everyday Life, Consciousness, The Stanford Encyclopedia of
Casati, Roberto & Dokic, Jrme (1994) La phi- Zalta (ed.), URL = <http://plato.stanford.edu/
(2012), Sounds, The Stanford Encyclopedia Husserl, E. (1991) On the Phenomenology of the
Publishers.
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Krause, B. (2008) Anatomy of the Soundscape: Truax, Barry (ed) (1999) Handbook of Acoustic
New Perspectives in Journal of the Audio Ecology, Second edition, Cambridge Street
ogy of Hearing, 6th edition, Leiden & Boston: Analysis and Synthesis, 3rd Edition, Cam-
Press.
Press.
URL = <http://plato.stanford.edu/archives/
sum2014/entries/perception-auditory/>.
du Seuil.
Schafer, R. Murray (1969) The New Soundscape
Music.
Destiny Books.
534
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Theresa Harada
tmh952@uowmail.edu.au
Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Wollongong, Australia
Michelle Duffy
michelle.duffy@federation.edu.au
Faculty of Education and Arts, Federation University, Gippsland, Australia
Abstract
Consider driving a car without sound, no engine noise, no music or voices, no honking of
horns, no whoosh of passing traffic or splash of tyres on wet tarmac. Without sound, much
of the meaning and texture of driving becomes lost. In this paper we suggest that a careful
attention to sound, not just music, can give insights into how affect moves between and
through human and non-human bodies. We argue that the affective and emotional expe-
riences and relations that arise through car driving practices are significant to how people
understand themselves, others and place and is part of the reason people continue to drive
their cars given we know the environmental impact they have.
535
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Jeb Middlebrook
jmiddlebrook@csudh.edu
California State University, Dominguez Hills, Los Angeles, California, United States
Abstract
This paper argues for the methodological and theoretical use of sound in studies of policing,
through an examination of police radio dispatches detailing the police eviction of an Occupy
Movement encampment in Oakland, California in the United States in 2011. The paper mo-
bilizes Stuart Hall, et al.s concept of the police as amplifiers, as well as aspects of Control
Theory, to theorize that listening to and analyzing the sound of the police (via police dis-
patches and other sonic archives) might serve to amplify otherwise silenced disturbances
in urban space, and allow for a consideration of how social, economic, and political crises
may be managed (or heard) differently on local and global scales.
536
the central apparatuses of social control in the state: the police and the courts.
Jacques Attali2
The history of noise is a history of control. Control Theory, a concept originally emerging
from the fields of engineering and mathematics (and now used in Psychology, Sociology,
and Criminology, among other fields) theorizes about the design and maintenance of stable
and predictable systems. Audio technologies, such as amplifiers, were invented to control,
manage, and reduce noise, and informed early theories of control. Today, the policing of
noise is evidenced in noise ordinances, crowd control, and sound-proofing technologies in
prisons and detention centers globally. The control of noise is, in many ways , the control of
society. Theorist Stuart Bennett ,wrote in his history of control engineering, that the goal of
amplifiers specifically was to increase the power of a signal, while reducing the noise and
disturbance in the system.3 Another control theorist, James R. Leigh observed, to achieve
successful control we must have a defined objective and be able to predict adequately, over
some sufficient time scale, all the outcomes of all the actions that are open to us4. System
control is a concern of audio engineers, as well as local police. It is within this control in-
tersection that this research resides. I seek to apply Stuart Hall, et als, assessment of the
police as amplifiers,5 to listen to and analyze the role of police in increasing, while con-
trolling, disturbances in social, political, and economic systems.
1.Stuart Hall, Chas Critcher, Tony Jefferson, John N. Clarke, Brian Roberts. Policing the Crisis: Mugging, the State
and Law and Order (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 1978) 30.
2.Jacques Attali. Noise: The Political Economy of Music. (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1985), 31.
3.Stuart Bennet. A History of Control Engineering, 1930-1955 (London: The Institution of Electrical Engineers,
1993), 97.
4.James R.Leigh. Control Theory (London: The Institution of Electrical Engineers, 2004), 4.
5.Stuart Hall, Chas Critcher, Tony Jefferson, John N. Clarke, Brian Roberts. Policing the Crisis: Mugging, the State
and Law and Order (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 1978),38.
537
One way to access an understanding of the police as amplifiers is through studying
the sounds of the police; in the case of this research, through listening to police dispatches.
Sound is a crucial missing link in the study of policing, particularly given the silence and
inaccessibility surrounding internal police communications. Making these sounds public
does much to offer transparency and accountability in regards to criminal justice agencies
around the world. Taking the notion of the police as amplifiers literally here, I am interested
in applying the materiality and theory of amplification as a way to think through how power
works in and around policing and practices of criminal justice. Indeed, amplification itself is
about power, energy, and the focusing of power toward a particular (sonic) end.
Stuart Hall, et al., in the book Policing the Crisis (1978), a study of anti-mugging polic-
ing in the U.K., argued that policing both structured and amplified particular crimes with
their overt attention to them. Hall, et al. noted that over-policing of particular behaviors can
provoke a criminal response from the general public, thus producing a self-fulfilling proph-
ecy and cycle of crime that confirms police suspicious of criminal activity among particular
populations. As a participant in the Occupy Movement in 2011 and other forms of organized
social protest that have been heavily policed, I am interested in understanding Hall, et al.s
argument of the police as amplifiers in the context of mass protest policing and arrest.
How might the sound of protest policing help one understand the nature of the crises being
policed, or perhaps the crises being produced by policing itself?
2. Occupy Noise
This study of police dispatches engaging Occupy protests, links practices of everyday, local
policing to mass global policing. The worldwide Occupy Movement and the corresponding
global police response offers insight into dynamics of capture and escape on a worldwide
scale, and also amplifies sonic dimensions of systems of global capitalism and incarceration.
Police dispatches of the eviction of a large Occupy encampment at City Hall in Oakland,
California in the United States in 2011, for example, offer a window into contemporary re-
alities and possible futures of mass policing and mass protest. The rarity of these kinds of
recordings being made public speaks to the importance of studying sound in general, and
these recordings in particular, in the context of global police accountability and transparen-
cy. The police dispatches of the eviction of Occupy Oakland are the only sonic documents
538
of an Occupy eviction made public by a police department that this researcher could locate,
making these dispatches a crucial site for studying sound, policing, and global protest in the
contemporary moment.
Jacques Attali wrote, change is inscribed in noise faster than it transforms society.6 At-
tali observed that noise may even function as a herald for society, predicting and sometimes
predicating the future. Listening to dispatches of the police-led eviction of Occupy Oakland
offers a sonic exploration of possible futures in regards to global capture and/or escape.
The Occupy Movement, an unprecedented global interrogation of wealth distribution, which
coalesced in over 700 confirmed simultaneous linked protests in over 80 countries signals
one possible future. Another future is represented by the coordinated police response to
Occupy, successfully evicting multiple encampments in the U.S. through coordinated federal,
regional, and local action.7
The sonic juxtaposition of attempts to capture protestors by Oakland police, and at-
tempts by Oakland protestors to escape, heard here, offer a sonic text through which to
study the nuances of managing, protesting, and policing the global political economic crisis.
Attali reminds us that noise (in all forms) is a source of power, and as such, power has al-
ways listened to it with fascination.8 He wrote: eavesdropping, censorship, recording, and
surveillance are weapons of power. The technology of listening in on, ordering, transmitting,
and recording noise is at the heart of this apparatus.9 What, then, is the power and the po-
tential to eavesdrop on the eavesdroppers, to record the recorders, to surveill the surveil-
lors? How might turning the power of listening on the state shift power from the state to
everyday people?
The criminalization of non-violent protest in the United States has a long history, and exists
as the backdrop to the Occupy Oakland eviction of October 25, 2011, as well as the evictions
of other non-violent Occupy encampments globally preceding and following the Occupy
6.Jacques Attali. Noise: The Political Economy of Music. (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1978), 31.
7.Naomi Wolf, The shocking truth about the crackdown on Occupy, The Guardian, November 25, 2011.
8.Jacques Attali. Noise: The Political Economy of Music. (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1985), 32.
9.Ibid.
539
Oakland eviction. The scholarly concerns of Stuart Hall, et al., are not the individual abuses
of police power by this or that policeman on this or that occasion, but effects which stem
from the organisational structure and social role of the police force itself.10 Analyzing the
police as amplifiers allows one to consider the control system of criminal justice beyond the
actions of individual officers. Attention to the process of amplification as control clarifies the
role of police in U.S. and global society, and broadens an understanding of how, in the words
of Hall et al., police both structure and amplify behavior which the state deems criminal.
What role do police agencies and the criminal justice system play in structuring and am-
plifying local and global crises? One place to begin answering this question is within police
dispatch sound recordings and related documentation. Sonic clues located therein indicate
where and how social crises are articulated (and at times produced) by police, as well as the
process of policing those crises.
The After Action Report (2012) by the Oakland Police Department (OPD) summarized
lessons from the October 25, 2011 eviction of Occupy Oakland and offered police justifica-
tions for the use of recording technologies in policing. Under INTELLIGENCE the following
information is stated: The mission of the Intelligence Section was to gather information,
regarding the Occupy Oakland group, of use to commanders planning the eventual removal
of the camp. Intelligence gathering began shortly after the camp was established and con-
tinued up to the morning of the operation, when the role turned to surveillance of the op-
eration.11 This report indicated that surveillance was applied by the OPD with the particular
goal of removal of Occupy Oakland. With this goal, the control system for Occupy Oakland
was set in place, and a course of action was implemented by the OPD toward the eviction of
Occupy. Occupy was deemed to be a disturbance in the system.
Noteworthy here is Stuart Hall et al.s quoting of Jock Youngs work that identified an
approach to policing whereby the behavior of a stigmatized or deviant group comes pro-
gressively to fit the stereotype of it which the control agencies already hold translation
of fantasy into reality.12 In the OPDs surveillance of Occupy Oakland, the police surmised a
criminal threat in the protest and determined only one possible outcome the eviction of
Occupy. With surveillance and tactical operations mobilized by the OPD, information was
collected toward fulfilling the goals of arrest and eviction. In this way, following Halls the-
10.Stuart Hall, Chas Critcher, Tony Jefferson, John N. Clarke, Brian Roberts. Policing the Crisis: Mugging, the State
and Law and Order (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 1978), 43.
11.Oakland Police Department, After Action Report: Analysis of Operation BF01-2011-000. October 25, 2011
(Oakland: Oakland Police Department, 2012), 6.
12.Stuart Hall, Chas Critcher, Tony Jefferson, John N. Clarke, Brian Roberts. Policing the Crisis: Mugging, the State
and Law and Order (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 1978), 42.
540
oretical line, the OPD assisted in amplifying the crisis of Occupy in their very process of
policing it. The police made Occupy a social crisis by identifying it as such, and mobilizing
police personnel and resources in the form of a crisis response.
The sounds of this can be heard through the amplifier of the police dispatch, in the lead
up to the physical eviction of Occupy Oakland protestors: Unlawful assembly being read
now, they have 5 minutes from now, identified one Sargent on the dispatch in the early
morning hours of October 25, 2011. I recall here control theorist, James R. Leigh: to achieve
successful control we must have a defined objective and be able to predict adequately, over
some sufficient time scale, all the outcomes of all the actions that are open to us.13 The clas-
sification of Occupy Oaklands assembly as unlawful, and setting a timetable of 5 minutes14
until the eviction, allowed the Oakland Police Department to implement an immediate sys-
tem of control in regards to the Occupy encampment. The police then proceeded to am-
plify their response: through bullhorns, police mobilization, arrests, and barricades of the
Oakland City Hall park.
Absent from the justifications of eviction of Occupy by the OPD in the After-Action
Report were the political aspects of the protest and larger Occupy Movement. Occupys
questioning of city and police authority and resources, and critique of wealth inequality,
were set aside, ostensibly, for OPD concerns over fire hazards, sanitation, food storage,
unsafe structures built into the Plaza, noise.15 This framing and approach to the policing of
Occupy Oakland was replicated in the evictions of other Occupy encampments globally in
the following weeks. Minor legal infractions, such as fire hazards, sanitation, and food stor-
age, were suddenly immediate and top city concerns, justifying the mobilization of entire
police forces as a response, and in the case of Occupy Oakland, police forces from several
surrounding cities assisting in the eviction. The police focus on property, as a proxy for a
focus on people, ironically supported the Occupy Movements critique of systems of govern-
ance and U.S. institutions prioritizing property and profit over people. The repeated sonic
references in the OPD dispatches to police surrounding, retaking, and barricading city hall
are not without symbolic meaning in the context of occupation. Here one can hear the
sonic manifestation of the state privatizing what was formerly public space, government,
and resources; the sounds of reoccupation / recolonization in the form of sirens, static, and
marching orders from the Oakland Police Department.
13.James R.Leigh. 2004. Control Theory (London: The Institution of Electrical Engineers, pp. 4.
14.Oakland Police Department. COMM Disk 1 (Oakland, CA: Occupy Oakland Public Records, 2012).
15.Oakland Police Department, After Action Report: Analysis of Operation BF01-2011-000. October 25, 2011
(Oakland: Oakland Police Department, 2012), 2.
541
Heard on one portion of dispatch that chronicled the minutes before and after the physi-
cal eviction of Occupy, one voice periodically gives updates about the protestors. For the re-
cord is the introductory phrase given each time, with updates anticipating resistance from
the protestors: for the record, the crowd is saying Man the barricades; for the record, the
crowd starting chanting [censored]; for the record, weve seen more shields come out; for
the record, they are trying to make plans to do something.16 This phrasing suggests a hy-
per-consciousness by the speaker that the police dispatch may exist as a archival document
of the events unfolding. The phrasing is explicit and precise in its delivery, and stands out
from the variety of other police chatter coordinating the eviction. This is the embodied voice
of the surveillance state, one that is aware of and intentional with its purpose and process.
The majority of the voices on the dispatch, however, are the rank-and-file officers: noisy,
disorganized, questioning, requiring order (where should we line up?; can someone turn
lights on?, captain, should we make arrests of these people?) This is the sound of the state
in crisis. Sergeants order the rank-and-file in complacent, even tones, commanding officers
to line up! hold the line! keep pushing! yes, everyone is subject to arrest.17
Through this attempted system of control, this amplifier, one hears other noises and
disturbances, in the form of the Occupy protestors resisting with drums and chants. The
words are intelligible, but a rhythm of drum beats can be heard as an occasional soundtrack
to the police convergence on City Hall.18 At times, the sounds of the protest are indecipher-
able from the dispatch static (it is all noise), and exemplifies the collective sonic and political
disturbances in the police amplification system. Control theorist, Stuart Bennett, reminds us
that the history of systems engineering in the United States is a history of struggling to get
control systems working in the presence of noise and non-linearities.19 The OPD dispatch
chronicles the sound of a control system working to get noise, and the people that emit
noise (both protestors and officers), under control.
The system of control enacted by the OPD was wide-ranging. In terms of forms of sur-
veillance of Occupy Oakland, the OPD had identified as successes, the following: elec-
tronic intelligencegathered via Internet; Human intelligence gathered via surveillance
and interaction with group participants; Real time surveillance to alert law enforcement
participants that the operation had been compromised and that occupiers were barricading
the plaza; Surveillance during the camp removal served to assist commanders with direct-
16.Oakland Police Department. COMM Disk 2 (Oakland, CA: Occupy Oakland Public Records, 2012).
17.Oakland Police Department. COMM Disk 2 (Oakland, CA: Occupy Oakland Public Records, 2012).
18.Ibid.
19.Stuart Bennett. A History of Control Engineering, 1930-1955. (London: The Institution of Electrical Engineers,
1993), 120.
542
ing resources.20 These various forms of surveillance coalesced in the OPD dispatch record
on Occupy Oakland, which constituted almost 12 hours of police activity on the day of the
eviction. The initial eviction of Occupy Oakland and some 300 protestors around 5 a.m. on
the morning of October 25, 2011, amplified a response from city residents. Over 1000 resi-
dents converged on downtown Oakland in the hours following the eviction and engaged in
an 8-hour clash with the OPD.21
Three days later on October 28, 2011, protestors returned to re-Occupy Oaklands City
Hall with about 25 tents. Oakland Mayor Jean Quan responded with the statement, We
have decided to have a minimal police presence at the plaza for the short term and build a
community effort to improve communications and dialogue with the demonstrators.22 Am-
plifiers, designed to manage feedback, as well, is exhibited here in the Mayors actions. Stuart
Bennett wrote of the history of amplification, the lack of knowledge and understanding of
the effect of feedback in systems resulted in a greater interest in the problems of control.23
Mayor Quan, in managing feedback from Occupy protestors to the eviction of the origi-
nal Occupy encampment, retooled the citys approach to control. Applying a delay to the
sound and sight of police at Occupy, Quan administered the system of control via silence: an
intermission of almost two weeks, before the OPD would return for a final and permanent
eviction of Occupy Oakland.
The noise of Occupy Oakland, however, was not reduced in the interim. A General Strike
of about 7000 people, according to city estimates at the time, followed a week after the ini-
tial eviction. It shut down the Port of Oakland, the fifth largest port in the United States, on
November 3, 2011.24 Success was heard from an Occupy bullhorn at the port that evening:
The port has been shut down. Lets head back to the plaza, the original location of Occupy
Oakland at City Hall. 25
Mayor Quan would order the removal of Occupy Oakland a second and final time on
November 14, 2011. Amplifying Occupy yet again with this police action, a second shutdown
of the Port of Oakland by Occupy protestors occurred on December 12, 2011. The eviction of
Occupy Oakland, and evictions of other Occupy Movement encampments globally between
20.Oakland Police Department, After Action Report: Analysis of Operation BF01-2011-000. October 25, 2011
(Oakland: Oakland Police Department, 2012), 6.
21.Kristin J. Bender, Scott Johnson, Sean Maher, Cecily Burt, and Angela Woodall, Occupy Oakland: Clashes last
into night after pre-dawn raid on encampment, Oakland Tribune, October 25, 2011.
22.David Morgan, Oakland protesters re-Occupy plaza, Associated Press / CBS News, October 28, 2011.
23.Stuart Bennett. A History of Control Engineering, 1930-1955 (London: The Institution of Electrical Engineers,
1993), vii.
24.Oakland Tribune, Occupy Oakland Live Blog Nov. 2, 2011, Oakland Tribune, November 2, 2011.
25.Associated Press, Occupy Oakland shuts down port, CBS News, November 3, 2011.
543
2011 and 2012, reduced the original energy of Occupy, but did not silence it. The voices
and sounds of the Occupy Movement, and other global protests since, have echoed into
popular culture and media, and remain as ringing reminders of the power and possibility of
listeningto noise.
References
Associated Press, Occupy Oakland shuts down 000-October 25, 2011. Oakland, CA: Police
Alexander, Michelle. The New Jim Crow: Mass . COMM Disk 1, Oakland, CA: Occupy Oak-
New York: The New Press, 2013. . COMM Disk 2, Oakland, CA: Occupy Oak-
Attali, Jacques. Noise: The Political Economy of land Public Records, 2012.
Bender, Kristin J., Scott Johnson, Sean Maher, Stempel, Jonathan, Top court will not revisit
Cecily Burt, and Angela Woodall, Occupy Illinois eavesdropping law, Reuters, Novem-
Oakland: Clashes last into night after pre- ber 26, 2012.
544
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Keiko Uenishi
oblaten@gmail.com
art-ivist, SHARE.nyc, doctoral candidate at PhD-in-Practice, Akademie der Bildenden Knste Wien
Abstract
When one detects that the aural partition is clearly not matching with the visual/physical
partition, situations such as noise complaints may occur. One would assume that a certain
physical area portioned visually, is being secured as ones own private space. However, such
private space does not guarantee synchronicity with the aural space boundaries.
Neighbors voices leaking through the walls, loud rock music blasting from passing cars
through the windows, and even birds chirping in the morning heard in the bed through
closed windows during cold seasons, are results of being in various acoustic arenas at the
same time. None are matching with the dimensions or the size of the visually decoded pri-
vate space. When you hear sounds from beyond the visual boundary, people describe them
as hearing sounds from outside. In fact, you are inside the overlapping acoustic arenas. If
you build a soundproofed wall, add another layer of windowpane, or blast even louder music
to drown everything else out, it is an attempt to divide the acoustic arena to match with
the visually represented boundaries. As individuals hearing varies in relation with the envi-
ronment, and widely depends on personal preferences; defining noise should not and will
never be a simple business.
However, when it comes to the term, noise pollution, the matter becomes political. The
tolerance level of sounds leaked from outside of visual boundary, shifts and changes. In an
over-populated urban area, it closely synchronized with (and is occasionally drivenby) econ-
omy and politics.
Gentrification, analyzed from the angle of aural aspects, would cast a new pattern move-
ment in our landscape. As a case study, the author examines the case of New York City from
mid-1990s Giuliani era via Broomberg through the current.
545
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Kazuya Minoura
minoura@yamanashi-ken.ac.jp
Yamanashi Prefectural University, Kofu, Japan
University of Groningen, Netherlands
Abstract
Kikuo Saito, an elementary school teacher at a school in the Nishijin area of Kyoto, self-pub-
lished some original research in the 1960s on soundscapes and the use of sound in education.
The Nishijin area is well known for its association with its local industry of traditional silk
textiles, so it was filled with the noise of the many workshops looms. Saitos report provided
information about the sonic environment that pervaded the lives of his pupils, including the
spatial distribution of sound levels. Saito developed original use of the noise environment in
his teaching, encouraging his class to compose essays and poems around those factory nois-
es, which he compiled into publications. Thus, Saito provided excellent and rare evidence re-
garding the past soundscape in Nishijin from both physical and cognitive viewpoints. More-
over, his practices as a teacher could be regarded as a pioneering case of sound education.
Keywords: Nishijin textile industry, past soundscape, sound education, writings by pupils
546
1. Introduction
In the 1960s, an elementary school teacher named Kikuo Saito (1929-2000) found that the
pupils in his school, located within the Nishijin area of Kyoto, Japan, were subjected to sus-
tained high levels of noise, both in the classroom and in their everyday lives at home.
The Nishijin area is quite well known in Japan for its traditional textile industry. The area
used to be filled with loud weaving noises made by the power looms of the many small fac-
tories, especially in the 1960s and 70s. Thus, the Nishijin residents were living their everyday
lives within the soundscape of weaving noises (Minoura 2006, 2007).
Saito sought to use these experiences of noise within his teaching, and in doing so, he
developed an interesting and useful body of original writings on his educational practices
and his research on soundscapes. The book he compiled included two significant implica-
tions in relation to the soundscape studies.
First, he provided detailed information of a case of the past soundscape including sound
levels and peoples responses. Second, he left his original ideas of education in his texts
focusing on his use of factory noise as a medium for his pupils education. Thus, he can be
regarded as an unknown pioneer in soundscape research and sound education.
This paper introduces the soundscape in Nishijin in the 1960s as it is presented in the
materials researched, taught, and compiled in Kikuo Saitos book. This case provides a sam-
ple of the residents experiences living with the factory noises resulting from the local textile
industry. Furthermore, the paper discusses a methodology with regard to soundscape case
studies and sound education.
547
decline in production due to the controlled economy during World War II, Nishijin boomed
again during the post-war period of economic growth. In the late 1970s, however, textile
manufacturers started moving their production to other places where they could make use
of cheaper labour. In addition to this, the textile industry itself began to decline from the
1980s onwards. As a result, although the Nishijin textile industry is still one of the important
industries in Kyoto, the current scale of production inside the Nishijin area is greatly reduced
from how it was in the 1960s and 70s, when weaving noises could be heard everywhere.
The Nishijin textile industry has been largely centred on the production of silk fabrics
that are mainly used for Japanese traditional costumes, kimonos, and obis (the Japanese sash
used for the kimono). They also produce textiles for other uses, such as neckties or interior
decoration. The weavers in Nishijin use power looms as well as hand looms, and since the
latter half of the 1960s, power looms have made up around 80% of the looms in the area.
The textile industry in Nishijin consists mainly of small businesses, and there have been
numerous small weaving workshops mingled in with residences. Typically, the workshops in
the area are situated either within or adjacent to the traditional wooden houses of the resi-
dents, and in each of these workshops there would be one or more power looms in operation.
The textile industry has for a long time been a symbol and source of identity for the
people living in Nishijin. This was due in part to the economic importance of the industry
to the area, and the dependence that the people had on the industry for their livelihoods. It
was also, however, a proudly emotional attachment to the long historic association between
Nishijin and textiles, and in particular the high quality of production associated with Nishijin
textiles.
548
Figure 1. Locations of Old and Large Nishijin and Kashiwano District.
Kashiwano is a formal district that lies in the Kita Ward of Kyoto City. It is situated on the
north-western part of Large Nishijin, as shown in Figure 1. It is also a school district for the
Kashiwano Elementary School. The district had developed in the earlier half of the twentieth
century as a new place for workshops and weavers residences. Most of the weavers had
started their own businesses in the area after learning their skills as employed weavers near-
by. Many of them conducted subcontracted work that was provided from larger companies.
During the 1960s, Kashiwano was one of the most densely populated districts in Kyoto
City. According to the 1965 Population Census of Japan, the population of the district was
6,914, living in an area of 0.166km2, which means that the density was over 40,000 residents/
km2. In the 1966 Establishment and Enterprise Census of Japan, there were 613 manufactur-
ers in the district, most of which were connected with the textile industry. In recent years,
the number of residents and manufactures has significantly declined: in 2010, there were
3,347 residents, and only 83 manufacturers in 2009.
549
3. Saitos Profile and His Education
Kikuo Saito was born on 21 August 1929 in Kyoto. He began his career as a school teacher
in 1953 just after graduating from university. Except for his first two years in a junior high
school, he was consistently engaged in primary education until his retirement in 1990. He
passed away on 15 January 2000.1 In 1995, Saito self-published a book titled Ookina Ki no
Shita no Kodomotachi (Children beneath big trees) after he had retired from teaching (Saito
1995). The book was a collection of writings in relation to his activities as a school teacher
mainly in the three elementary schools, including articles on education, poems, and essays
written by the pupils. He was especially interested in using writing in his educational prac-
tice, so he often made his pupils write essays and poems. He was active in research, and he
was a member of a research community for elementary school teachers.
Saito worked at Kashiwano Elementary School between 1963 and 1971 (when he was be-
tween 33 and 41 years old), and at the end of this time he compiled a book titled Nishijin no
Ko (Children in Nishijin), which included his writings in relation to his teaching experiences
at the Kashiwano school (Saito 1971). The book was 175 pages; the first half of it consisted of
the pupils work, and in the second half, he included his research reports, as shown in Table 1.
In the book, the chapters Nishijin no Uta (#2), Nishijin no Uta 2 (#6), and Nishijin no
Ko to Hata no Oto (#12) detail Saitos interests in and research on the sonic environment of
Kashiwano in Nishijin, which at that time was full of the noises of weaving. It is these chap-
ters that are of most interest from the point of view of soundscape, and which we will discuss
in particular in this paper.
1.Based on Saito (1995) and an interview with Hiroko Saito, Saitos wife, and Tomoko Saito, Saitos daughter
(2009/5/24).
550
Table 1. The Contents of the book Nishijin no Ko (Saito 1971)
Preface 1
1 Tale: Nishijin no Uta 1970 11 A story illustrating the lives of the children in
(Poetry of Nihijin) Nishijin, quoting from the pupils poems.
7 Radio Drama Nishijin no Uta to 1965 6 On air on 23 May 1965, produced by NHK Kyoto
Kodomo (Poetry and Children in station.
Nishijin)
8 Songs Ojizo-san and two others 1966 3 A composer made a melody for his pupils
poems.
9 Essays Watashi no Okasan (My 1969 6 Two comparatively long essays by his pupils.
Mother) and one other
10 Nishijin no chiiki oyobi sangyo no 1966 8 Reprint of a paper from Study on understand-
gaikan (Outline of Nishijin area and ings of modern children (Bulletin of Kyoto City
industry) by Yasoya Matsumura. Institute for Educational Research, 129, 1966)
11 Honko Jido no Kogai Seikatsu (Life 1964 21 A report on the lives of the pupils in relation to
outside the school of the pupils) pocket money, places to go, contents of play, etc.
Postface 1
551
Table 2. Contents of Nishijin no Ko to Hata no Oto (1966)
I Introduction
V Conclusion
The article Nishijin no Ko to Hata no Oto (Children in Nishijin and Sounds of Looms) was
written in 1965 to report the results of his research on the relationship between the local
industrial noise and childrens learning. He submitted this report to a competition for edu-
cational research by elementary school teachers of the Kyoto City Board of Education, and
it was awarded for one of the ten best papers in 1966 (Kyoto City Board of Education et al.
1966). The contents were the results of measurements of noise levels in classrooms, resi-
dences, and on streets, along with his experiments on the effects of noise on learning, as
shown in Table 2.
In the introduction to the report, Saito described his motivation for the research as
follows:
With the children of Kashiwano school, who always live within the sounds of
the looms from morning till night, I came to feel that those intense sounds of
looms have affected their problems in learning, life, physical development, etc.
552
So I started to research whether Kashiwano children can study and live their
lives well with that loud noise.2
Further, he wrote, This research would contribute to happier lives of the children, not
only in Kashiwano but also in the whole of Nishijin (weaving districts) and Expanding to the
noise made by traffic, construction, and other industries, this is one of problems for most
children in the present day.
In the school context, he measured the noise levels in 13 classrooms with the windows
open in two conditions: with and without pupils inside. He determined accepted values with
medians calculated from 50 measurements with intervals of five seconds using Rions Sound
Level Meter NA-02.
In the context of pupils homes, he measured sound levels in the pupils rooms and in the
rooms for weaving, in 11 residences that had operating looms. The average levels were 89 dB
in the weaving rooms, 61 dB in the childrens rooms with the doors and windows closed, and
69 dB with the doors open.
In the Kashiwano district, he measured sound levels at 305 public points, with intervals
of 25 steps. He read the level meter needle and wrote down the approximated values in 5 dB
units. Figure 1 is a copy of the map showing the sound level measurements. He also plotted
the locations of the houses from which the sounds of looms could be heard with dots on the
map. Table 3 shows the distribution of the sound levels. From his data, the most frequent
value was 65 dB and the average was 64 dB.
He conducted an experiment on the effect of noise on the pupils efficiency at engaging
in tasks. The subjects were exposed to recorded sounds of looms with three different con-
ditions; 50, 70, and 90 dB, and they were requested to do several kinds of tasks. From this
experiment, Saito reached the four following conclusions:
1. no effect was observed on efficiency in simple study tasks, such as computational
problems;
2. no effect was observed in short-term memorizing tasks;
3. however, he found some effects on personality caused by the heavy noises; and
4. levels of antipathy increased as the noise levels increased.
Based on the results of his measurements and experiments, his paper discussed methods
of teaching, and he suggested useful ways to assign homework and to improve the study en-
vironment at home. On the other hand, he wrote, Turn the bad of the loud noises of looms
2.This quote, and all subsequent quotes, is translated from the original Japanese by the author.
553
to something good. He pointed out that certain educational practices, especially those fo-
cused on writing, that made the loom sounds into a learning feature could be beneficial for
the pupils, particularly as they emphasized and made use of a point of distinction related to
the area. He suggested the possibility that pupils could be encouraged to think about the
local industry and its sounds in a range of subjects, such as science, social science, arts and
crafts, and so forth.
Figure 2. Measurements of sound levels and locations of the weaving noises (September 1965) in Nishijin no Ko to
Hata no Oto (1966). The numerical values show sound levels (in dB), and the dots show the locations of the residential
houses from which weaving noises were audible.
554
Table 3. Measurements of sound levels in Kashiwano district (September 1965) in Nishijin no Ko to Hata no Oto (1966)
dB 50 55 60 65 70 75 80 Total 64
I woke up to the sounds of the looms, like Chon Gachon Chon Gachon, in the
morning after I had night duty for the first time.
In the bed, I came up with the idea that you pupils in Kashiwano School are so
closely connected to the sounds of the looms. If you write poems about your
life, there should be the sounds of the looms in your words.
But when I asked you, what are sounds of the looms like? you said Gacchan
Gacchan or Doshin Doshin.
You hear the sound of the looms day after day and you described the sound
just like that I felt a little sad about it.
[...]
555
Today, Id like you to listen very carefully to the sounds of the looms when you
go back home. Please write down the sounds exactly as you hear them. Saying it
like that, I got the pupils to write the following sounds.
Following this instruction, the pupils wrote the onomatopoeic phrases shown in Table4.
Compared to hand looms, the onomatopoeias for the power looms were quite simple in
their descriptions of mechanical sounds.
Bacchan Gacha Gacha Tsuru Tsuru Gacchan Gudassha Gudassha Gudassha Gudassha
556
Table 5. Content that pupils imagined the weaving sounds said to them, in Nishijin no Uta (1964)
Youll lose your snack to your younger brother if you are slow to eat
Table 6. Description of the times when the looms were operating, in Nishijin no Uta 2 (1965)
Have to call time and time again Have to call for mom many times
A front door is almost coming off A cutting board and knife drop together
557
Table 7. Description of the times when the looms were stopped, in Nishijin no Uta 2 (1965)
The far church bells are heard Feels like the earth is stopping
Kotatsu* is full of people (*Japanese heating table) Quiet like the blackout
Yarn waste, screwed like cotton candy, is thrown away Automobiles are heard
Feel awkward
5.2. Poems
These two collections both included poems that had been composed by the pupils. In these
poems, the pupils lively expressed their feelings about the weaving sounds. Nishijin no Uta
included nineteen pupils poems, twelve of which depicted the pupils lives alongside the
production of Nishijin textiles. Nishijin no Uta 2 included fifteen poems, and all of them were
related to their lives with the industry.
Seven of these poems are reproduced, in translation, in the Appendix of the present
paper, and all of these have been selected from the viewpoint of how they contribute to our
understanding of the soundscape. The poems often included the onomatopoeias and the
words shown in Tables 4 to 7. This suggests Saito led the pupils to compose these poems in
a process of steps, moving from the onomatopoeic words to the experiences, and then to
the poems.
6. Discussion
558
According to Saitos measurements, weaving noises were distributed throughout almost
the entire district, and in many places the noise levels were 65 dB or above. This indicates
that the residents lived their everyday lives with the sounds of these remarkable noises, par-
ticularly considering that the current noise regulation in this area for during the daytime is
no more than 65 dB.
Saitos book also provided information about the times when they heard the noises.
Some poems mentioned the starting and ending times of weaving. For example, Poem (5)
mentioned that weaving noises made him wake up, and Poem (7) illustrated that the noises
could be heard from when it was dark in the morning until late at night. Poem (6) concerns
a woman who wove from seven in the morning to nine at night. Through these illustrations,
it is clear that the residents were used to hearing the weaving noises from the early morning
until late at night.
Other than the physical situation, the pupils writings painted a rich picture of the ways
in which the residents heard and listened to the noises. What was particularly prominent
was that the pupils described the weaving sounds like a personality. The expressions shown
in Table 5 suggested that many of the pupils felt that the weaving sounds could be like fam-
ily members. Poems such as Poem (2) and Poem (6) also described the weaving sounds as
sounds made by a specific person, not as an anonymous industrial noise.
Another feature of the pupils attitudes was to regard the weaving noises as normal and
usual. When they were asked to describe the situation of when the looms were stopped, they
used language such as scary, awkward, and like the earth stopping. These descriptions
suggest that they regarded the weaving noise as usual, and in contrast, the soundscape with-
out the weaving noise was unusual for them. The commonplaceness was also found in the
onomatopoeias of the weaving noise that appeared in the poems. For example, the onomat-
opoeia takatta was used in Poem (1) repeatedly, like background music. It clearly showed
that there were always continuous weaving sounds in the pupils lives, and they considered
it normal.
While industrial noises are usually described negatively, only a few of the descriptions
showed displeasure with the weaving sounds, using such words as annoying or noisy.
However, this does not necessarily indicate that the pupils did not feel annoyed by the noise;
it could instead be interpreted as a result of Saitos coaching on how to express what they
heard. He encouraged them to avoid easy and stereotypical expressions like noisy. Instead,
he tried to make them develop their own original words by carefully listening to the sounds.
559
6.2. Saitos Practice as a Pioneering Case of Sound Education
Saitos practice can be regarded as a kind of sound education, even though he did not intend
it. He was four years older than R. Murray Schafer, who was born in 1933. Schafer taught at a
music summer school in 1965 and later wrote a series of booklets based on his experiences in
music education (Schafer 2012: 91). Thus, it is quite a coincidence that Saito did his practice
in Nishijin during almost the same period as Schafer developed his educational theory.
Saitos practice can be regarded as an attempt to develop a form of sound education in
the field of literary education, with a particular focus upon writing, while Schafers education
was aimed mainly at music education. It is very interesting that Saito established a process for
pupils of carefully listening to sounds before expressing them in writing. In Nishijin no Uta,
for example, he instructed them to first listen carefully and then express in writing what they
felt the sounds were like; this was an initial step before the composition a poem. As a result,
the pupils words shown in Table 4 were descriptive and realistic, and avoided the use of ste-
reotypical expressions. Also in Nishijin no Uta 2, he led them to describe their experiences of
the different times when the looms were operating and when they were stopped. It is coin-
cidental, and quite interesting, that these methods are similar to some of Schafers exercises.
Thus, Saitos work should be regarded as significant pioneering work in sound education.
Saitos motivation was to develop the pupils ability to study. He was concerned that their
sonic environment might be bad for their studies. On the basis of what we can see from
the publications of his pupils writings, his attempts were successful to some extent. This
suggests that the use of sound in education could be incorporated into an integrated pro-
gramme for the development of pupils general abilities.
7. Conclusions
This paper examined the soundscape of the past in Nishijn, Kyoto, focusing on the research
and education conducted by Kikuo Saito, who worked for Kashiwano Elementary School
in Kyoto from 1963 to 1971. Saitos research depicted the sonic environment of Kashiwano
district, using measurements of sound levels and a mapping of the location of the weaving
sounds throughout the area. Saitos work has shown clearly that the sonic environment of
Kashiwano at that time was filled with loud weaving sounds. The pupils writings represented
560
their attitudes to the weaving sounds in their everyday lives. For them, the weaving sounds
were something personal or commonplace.
Thus, Saitos work provides us with excellent and rare evidence regarding the past sound-
scape in Nishijin from both physical and cognitive viewpoints. This would suggest the utility
of local documents in the field of education or others in studying local soundscapes. Moreo-
ver, his practices can be regarded as a pioneering case of sound education. His attempts are
still good sources for people who are interested in sound education.
Acknowledgements. I appreciate the family of Mr Kikuo Saito and the informant living in
Kashiwano district for their cooperation. Dr Masami Yuki in Kanazawa University supervised
the translation of the pupils poems. This study is supported in part by the Grant-in-Aid for
Scientific Research (C) by the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (No. 24510054).
References
Kyoto City Board of Education; Kyoto Associa- Saito, Kikuo. Ookina Ki no Shita no Kodomotachi
tion of Elementary School Principals. Kyo- (Children under a Big Tree). Private publish-
shu (Research Papers on Elementary School Saito, Kikuo. Nishijin no Ko (Children in Nishijin).
Education of Kyoto). Kyoto: Kyoto City Board Private publishing, 1971. (in Japanese)
of Education, 1966. (in Japanese) Schafer, R. Murray. My Life on Earth and Else-
Minoura, Kazuya. Soundscape as a commons: where. Erin: The Porcupines Quill, 2012.
How do we share sound environment? The Taniguchi, Hiroshi, ed. Henyosuru Nishijin no
West Meets the East in Acoustic Ecology, ed- Kurashi to Machi (Changing Life and Town of
ited by Tadahiko Imada, Kozo Hiramatsu, and Nishijin). Kyoto: Horitsu Bunka Sha , 1993. (in
561
Appendix
562
(4) He Cant Hear Me (7) Trains in Nishijin
(Kikoenai) (Nishijin no kisha)
Dad! Po-oh!
Dad! Chaggin Chaggin Chaggin
Dad! Chaggin Chaggin Chaggin
Finally after calling three times When it is still dark
He looked at me The first train in Nishijn
Trying to be given money Starts to run
Noisy loom is disturbing Trains of hundreds of cars
Run all together
(5) Alarm Clock of Loom The trains in Nishijin
(Hata no mezamashidokei) Load a lot of textiles
Pogakku Pogakku. Get up Get up Like rainbows, the Milky Way, or lava
Its half past seven! Under the Eiffel Tower in Paris
Just shortly after Or in the smog in London
Saying good night Chaggin Chaggin Chaggin
Pogakku Pogakku. Get up Get up Chaggin Chaggin Chaggin
It is this early They go on running
To hear sounds Until late at night
Ill get under the blanket Such as the sounds of far church bellsreach
Pogakku Pogakku. Get up Get up
563
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Jssica Crtes
jmmcortes8@gmail.com
3UFPE, Recife, Brazil
Camila Silva
camilarodriguez88@gmail.com
UFPE, Recife, Brazil
Abstract
The purpose of this essay is to explore the possible relationship between sound elements
that make up the ambiance, the identity of a brazilian beach and the identification of an
urban tribe that atend the place. The study is focused on a tent as an ambiance that stands
out in a natural environment. Its symbolic and emotional aspects can be compared to what
Thibaud calls medium, i.e., the air, sound, light, smell, all elements of the environment that
enable the perception. Through in loco observations of the existing dynamics between the
ambiance and the people and analyzes based in the literature review, we seek to understand
whether and how one of these aspects, the various sounds present in the studied area and
its surroundings, interrelate with others that contribute to the permanence and duration of
the tribe that attends the place and contribute to form the identity of the beach.
564
1. Introduction
This study is part of a project of dissertation in progress. Its aim is to investigate the symbol-
ic aspects that form an environment in an urban beach in Brazil and their influence on the
identification of an urban tribe.
Although it is focused in the field of services marketing and consumer behavior, it was
necessary to expand the research and use constructs from other fields of knowledge to form
something deeper and more substantial. Regarding the atmosphere of the store, the concept
of ambience coming from urbanism was more appropriate to the study, because the tent in-
vestigated takes place outside of an enclosed retail shopping environment and is located in a
natural surrounding, the beach. Sociological anthropological concepts, as the urban tribe for
example, were also aggregated to identify consumers who attend the place.
The venue was a tent that differs from the others and has a steady profile of clients. In
this article is also addressed the question of how this ambiance is a factor of identification
not only of lifestyles and urban tribe, but also the city of Recife itself. Initially a literature re-
view was done to support the research, the methodological procedures were explained and
then an analysis of data collected was made by the literature reviewed.
2. Literature Review
565
Unlike image, identity, therefore, has an internal focus is the self -image, that means
the way the location or destination want to be seen (Pike 2008). Ekinci (2003) states that to
hold a well-defined identity is the key to identifying how to emphasize what a site has unique
against their competitors. Thus, a closeness between what you want to pass to the consumer
and what he actually sees is the ideal strategy.
The beaches of Brazil, especially in the northeast, have their own formatting environ-
ments and consumer media that constitute their identity and are consistent with your image.
In urban beaches of Recife, state of Pernambuco, its common to find tents scattered on the
sand offering food and drinks, and services to cater to different types of consumers. Besides
these tents, there are itinerant sellers that complement these services through an informal
trade that provided from toys for children to gastronomic items.
To stand out from the competition even according to local identity, tents seek to elab-
orate the components of their service environment, combining their physical traits to the
natural environment in order to offer experiences to their customers.
566
Figure 1. The Tribal Clover.
According to this model, there are some factors that contribute to the identification of
a tribe among them:
the physical evidence of the tribes are represented on the horizontal line and
refer to the moments in which tribe members gather for their rituals (occasions),
and physical or virtual (institutions) where members gather spaces. The verti-
cal axis represents the temporal evidence, which are more abstract clues that
explain that the tribes can be identified through the activities of its members
practice regularly and by sharing their experiences, or by trends or fads related
to your lifestyle that characterize the existence of the tribe. (Moura e Silva and
Halpern 2013, 4)
567
2.3. The setting of a Natural Area
Within the marketing literature, the metaphor of the atmosphere is used for the establish-
ment of service environments and gain a more operational approach, associating the crea-
tion of a retail environment through the use of color, lighting, sound and features in order
to stimulate sensory and emotional responses of consumers affecting their behavior (Kotler
1973; Januzzi andPacagnan 2009; Kovacs et al 2005).
In the field of services, Bitner (1992) has called servicescape the impact the physical
environment has on employees and customers of an organization and their experience with
the skills to produce specific emotional effects on buyers, increasing the chances of buying.
Besides the colors, textures, lighting, etc., the occasion, the company, the atmosphere,
the food, service and ambience were also some of the constituent variables of the service
environment highlighted by Lashley, Morrison and Randall (2005) in their study about what
would be an unforgettable meal. The celebration with friends strengthens the bonds of so-
ciability allowing the formation of interactive networks, establishing common experiences
and shared memories that constitute the social group memory and the basis of union among
its members (Januzi and Pacagnan 2009). These variables call attention because they form a
linking value between consumers, and a factor of connection with the environment.
Whereas these dimensions are part of sensorial marketing applied to retail atmosphere,
it is necessary to extend its reach to the built environment outside these places, in natural
environments to understand the interactions between its elements and consumer behavior.
A recurring phenomenon in the economic, cultural dynamics and spatial history of cities is
the ambiance of urban spaces. To Thibaud (2010), talking about ambiance of urban spaces
means understanding how the transformations of the nowadayscity embody and propagate
in everyday life.
The sensitive sensory realm can claim their relevance in this respect because it is pre-
sented as an expression of the most immediate and obvious modifications of the transforma-
tions of the environment creating what Thibaud calls ambience (ambiance of urban spaces)
and to Malard (1993, 4) is a set of qualities that make a place a sacred area is the ambience
of that domain, being revealed in the process of ownership in a process of humanization of
space and giving it human nature according to their needs and desires. It is this interplay be-
tween user/space why people and groups find - or not - their identity in the many places in
which they live (Malard 1993, 4). It is precisely the ambience of an environment that makes
it responsive and allows this communication process.
According to Milliot (2013), analyzing the ambience is only possible in terms of impres-
sions and sensations. What once seemed logical and often composed a background, like the
568
air, the sound, the smell, the heat, the light, is becoming one of the key issues of urban trans-
formations. In summary, urban planning is not limited to the built forms and the built areas,
but also to sensitive environments and climatic envelopes (Thibaud 2012, 31).
This author discusses the notion of medium, which can be understood as the air, sound,
light, smell, in other words all elements of the environment thatenable perception, which
refer to particular affective tones that allow to speak of a sounding appeasement or of
an unbearable lightness. Besides these aspects that make up the medium and the physical
elements of a built environment, we can consider that an ambiance is what gives life to an
environment to give it an emotional value. Setting a space implies not only control the phys-
ical parameters of a built environment, but to provide the territory of a certain character, a
certainemotional and existential value (Thibaud 2012, 32).
Baudrillard considers two types of structure of a site: the structure of the arrangements,
which reveals organizational, hierarchy and power; and structure of the ambience that re-
veals aspects of so-called lifestyle.
According to the authors thought as a system of signs, the ambience of the environment
is an object of consumption, at least as it relates to their demonstration aspects of lifestyle,
supporting the idea that the environments frequented by are consumers according to their
preferences and their identification with other people and lifestyles (Cova 1997; Cooper,M-
cloughlin and Keating 2005; Ramalho andAyrosa 2009).
The appropriation of elements of a natural medium for the formation of a service space
can be understood as an ambience of a site, and as such provides this place sensory and af-
fective tones that allow the identification of a lifestyle shared by people seeking experiences
and common goals, reaching what Meffesoli (1987) called urban tribes.
3. Methodology
569
characteristic of immersion of the researcher in the context investigated, inherent in qual-
itative research.
Denzin (1989) defines participant observation as a research strategy that combines at the
same time, document analysis, interviews with participants, participation and direct obser-
vation and introspection from the researcher. Spradley (1980, 34) distinguishes three phases
of participant observation:
1. Descriptive note: at the beginning, to give some guidance to the researcher on the
field to be studied. Offers no specific descriptions and is used to understand the
complexity of the field in general and to develop (while) research questions and lines
of more concrete vision;
2. focused observation: narrow perspective for those processes and issues that are
most essential to the research problem;
3. selective observation: the end of data collection, is focused on finding more evidence
and examples of the types of practices and processes found in the second step.
Although divided into phases, the observation is a technique that involves direct contact
with informants; is undirected and has observation of reality as the ultimate goal; and con-
stitutes a qualitative analysis because it involves annotations to describe and understand a
situation (Jaccoud and Mayer 2008, 254). Participant observation is presented as a behavio-
ral context from which an ethnographer uses specific techniques to collect data (Angrosino
2009, 34).
During the period of investigation, initiated in March 2014 and expected to be completed
in August of that year, the observation was made at the study site. This tent was chosen be-
cause it stands out amidst the other existing in the same environment by offering products
with higher economic value, the difference in its ambiance and the people who attend.
The observation took place on different days during the opening hours of the tent from
9:30 a.m. to 16 p.m. Although not driven, some topics were chosen as initial guidelines such
as, for example, the relationship between the components of the physical environment of
the tent and consumers. As his colors, the arrangement of chairs and tables, sounds helped
to attract customers. After their arrival, what was observed was the reasons for staying there,
the aspects of service provision, the most consumed products and what is the profile of the
regulars.
In the following topic are exposed some reflections on the observed data and the analy-
sis according to the literature review.
570
4. Analysis
Boa Viagem is the most famous urban beach in the city of Recife in Pernambuco, Brazil.
Throughout its seven km long, can be found on sidewalks, standardized kiosks, bike paths,
tennis courts, fitness equipment and some parks for children. Moreover, its landscape is
marked by the presence of large buildings, evidence of continuing humanization. These
buildings form a kind of heat island because despite offering shade during part of the day, do
not allow the movement of the wind making the hot and muggy weather.
Much of the beach is formed by natural reefs, which gave the name of the city that can
be seen when the tide is low. Despite having this natural barrier and be an uncontaminated
sea, bathing is not recommended due to the possibility of shark attacks.
Even with the impediment from swimming, the beach is always crowded on weekends,
including some people are at risk of entering the sea. The frequency of the site is due large-
ly to the presence of tents along the stretch of sand that offer restaurant and bar services.
These services are complemented by informal vendors that supply products and services
ranging from simple broths (stews) of seafood to sparkling of high financial value. These ser-
vice providers allow the venue remains being frequented by families, groups of friends and
even those who prefer to go alone.
Within a scenario in which the products and services offered are very similar, tents seek
creative ways to stand out from others and attract consumers. The tent studied here inno-
vated in offering products of great financial value, besides resorting to a different ambiance
that created an emotional tone and make the customers feel part of the local environment.
571
On the beach of Boa Viagem, the appropriation of natural spaces is through the estab-
lishment of tents for commercial purposes. These environments are identified with the local
culture that is going to the beach and sit under umbrellas to drink and eat for long hours,
which sets much of the Pernambuco coast. Each installation consists of several tables and
parasols, however all these elements form a unit.
The tent studied here has the same formatting of others, but stands out from the com-
petitors by having your well prepared and standardized environment, blending the natural
elements and forming an ambience. All umbrellas are of a single color (red) and contains
the logo of a beer sponsor of the site as well as all the chairs. Each table has a cooler, also
from the brand of the sponsor, to the side to facilitate the consumption of cool drinks. The
sand is constantly wet at the site to keep the cooler atmosphere which contributes to the
persistence of customers for longer time. Employees, unlike other stalls along the coast, are
all uniformed and the presentation of dishes reminiscent of restaurants located outside of
natural environments. Customers are invited to feel special from the moment they arrive,
because instead of stepping directly on the sand, there is the option of going by foot-shaped
brackets that are on the ground, simulating a red carpet. The format of these supports ref-
erences the name of the tent, which shows the concern to harmonize the environment with
abstract and subjective elements. All of these elements merge with the air, the sounds, the
voices, the smells and the social factor to form an environment of consumption experiences.
The space between tables is small which favors listening to conversations and sounds
of each other. There isnt a proper system of sound on the tent for legal reasons, but each
consumer can take your speaker, their ipods, phones, etc. and listen to the music they want
at the table. Mixed into these shades, listen to the noise of traffic, because the beach is very
close to one of the busiest avenues of the city; the voices of vendors selling a wide variety of
products, from typical food to kites and plastic pools, and a frequent phenomenon that is the
sound of carts sellers of pirated dvds and cds that put loud music as a way of demonstrating
product. So many colors and so many voices are found along the entire coast of Boa Viagem
beach that can be considered a factor of identity of the local culture.
The harmonization of the physical components of the tent with the natural space plus
its sounds and voices form a proper ambiance that attracts a certain type of consumer who
identifies not only with the location but also with other consumers who are there, forming
what Meffesoli (1987) called neo-tribalism.
572
4.4. The Urban Tribe
According to the tribal clover (Cova and Cova 2001), groups that form the urban tribes need
a space with which to identify, corroborating what says Malard (1993) that the ambience es-
tablished from the desires and needs of people is what makes them find or not their identity
where they live.
The construction of the space where is the tent investigated was favorable from the be-
ginning to identify a more elite audience, in Classes A and B. Early in its existence, musical
events were held in order to attract this type of public. With the ban by the city these events,
the profile of people who frequent the place has not changed.
The urban tribe found there, equivalent to a subculture of consumption (Schouten and
Mcalexander 1995) is composed mostly of young adults from 20 to 40 years. Besides these
people, families with children and some elderly people attend theplace, but they are the
exception and therefore were not considered members of the tribe in this study. The com-
ponents of the tribe primarily consume beverages, including beers, caipifrutas and coconut
water in large quantity. As they go in groups, the customers remain throughout the open-
ing hours of the tent, but rarely use culinary services, they prefer to buy from the informal
sellers. Despite the high financial value of the products, this tribe is loyal to the place and is
always present.
Even the ease of payment through credit card has not contributed to mischaracterize
the tribe attracting people from lower classes. This shows that this ambience, the way it is
situated, inhibits this type of audience. A striking feature that differs goers this tent and the
other the same beach is the way they dress. While in the other tents informality is prevalent,
this costumes are in accordance with this ambience.
5. Conclusion
As part of the local culture, the beach tents are recurrent throughout the coast ofPernambu-
co and seek creative ways to stand out from competitors and win customers.
The tent in question, located in the most famous urban beach Reccife, invested in its
ambiance and high-value products to attract high-profile consumers. Factors such as cli-
mate, the arrangement of tables, ease of use, the colors on the site, its sounds and air, and
573
specially the social aspects of the ambiance are some of the elements that join the natural
environment and give the tone of the place.
All this began a process of adding value to both the environment and consumers who
attend the place, giving status to both. Something that is common in tourism destination
marketing strategies used and ambiance to differentiate. The study of these process is very
important to understand the relationship between sociability and natural environment and
how the comercial settings in these areas influence the behavior of consumers.
The fact that it was accomplished in just one beach and one tent was a limitation, but did
not muddle the research, since the intention was to study this case. Climate change was also
a factor that affected the research process, as in rainy days consumers dont go to the tent.
This search can be reproduced in different beaches as a means of comparison to enrich the
knowledge gained.
Another suggestion for future research is to apply the concepts in other natural environ-
ments that go through the process of humanization, to investigate whether the setting has
the same effect on people and tribes are formed because of it. Although it was made in Brazil,
it is also possible to apply to study in other countries from the perspective of cross cultural
and multidisciplinary studies.
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fia e observacao participante. Porto Alegre: Individual and neo-tribal consumption: tales
Bitner, Mary Jo. Servicescapes: the impact of Consumer Behaviour, v. 4, n. 5, p. 330- 344,
employees. Journal of Marketing, v. 56, 57-71, COVA, B. Community and consumption: to-
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products or services. European Journal of suas pesquisas. Revista Eletrnica S@aber, v.
COVA, B.; COVA, V. Tribal Marketing: the JACCOUD, M.; MAYER, R. A observao direta e
tribalisation of society and its impact on the a pesquisa qualitativa. In: POUPART, J. et al. A
Marketing, special issue Societal Marketing, e metodolgicos. Petrpolis, RJ: Vozes, 2008.
CUCHE, Denys. A noo de cultura nas cincias Tool. Journal of Retailing, v. 49, n.4, 1973.
sociais. 2. ed. Bauru, SP: Edusc, 2002. KOVACS, Michelle H., BARBOSA, Maria de L.A.
DIONSIO, P.; LEAL, C.; MOUTINHO, L. Fan- A Atmosfera do E-Tailing, Riscos Percebidos
Research, v. 11, n. 1, p. 17-39, 2008. com Base no Modelo S-O-R. XXIX Encontro
EKINCI, Y. From Destination Image to Destina- ENANPAD. Rio de Janeiro-RJ; set. 2005.
tion Branding: an emerging area of research. LASHLEY, Conrad, MORRISON, Alisson e RAN-
imagen de los destinostursticos. In: Sem- al. In: SLOAN, Donald (Org.) Gastronomia,
Paulo. Anais. So Paulo: Associao Brasileira MAFFESOLI, Michel. O tempo das tribos: o
uma anlise bibliomtrica. In: Godoi, C. K.; ambincia. In: 2o. Encontro nacional de
Pesq. Quali. Em est. Org.: paradigmas, estrat- Florianpolis. Anais do 2o. Encontro nacional
servios. 3 ed. Rio de Janeiro: Elsevier, 2009. Milliot, Virgine. Pluralistic Ambiance and Urban
JANUZZI, U. A.; PACAGNAN, Mario Nei. Atmos- Socialisation Ethnography of the public space
fera de Loja: uma anlise sobrea a bordagem in the Goutte dOr neighborhood of Paris.
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576
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Jordi Halfman
Jordihalfman@yahoo.co.uk
Amsterdam, The Netherlands
Francio Guadeloupe
F.E.Guadeloupe@uva.nl
University of Amsterdam, The Netherlands
Abstract
In this poetic presentation, I&I give voice to the ways in which new urban tribes, or youth-
nicities, shaping in / on the game of street-soccer in different parts of the Netherlands,
unwork themselves. Our story consists of two distinguishable but not separate tales. The
first tells the lie of playing as musicking, a game in which the riddles of multiculturalism are
both spoken and unspoken. The second explores the myth of the unworking of the academic
I/eye through listening. By playing street-soccer and thus becoming as part of this youth-
nicity, the I/eye starts to put itself under erasure and learns to listen. By giving voice to these
experiences, I&I practice the conviviality of the street in which a we cannot be spoken of,
but can be a praxis and an ethos.
577
This presentation is about the birth of a new urban ethnicity in Europe that unworks itself,
and therewith offers a glimpse of how to avoid the rise of the new tribalisms on our cher-
ished continent. It is about young men and women whose love for street-soccer, and the
unforgettable events that touch/form them as street artists of that game, allows them to
render the ethnic and religious identities that are the darlings of state managed multicultur-
alisms Muslims versus Judeo-Christians, atheistic humanists versus religious adepts, and
whites versus blacks and browns less consequential. Being a street-soccer player is about
keeping alive the dream of Martin Luther King, put to song by U2, that one day men and
women on our continent will be judged and judge each other by the content of their charac-
ter and the work they put into learning a skill. A meritocracy seeking planetary justice that is
based upon a decent society (Margalit 1998).
What is about to be presented is above all a poetic rendition of the continuous coming
into existence and simultaneous unworking of this new ethnicity. Actually a youthnicity, for
this new ethnicity is a youth phenomenon understood as a remix of common sense eth-
nic descriptors and pimped cultural industry commodities which captivates those who are
young of age as well as young at heart (Sansone 2003: 101). But first an introduction of the
discipline that frames this presentation is in order.
If one of the most fascinating definitions of anthropology is that it is a poetic science,
then this paper should be heard as an ethnographic balladry: a writing about an ethnos
(one that unworks itself) where the multi-sensorial is actively hailed (Ingold 2008). Socio-
genetically speaking why deny that wo/man is after all a tasting, seeing, hearing, touching,
smelling, and touching being that later learnt to record happenings on clay tablets that are
today computerized (for a sociogenic interpretation of the history of orality and literacy, see
Ong 2012). As you in your day to day sojourn through life touch your iPod screens, keyboards,
works of art and each other, I&I, the writers of this piece, wish to affect you to think about
the Europe of today in a different way.
I&I will of course raise some eyebrows. Isnt that something Rasta? Yes it is. Anthropology
as a poetic science borrows this rendition of human identity from the poetic politics of Ras-
tafari philosophy (on the emancipatory potential of this philosophy of identity, see Shilliam
2013; Gilroy 2010). I&I seeks to deconstruct the hidden coercion of consensus in the pronoun
we. We is always a site of negotiation. I&I reminds us of the unique beings involved in every
we. I&I is also however about foregrounding that every I is a becoming; is multiple; is many.
I is an I&I in singular as well as multiple forms.
Yet as is tradition in ethnographic accounts, and every good suspense novel, and of
course every street-soccer match, for this is the main topic of this presentation, we will play
578
the game of coming into consciousness of this youthnicity and its liberating potential in con-
temporary Europe. Please join us in this lie. We do so in two ways. We begin with one of the
I&Is, Francio Guadeloupe, recounting his seductions during his encounters with street-soc-
cer players in the Dutch cities of Amsterdam and Helmond. These seductions awaken him
from the imprisonment of the dominant sensorial economy of Europe where the visual, the
eye, the what you see is what you get, is what is real, is the order of the day. This is followed
by Jordi Halfmans soundful reconstruction of the way balling leading to youthnicities can
bring about street conviviality unworking the academic visual I/eye who creates so-called
ethnic, class, and generational divides. You, the listener/reader of this piece can then write
in your mind or on your extended computers the next paragraph of this presentation, there
with helping us to unwork whatever biases may have creeped into what you have heard/read.
1. A sweet lie
It cannot be accidental that whilst experiencing this street-soccer match on the Louis de
Visserplein in the city of Amsterdam, organized by Imagine IC1, a Dutch organization that
records and exhibits super diverse cultural heritage in the making, I hear the voice of Lauryn
Hill saying everyday people, they lie to God too. So what makes you think that they wont lie
to you? Is this a case of an invitation to embrace an emerging imaginary of Europe by work-
ing through the seductive untruth of lies? Lies are words. But they are also more. Lies, as is
known in all mystical traditions, signal the continuous dance of all that is alive. As such they
are a defiance of Thought otherwise known as God, Reality, Truth, etc, created by language
(James 1902). Lies alert one to what I have elsewhere termed non-thought that both founds
and demolishes thought (Guadeloupe 2006). The human condition seems to be marked by the
infinite rehearsal of positing useful partialities as unconditional even when all involved intuit
that such cannot be.
But then again lies are sweet. I am witness to this. I like what I am experiencing on the
Louis de Visserplein, and simply due to my compliance, I too am making it true; in other
1.The game on the Louis de Visserplein was part of the Pannas and Akkas project (20122014) in which contem-
porary heritage of street-soccer was documented, discussed and exhibited. The project was initiated by Imagine
IC and realized in partnership with a large network that included soccer players, artists, academic researchers and
people from the neighborhood.
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words, endorsing the words being uttered by the street-soccer players with a seal of ap-
proval (Rorty 1990). The guy with the ball between his feet, his curls dangling as the sun-
light makes his brown skin radiate the sublime beauty of the Sahara desert, is bragging and
boasting. He is a premature incarnation of Muhammad Ali, and like that righteous brother
that proclaimed himself to be the worlds greatest, his feet are floating like a butterfly while
his words sting his opponent like a bee. I like that comparison. I decide to call him Ali in my
mind. My young Cassius Clay believes the lie. His opponent, a close cropped muscular dude,
with a darker tint, is calling his bluff. Like Joe Frazier, he too believes that he is greater than
this so-called worlds greatest - on this cement pitch. Yes, I will call him Frazier.
Frazier knows the game; he is a seasoned street-soccer player, so he realizes that Alis
mouth should not distract him from observing his foot work. He can do every trick that Ali
can do, and in his mind he can do it better. But what he cannot do, or perhaps forgets to do
today, like the legendary Frazier forgot to do in his third match with Ali, is dance. Actually to
music, as it is termed by ethnomusicologists. Now to music is to take part in any capacity, in
a musical performance, whether by performing, by listening, by rehearsing or practicing, by
providing material for performance (what is called composing), or by dancing (Small 1998).
Frazier forgets that the movement of his opponent is not solely dictated by habituated skills,
but more so by reacting to and causing the surrounding sounds to react to his dance with
the ball. Its a looking that is multi-sensorial; the dance of the senses.
Ali is dancing, Frazier is sporting. And street-soccer is a dance turned into a sport, and
sport turned into a dance. A duel, is a dance. The music that is coming out of the speakers is
that new urban anthem, Wine and Kotch of CharlyBlak and J Capri. Alis footwork seems to
adapt to that of the dance hall tune, but it also seems to let itself be influenced by the sounds
coming out of the mouths of the people cheering on and the advices of other street-soccer
players on the field. And, amazingly, the crackling of the meat that is being barbequed. All
these sounds conversely seem to me to somehow adapt themselves to Alis footwork. Surely
a pre-recording, a CD, cannot adapt itself to this dancer, or a piece of raw meat grill faster
because of Alis foot work, but it is a lie I like to believe. Moreover it is a lie that corroborates
my intuition that because Ali was leading the dance, he seduced Frazier into going left when
he should have gone right. And, knock out, he goes blind, Ali passes him.
Later on when I ask Frazier who goes on to play a magnificent second game, about the
incident, he simply says that Ali had geluk, that he was lucky, and simply leaves it at that.
His answer unworks my lie and reminds me of those words of Tracy Chapman that we are
always and only telling stories. I like my lie and I like his answer for it leads me to recognize
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the constant emergence and dissolution, the unworking of the youthnicity in the social phe-
nomenon of street-soccer.
That day on the Louis de Visserplein, the guy preparing the barbeque, Khalid, is someone who
in the eyes of those too mesmerized by mass media would be considered, a devout Muslim
and Moroccan. Khalids long beard and shaven head bringing to mind Mohammed Bouyeri,
the murderer of the controversial Dutch artist Theo van Gogh, would have added so called
fact to their fiction. Today to me he could easily have styled himself on Rick Ross, for he has
the moves and is a playa (an urban dandy) as they say in street lingo. He knows the handshakes,
he knows straattaal (urban variant of Dutch spiced with Moroccan, Surinamese, Turkish,
English, and Antillean words and modes of conjugating), he knows how to flirt, he knows his
street-soccer, and he knows how to handle forced ripe youngsters in puberty. Khalid has got
game (verbal, social, and sport-wise). The youngsters respect him. He does lots of work with
them advising them to stay in school and respect their elders. A quick conversation reveals
that he, like many other street-soccer players, grew up in working class neighborhoods in
the urban centers of the Netherlands, where to adapt Eric B &Rakims classic phrase, it aint
so much where youre from in terms of ethnicity that matters most, but where youre at in
terms of soccer skills was the ethic that playas lived by. In these neighborhoods the children
of newcomers and those descending from men and women whose grandparents had already
populated these lands, threatened by the ever-present xenophobia, socialized each other
into a new ethnicity. A youthnicity where street-soccer became part and remains a part of a
world of cultural expressions ranging from Hip Hop, break dancing, graffiti, and Reggae, kick
boxing, Antillean carnival in Rotterdam, and today the Dino show, and Nintendo FiFa, that
feeds an emerging imaginary potentially valid for everyone (Glissant 1997). A democratizing
humanism respectful of humanities, of I&Is, that does not stifle individuality (Ibid; see also
Gilroy 2010; 2004). Khalid has embraced this imaginary and the Netherlands that brought
him into contact with it, without renouncing his Moroccan roots or Islam.
So too has Edje, a fully tattooed dude that reminds me of Tyga. I guess he is called Edje,
little Ed, because he is short and has that eternal boyish look. Even in his thirties. What he
lacks in stature he makes up for on the field. Edje is a street legend. Young kids flock to
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him. Hes got skills and is respected the world over. He travels extensively giving clinics in
street-soccer and even owns his own company. What a ball, being in the right place, making
use of windows of opportunity, and good old-fashioned economic common sense can do!
Edje grew up in Amsterdam Zuidoost, the so-called chocolate city of Amsterdam where
newcomers of Afro-Surinamese and West African extraction dominate. There according to
the new urban myth that has emerged as state funded agencies have discovered street-soc-
cer, what counts is playing the game with style. Not so in Amsterdam West, where for Mo-
roccan Dutch what counts is winning. They cannot lose face. It takes little effort to demolish
that myth. It is the latest transposition of the ideology of Near Eastern men being driven by
honor and Afro-American males as ineffective. It need not detain us here, we will let others
spill ink on the various historical transformations of racist myths that remind us that old
colonial ideas die hard. Edje is a living deconstruction of this racist myth, and the idea of par-
titioning urban neighborhoods in ethnic terms, as he is the pink skinned son of oldcomers.
He learnt that winning and style are both important from Afro-Surinamese that taught
him the game. Today the street-soccer team he heads consists of equally colorful figures
such as IssyHitman Hamdaoui, Orville Orry Stoc, and Lenny Macnack. Each and every one
of them is the outcome of the duel of cultures and individuals on Dutch soil, whereby cul-
tural expressions from all over the world were active ingredients; creolization in the making.
Edje smiles when I bring up the myth of partitioning styles of street-soccer in the Neth-
erlands according to the categories of state managed multiculturalism. It is true and it isnt
true he says. Its like me being a white boy, but also a Public Enemy fan and a boy from the
Bijlmer.2
His words remind me of my encounters with Michael and Hassan in Helmond3. They are
friends for life who in their spare time induct young boys in that city in the art of street-soc-
cer. Both Mike and Hassan are proud of their Surinamese and Moroccan heritage, but the
bond of being street-soccer players from Helmond binds them in a way that no hailing of
being Surinamese or Moroccan can interrupt. They grew up together in the working class
neighborhood of the Eeuwsels4. There on the asphalt and the cement and the grass, they
socialized each other. Made each other strong while being called all kinds of names and were
told multiple times that they did not belong in the Netherlands; in Europe. It never however
for them became a white versus black thing, a newcomer versus oldcomer struggle, as they
had friends and foes that defied those divides. Together with other boys whose parents
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migrated from Maluku, Turkey, the Dutch Caribbean isles, and trailer park old comers, they
became a force to be reckoned with. They would travel to Amsterdam and Rotterdam to
battle with their peers. Their ethnic belonging was recognized, they claimed allegiance with
the Surinamese and Moroccan boys they would meet, the racist myths of honor and style
were pragmatically endorsed, but at the end of the day, they realized where they lived and
with whom they balled.
Edje, like Michael and Hassan, like Khalid, brings me into full awareness that everyone
in the Netherlands can speak and speaks the dominant discourse the Dutch categories of
state managed multiculturalism but they also speak and live demotic discourses; catego-
ries of their own making born of creolization; youthnicities being the one that is the focus
of this presentation (see Baumann 1998, who makes this point in his casestudy on Southhall,
London). These youthnicities arent static and must unwork themselves as no one can escape
the dominant ethnic speak.
But is this all? Youthnicity as simply a moment of freedom from state managed multicul-
turalisms? Jordi Halfman, who has joined me in writing this presentation, and has done more
extensive fieldwork on street-soccer, reminds me of heterotopian possibilities. It is time that
the other I in this I& I speaks/writes.
This is the other I, who like Francio Guadeloupe did research into the conviviality lived by
those we associate with the street and street-soccer. I learned the basics from Edje and Len-
ny after which I went out onto the street. As I entered the game, I was a rookie, a newcomer
unable to talk the talk or move appropriately. I needed to spent time, to play, in order to
become attuned to the ball; to its ways of relating and to the myths of conviviality that erupt
when we start to play.
The tale I will tell here today is my story of becoming street-able and the story of the
meaning this word street-ability has attained as I learned to play. It is a response to the voic-
es of the street, in which I recount the unmaking of a particular I. It is the story of becoming
skilled, as another I in the multiple construction of I&I. This myth begins with the observ-
ing anthropologist, the distancing and distant I/eye, the visually amputated I/eye walking
theearth.
583
Anthropologys newest romantic, Tim Ingold (2011, 2007), echoing Merleau-Ponty (1970)
with a difference, would probably describe that I/eye as a visual becoming, as an I/eye who
is used to look and thereby distances herself from the world. This I/eye walking the streets
of Amsterdam encounters young children. They are five small boys, running and shouting
at one another, as they kick the ball around. They all have different shades of dark hair and
matching almond skin. They wear rugged jeans, old sneakers, and the thick jackets with fur
ringed hoodies that are commonly worn by people who have migrated here from Morocco.
Is what I/eye see a trace of them being partially Dutch and partially Moroccan? (As in Peters
en de Haan 2011, Van der Pijl et al 2009).
The myth-fact of cultural differences enters my mind. The myth of state managed mul-
ticulturalism shapes our togetherness as primarily divided in different cultures with par-
ticular features, living next to but separate from one another. I hear this myth and should
know better. Clearly these words of Ingold (2003: 387) echo in my ear [c]ulture, as a body
of context-independent, traditionally transmitted knowledge, encoded in words or other
symbolic media, can exist nowhere except in the mind of the anthropological observer. It
is derived by abstraction from observed behavior. Odd abstraction I am performing here. I
have only to recollect a little bit to know that these clothing styles are typical for youngsters
of all so-called ethnic types. And to remember that appearances tend to trick the most well-
trained I/eye.
Nevertheless I/eye have the ability to know and not to know. And as I/eye recollect
I/eye can still proceed with the stereotype. This term stereotype derives from that odd
machine invented in the 18th century that produced seemingly identical images. Dead im-
ages. Abstracted images. The observing I/eye today does that same operation. Could it be
that the observing I/eye, too has become a stereotype? Montaigne long ago argued that the
person who stereotypes shows to the world his or her self-alienation forgetting that to be
human is to be movement (quoted in Fumaroli 1997). S/he is therefore unable to appreciate
Baudrillards provocation that I is an Other (2007; 2005).
The five youngsters I observed playing with a ball, the youngsters that made me recollect the
stereotype, were showing particular skills on the day that I recollect most vibrantly. Because
584
of the enduring winter cold, the municipality of Amsterdam had turned the soccer square
on the KarelDoormanplein into an ice-ring. The boys thus needed to play otherwise; sliding
instead of running, spreading their arms slightly, pulling in their heads. The game is altered
by the weather-world and new arrivals who are attracted to the square.
As I step onto the converted soccer field, careful not to fall, I smile at a cheerful, pink
skinned woman. She is in her mid-thirties and she is here with her young son, who is walk-
ing and talking but cant be much older than two. The mother is wearing white ice skates
that remind me of the many cold hours I spent gliding when I was younger. Shetells me: Ik
dacht, ik ga hier even oefenen want ik heb al zo lang niet meer op schaatsen gestaan. Hier is
ertenminstenietzoveelpubliek! [I thought I should practice a little bit here. I have not been
on skates for such a long time. At least there arent so many people watching me here.] She
makes a pirouette and giggles het gaat best goed he!? [Im doing pretty well right?!] While
mom skates, her son is looking at the boys on the square. He seems to be interested in the
ball only and even though his mom tries to encourage him to put on the skates, he refuses.
The little boy reminds me of Edje, little Ed, the street legend, who played the ball no matter
the expectations or circumstances. I will name the smaller echo of the legend after him;
littleEdje.
As little Edje voices his will to play with the ball, his mom refuses to give up on him
ice-skating: Kijk, mama is aan het schaatsen. Ik heb voor jou ook schaatsen mee. Wil je het
niet proberen? [Look, mommy is ice-skating. I have brought skates for you as well, dont
you want to try?] Little Edje ignores his mom however and runs towards the boys who are
playing with the ball. But the young boy is unfamiliar with the icy underground and does not
yet know how to run and play on it. He slips. The boys who were playing leave their game for
a moment and come over to help him up. As little Edje returns to his feet, he reaches for the
ball, ready to play again.
Mom has made up her mind though. If little Edje wont try ice-skating, he will have to
leave the ice. While Edjes face turns to thunder his mother helps him off the field and into
the snow between the street-soccer field and the community centre. A gentleman in his
twenties walks from the community centre towards the boy and kicks a ball at him: Kijk, de
bal, schop maar! [Look, the ball, kick it!] Little Edje cheers up and plays, but the older man
is soon distracted by his cell phone and forgets the ball. Little Edjes attention thus quickly
returns to the boys on the ice. He ignores his mother, gets onto the ice and calls out the
boys again: naarmijschieten! [Kick to me!] He laughs and plays and, even though it seems
unlikely for his age and inconsistent with the expectation I/eye gathered from his looks, he
becomes part of the game of street-soccer.
585
Little Edje does not fit the stereotype that the I/eye had created. Little Edje seems to be
the vice versa of Shani Davis. This atypical ice-skating hero has the looks and guts of Francio
Guadeloupes Frazier. When Davis won the kings number (speed skating 1500 meters) as the
first Afro-American he became a legend. Like Shani Davis, little Edje troubles the stereotyp-
ical expectations.
My one trick mind (Harris in Camboni 2004: 25) explains what I/eye see, based upon
expectations informed by the stories that touch/inform us from the government, media
and (pseudo) academia. The stereotype that I/eye produce of the game on the square fits
smoothly with the often depicted image of the street. The presence of migrant children play-
ing ball, their older brothers racing their scooters, and their mothers wearing headscarves is
as expected (for me). Just like the presence of little Edje, and myself, might be a surprise (for
me, but of course I attribute this for me as for them. This is the magical work of self-alien-
ation, where I can read the mind of others without having to ask them!).
The lady on ice-skates, little Edje and I/eye myself look less street-able than the (as-
sumingly) migrant kids and (assumingly) Muslim women around here. Assumingly. What a
wonderful word and reminder. Just like the for me. Both insertions allude to the I/eye that
begins to doubt; that puts itself under erasure as it is challenged by what Harris has called
the stranger in ourselves (in Camboni 2004: 14)). This stranger, this other I in I&I recognizes
the partiality of identities. The strangers voice, partially rational cognition partially intuition,
touches me in the sense that I/eye as I/eye re-read my notebook and return to different
squares, realize that in some instances I/eye did hear traces of the stereotypes. But in many
instances I/eye did not.
5. Becoming street-able
As I spend time on the street and reflected on the notes in my diary I am becoming street-able.
The strangers voice speaking through me invites me to investigate the word as it might be
a gem among debris. Street-ability recalls Gilroys anti-anti-essentialism (in Scannell 2009).
This position is one that claims that you can become something by doing it. So in doing
essentiality, never a given that some people have and others dont, this essentiality emerg-
es. The term street-able works in a similar fashion. One has to learn street-ability. Visual
markers of ethnicity do not automatically translate into having street-ability andcredibility.
586
What is considered street-able is dependent on the players involved and the game that
evolves. It is reworked in each story in and about the game. On the ice square, Little Edje by
no means looked street-able. He did however hear the call of the ball. Little Edje was learning
the ways of the ball by playing with bigger and smaller Edjes, Orries and Alis. Players who
themselves are all in different stages of growth. Just like me. We were becoming skilled.
As I played the game, it was changing me. My relation to the ball, to other players, the
sounds around the field, the grandmother on her balcony, all were changing my becom-
ing. And as those places changed, through weather conditions, angry neighbors, newcom-
ers, the bystanders and the clever ideas of the municipality, I adapted. But the places we
played at, were also becoming street-able because of our activity there. Mohammed, another
street-soccer player in league with Edje and Orry tells me about a good street-soccer square:
It has to do with the ambiance, not much with the square itself. It can be a square
of ten by ten meters, but if we all decide to go there, then that is the street-soc-
cer square. Everyone will know; this one is popular. Some other squares are
really beautiful, but no one wants to go there.
The proper street-soccer square is not some existing place, but becomes street-able,
because of peoples movement. This relation between player, play and place is echoed in
Edjes words:
It didnt matter if all the tiles were crooked, you know, players would break their
neck, but that was where we wanted to play. You were in between the high flats
and the people were watching us from their balconies the whole night. It felt as
if you were in your own stadium.
Have these boys read Tim Ingolds work on lines and movement? (2007; 2011) They sound
as an echo of his ideas. Ingold claims that in movement we inscribe place by practice. Space
thus becomes a specific place because of peoples activities there. The lines we inscribe
while moving are both part of the creation of place and of our own becoming. Our lines meet
and cross but never merge. This does not mean we cannot connect. I&I exist as individually
experiencing and connected social beings, living with many others in an on-going poly-
phonic composition of multiple lines in counterpoint (Ingold 2011: 325).
In an ungraspable entanglement the space shapes the different lines of becoming as
the game makes and unmakes the players and play. This casts doubt upon the common ac-
587
ademic tendency to order. This order needs a division between the world and the one who
can oversee and thereby creates order out of that world. But as a player I become inside the
game. The question thus becomes how I can relate both within and apart from the world.
6. My common myth
The way I make sense of the relation between myself and the world depends on the way I
tune in. Making sense, in academia however implies that thought mediates the relation. My
one trick mind disentangles. It thinks order, names, labels and hierarchy. This particular
modus operandi seems shaped by an inherited history of science. This modern and realist
inheritance is one in which I continuously look for order.
This inheritance is not just a story I hear, but, as Foucault reminded us, it is also the order
that constructs the way I am able to think (1966, 2003). It is the myth of scientific wo/man
who replaced the Christian believer. This Christian wo/man believed in things s/he could
not see and listened to a God that remained invisible. Since the acclaimed death of religion
and the rise of scientism, we now claim that what we see is what we believe. From engaged
listeners and speakers, we turned into silent scanners of written words (Schmidt 2005). This
birth of scientism went along with the rise of literacy enabling the clever minds that started
to understand and describe the world, to put those clever thoughts on paper and share them
with an ever increasing crowd (Ong 2012).
These clever minds were dependent on the body and the senses, but they were also
disconnected from their bodies. The knowledge of the mind, as a separate entity, could thus
gain a particular status. The skills learned through training and repetition, non-sharable
in words on paper, diminished in importance. The educated man of science thus created
a place for himself apart from the general folk. And also apart from nature. The academic
positioned himself as the onlooker; the one who can oversee and master the world. S/he is
able to study other human beings, beings who thus become objects and part of the world
ofnature.
The clever academics subdivide the world of human beings, mammals and flowers, to-
wards the smallest atoms and infinitely smaller, all in the name of finding the ultimate Truth.
Others however started to doubt the ways in which these realists framed the relation be-
tween the world and the human being. These clever minds, in an idealist or Kantian tradition,
588
introduced another framework in order to open up the world in new ways. Their framework
construes reality as dependent upon the mind of the human being that observes it. Outside
of the idealists own sense making, nothing can be known. The world thus only exists as it is
experienced by a human being.
Both idealism and realism tell a myth of the construction of I and the way I can relate to
a world that is separate from me. They both align with the Western paradigm that shapes the
mind, the sensual body and the world around us, as separate things. All forms are separate,
whole and processed. Moreover, they look for truth and tell processed stories of which the
mythical nature is denied. These grand theories trick me into believing that there is an expla-
nation, that there is a way to understand the world. It makes me believe that the better I look,
sense or think, the closer I come to the real Truth. This is what Baudrillard (2012) has called
the perfect crime. It is the fatal strategy that I&I, based upon the voices of the street-soccer
players, wish to undo.
7. Listening as embracing
As the world of ball draws me in and makes me player, that player increasingly unworks
the anthropological I/eye whose mind so easily plays the trick of the visually based sepa-
ration. Like Ian Chambers in the words above, I wish to opt for a politics of listening. Our
shared language sounds the strength of the visual. We see, reflect upon or picture some-
thing. In a (still panoramic) description Ong has recounted a history of the visual that has
589
triumphed over the listening human (Ong 2012, see also Corbin in Schmidt 2005). According
to Ong, this change has altered the way we engage with the world nowadays. However, as
Chambers reminds me, dispersed stories can challenge this single History.
The reign of the eye is both there and not there when I become player. Players listen. The
sounds of sneakers on gravel, the ball bouncing off metal wire, the cheers of the audience,
these are essential aspects of the streets. These sounds however cannot so easily be shared
and interpreted by a crowd. These sounds, (like words, but we tend to forget this) have mul-
tiple meanings. As I become sensible for sounds, I recognise again their tremendous qualities.
As I start to listen to the world, the experienced reality is different. Sound is always relat-
ed to a particular clash, to a vibration created in movement which is only here for an instance.
Sound is only movement which creates sound, which is infinite relation. For its becoming
sound is always depended upon the way it relates to everything around it, troubling the dis-
tinction between the one who listens en the one who is listened to, between the world and
I within it. Its untraceable movement in dispersed directions troubles linearity and related
assumptions of progress some of the principal guidelines for a realistic approach. Sound
is entanglement and when we start to listen to the outer world, the lies we hear m
ingle with
the voice of the stranger within.
These combined voices trouble listening as common sense listening. Listening within
the world cannot be the other of looking. In likeness of the work of Kochhar-Lindgren (2006),
who studied listening bodies in deaf theatre, the street-able listener recognises its inclusive
and overflowing capacities. It transforms the body into a sensorial extension, occupying a
space that Kochhar-Lindgren called the third ear (ibid.). Listening in this sense draws in the
entire body, resembling listening-as-embracing, an ethics that philosopher Martin Buber
professed (1967, 1988, 2002). For Buber listening is a way of relating to another that dissolves
all distinction between subject and object. This embracing is thus not a knowing about the
other. All that can be known of one another is everything.
Listening thus becomes a metaphor for a way of being in the world that I was guided into
by listening with my ears. It must be the prerequisite for what Francio Guadeloupe before
has called musicking. This listening constructs me and the lifeworld around me in ways that
do not last and that cannot be understood in any way.
But I do try! I do aim at writing the world that I hear, the world that touches me. To write
a new framework that is not realist or idealist, and thus not aims at writing a grand theory
of truth. In order to be faithful to the voices that touch me on the street, I choose to write
partial voices of becoming, drawing on Henry David Thoreaus game of poetic realism that
plays with two distinguishable but entangled dimensions of being human (in Tauber 2009).
590
In this redescription, I am unprocessed experience, without beginning or end, without form,
without boundaries. Just like the ball is movement and sound all in one. And at moments, I
start processing and take on a form that is also me. This form erupts when unprocessed
experience, noise among noise, meets and collides. In that collision it is still unknown and
uncommon. But after, when processing of the eruptions starts an I is born. The wild, unpro-
cessed experience, the noise and silence that are not either of these things, thus speaks to
all else that is neither silent nor noise. And conform its own (non)rules, out of that, I become.
And I try to make sense, giving voice to yet another lie.
My being human is thus being unprocessed experience that in non-form shapes in
multiple relations, including the relation to the I that was/is form. The I that I was thus
speaks also to the I that I become, but is not the I that I become. I continuously change into
other. This other that the unknown of the unprocessed entanglement is (not), demands a
response, and as the response is shaped, I take on something of that other. Being/becoming
human in this tale thus implies continuous responding to and giving voice to what cannot be
given voice to. It implies becoming other.
In this rediscovery of I as other that echoes Thoreaus making of the self-positing-I (ibid.),
there is thus the unprocessed and there is me, and together these interrelated processes
make up my becomingness. This implies that there is thus no permanent distinction be-
tween the silence-which-is-noise-as-silence, the erupting I and everything else. It implies
that what is, is whole. Only when the flow of what is is interrupted and processed, it be-
comes me, Jordi Halfman. I then move, make choices, love and regret based upon an expe-
rience of this body as my body. I have an investment in this particular bodily form, which is
Jordi Halfman. It is me.
In this poetic rendition of me in the world, I am thus like sound, materialising and mov-
ing away continuously. I as sound escape reality as I am, becoming anew through other in
related movement, just like sound.
As they play ball, Edje and little Edje, like Hassan and Khalid, give voice to different tales
of the street. They speak the stereotypical lies of state managed muticulturalism and the
sweeter ones that unwork this myth. Becoming as part of this youthnicity that unworks itself,
591
I/eye also become aware of, and challenged the assumptions and sensorial tendencies relat-
ed to common-sense tribalism and the fatal strategy (of both realism and idealism) in which
we aim to construct an all-compassing Truth.
Every I who contributed to this presentation, shapes their unique I through each spo-
ken word, each description of their own becoming in the world: their origin. I is constructed
out of the telling of yet another lie. Like the story of scientific wo/man and the exploration
of the senses, I&I construct new myths. Sweet ones. Heroic, scary, sad and shared ones. My
storytelling, based upon listening, distinguishes me from you, from Edje, Hassan and from
the ball. The story I tell voices my singularity as it express my unique origin in this world.
Each story thus gives voice to the birth of another I. But our stories are also fundamen-
tally social. They are shared, listened to, and take on particular features from our brothers
and sisters stories. When we are no longer heard and responded to, we loose our humanity.
I believe our stories resemble a ball. Anyone who has been around a ball, whether on a square
or on a field, knows how the ball draws one in, asks us to respond. Do you know how hard
it is to resist the temptation to give that ball a kick? No matter where you have arrived from
or where you will travel to, no matter what particular lie you (un)work, when you play, you
respond and become part of our shared humanity. This is the same for our stories: when we
respond to oneanother, we become as part of our shared humanity.
Each I thus listens and responds. I&I respond to each other and invite you as reader, lis-
tener, to do the same, thus recognising our shared response-ability. By responding we live
together and share a game, and we become part of something resembling a we. A we? Did
we not claim. Yes I&I did. And now I speak of we.
The youthnicity that emerges and unworks itself on the street lives a conviviality of we,
of togetherness. This we however differs from any we of globalisation in which we all be-
come alike. Nor does this we present any fragment of society from which anyone could
mystically claim a stable identity, be it ethnic, national or religious. This we echoes what
Jean Luc Nancy (2000) called being-singular-plural. This we is based upon a practice that
dis-identifies itself from anything that could represent itself as subject (ibid: 71).
This we is not represented in this lie that is the origin of an I. This we however, is the
fundament of my practice and ethos. It echoes the conviviality of the street and is expressed
in our communication with one another: by our listening and responding, by the handshakes
on the side of the square, the shouts across the field, the kicking back of the ball.By the
sharing of a story. All this communication expresses our being-in-common as a mutual re-
sponse-ability for one another. Therefore I&I invite you to respond, giving voice to your
sweetest lies that expresses our shared humanity.
592
References
Baudrillard, J. 2007 Forget Foucault. Cambridge: Glissant, E. 1997 Poetics of Relation. Michigan:
. 2005 The Intelligence of Evil or the Lucidity Ingold, T. 2011 Being Alive: Essays on movement,
Pact. New York: Berg. knowledge and description. New York: Rout-
of Identity in Multi-Ethnic London. Cam- . 2007 Lines: A brief history. Oxon: Rout-
Buber, M. 2002 The Martin Buber Reader: Es- . 2003 The Perception of the Environment:
sential Writings (ed. Biemann). New York: Essays on Livelihood, Dwelling and Skill. Lon-
. 1998 Ik en Jij. Utrecht: Bijleveld. James, W. 1902 The Varieties of Religious Expe-
. 1967 On the Psychologizing of the World. rience: A Study In Human Nature-Lecture 19.
Resisting Alterities: Wilson Harris and Other and Deaf Performance. Theatre Journal 58(3):
Lectures at the College de France 19751976. Merleau-Ponty, M. 1970 Themes from the Lec-
New York: Picador. tures at the Collge de France, 19521960
. 1966 [2004] The Order of Things: An Ar- (trans. by John ONeill) Evanston: Northwest-
Identity. Diogenes 45: 111122. Ong, W. 2012 [1982] Orality and Literacy: The
Guadeloupe, F. 2006 What the Tamarind Tree Technologizing of the Word. New York: Rout-
St.Martin studies Vol.1.101104. Peters, K., and H. de Haan 2011 Everyday Spaces
Gilroy, P. 2010 Darker than Blue: On the moral of Inter-Ethnic Interaction: The Meaning
economies of Black Atlantic Culture. Harvard of Urban Public Spaces in the Netherlands.
593
Pijl, Y. van der, et al. 2009 Antropologische
University Press.
Oxford: Berg.
ty of California Press.
10241054.
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Stream 3
KEYNOTE
Over/Here
Brandon LaBelle
b@brandonlabelle.net
Bergen Academy of Art and Design
Abstract
Sound supports a dynamic relationality between self and surrounding, imparting generative
instances of contact and belonging, along with interruption and negotiation. From echoes
passing across a given space to vibrations underfoot, disturbances from the neighbor to rec-
ollections of disappeared voices, this intense relationality can be appreciated as exceeding
the sightlines of the spatial imagination, and the limits of the single body, to support alter-
native notions of shared space of meeting the other.
Im interested to chart out an acoustics of sharing by focusing on overhearing experi-
ences of hearing more than should be heard. This will lead to reflections on multiplicity and
urban experience, and how listening may operate to support a sociality of not only intimacy
and mutuality, but also affective intensity and disagreement. At stake is a concern for how
overhearing may foster means for contending with the dynamics of global life today.
596
My interest is to think through sound as a type of knowledge pathway a practice of thinking
from which different understandings of social life, bodily identities, and spatial relations for
instance may materialize. Or at least be imagined. As part of this project Im keen to write
as a listening subject, as a body caught within the dynamics of acoustic space, and that tries
to write its way out, or deeper in: in other words, to take seriously what happens if we place
sound at the center of our critical and creative thinking, not to mention as a way of being
amongst others.
In doing so, Ive come to recognize how sound is deeply connected to experiences of
not only intimate sharing, social bonding, and reassurance, but also disruption, interruption,
and threat: how easily these two acoustic territories brush against each other which to my
listening, comes to suggest that experiences of sound are precisely opportunities for vulner-
ability: of the body, of the senses, as well as of our social boundaries.
For today, Id like to extend such thinking, such vulnerability, by focusing on noise and
the other: noise as the production of the social, that is, a generative experience by which we
may share space. Noise, in this regard, need not be thought of in terms of volume, nor as hav-
ing any particular sonic quality. Rather, I emphasize noise as the beginning of confrontation,
negotiation, and the appearance of the unwanted; noise, as Michel Serres suggests, as the
rending of any system or order that actually promotes new social and bodily configurations.1
I want to locate noise then as the initiation of a social encounter: bodies meeting and
on the threshold of possible community. In this regard, noise may be heard or defined as a
sound which over-steps particular limits, that which is out of place, and as forming the basis
for an art of listening. Such a perspective finds resonance with Russolos original art of nois-
es in which he calls for a broader appreciation for those surges of urban sound. That is, an
ear for the continuous, very strange and marvelous hubbhub of the crowd.2
To develop this further I want to bring into consideration a particular memory, of at-
tending a concert in Los Angeles in 1998 an event that, while arising out of a personal sit-
uation, has come to suggest a greater set of ideas; an event that also continues to haunt my
listening imagination: I go back to it again and again, extracting from it a continual flow of
reflections as well as motivating force. Im interested to dwell on this concert experience so
as to situate noise as an event of listening deeply linked to place as well as social experience,
that is, connected to those always already beside me and whose presence conditions, inter-
1.Michel Serres, Genesis. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1997.
2.Luigi Russolo, Art of Noises. New York: Pendragon Press, 1986, 45.
597
feres with, and shapes my own. What I may call: You, They or Them, and which may become
Us, though never fully.
To map this further, I also bring forward what I call three coordinates of listening to noise:
1. Acoustics multiplied
2. The supplement
3. Difference-making
I imagine these as coordinates within the field of sound by which to open a view onto
noise: to explore the particular forms and spatial vocabularies noise may be heard to pro-
duce, extending an understanding of sound toward the intensities of urban life. If noise can
be thought of as the production of the social, of an acoustic space, what forms of inhabi-
tation does it make possible? And by extension, is it possible to understand interference or
disruption as the beginning of a new public, one much more visceral than discursive? And
dare I say: a unique production of togetherness?
Los Angeles, 1998: Im at a club with a group of friends. Weve gone out to see a band, and the
place is packed. Im standing a bit to the back, sandwiched between friends and strangers,
drink in hand and the band in front, not too far, but not exactly close: its a small club, and
everyone is listening, focused, interested. All, except a few to my right, about 6 or 7 meters
away, a few guys are standing, drinking beers and talking, laughing, having a good time and
rather oblivious to the situation that is, that they are breaking the mood, disrupting the
scene, causing a ruckus.
Suddenly you might say, I am caught between two perspectives, two performances, two
forms of listening: in front of me, the band, the object of attention, the thing I am here to
witness, and to the right, a group of talkers, conversing somewhere between quiet and loud,
but still, loud enough to unsettle my main focus, my main perspective.
The situation continues for some time: other people start to yell at the group who are
talking, the group even starts to yell back, and maybe, Im not sure, even the band starts to
get annoyed. In this moment though, something changes, for myself: I begin to realize that
what is happening is extremely provocative, and extremely suggestive in this moment, I
begin to realize what it means to listen. That sound is never an isolated event, that there are
always sounds to the side of another sound, and which we constantly over-hear. Listening,
in other words, is a process of confronting the expressive movements occurring around us,
and which act to broaden ones attention, especially by force.
598
While this experience of disruption was not necessarily new to me, nor does it stand out
within the patterns of rock club behavior still, at this instant, it brought forward a sudden
recognition: I became aware that my own annoyance was precisely an opportunity. That if
listening is to deepen ones experience of the world, then noise provides a dynamic mani-
festation of such depth, an active education of sounds more forceful knowledge structure.
Of knowing, and of being known; not as composition or resonance, but as association and
rupture of being thrown into the presence of others. In this sense, over-hearing points the
way for a consideration of not so much what is in front, but rather next to; or what is beyond
me that is, a sensitivity for the crowd.
It is my interest to embrace this moment of disturbance, this noise, this over-here, and
understand it as a special kind of acoustic, and something to add to how we perceive and
comprehend sounds around us. I would venture to say, that the over-here, these guys over-
here, is the horizon of every sound. Its the promise that every sound makes: to say here,
I am over-here.
I want to then use this notion of over-hearing, of sounds that appear over-here, that
moment of interruption or rupture, as a fundamental theory of the sound arts, as well as to
suggest an appreciation for noise as a productive and generative event. Over-hearing should
be understood as an expanded listening, one that specifically displaces place with an agita-
tion: where what is in front is contrasted with what is beyond; over-hearing, as I will suggest,
as a listening to more than, especially to what or who I do not know.
Moving along, Ill begin by drawing out my three coordinates of listening, which are
equally three forms of spatial thinking, of dis-placing, over-hearing and eaves-dropping.
1. Acoustics multiplied
The first would be that sound multiplies perspectives. In other words, there is always a sound
outside the frame of a particular listening, which often interferes with or occurs to the side,
to become immediately part of the experience. I would emphasize that, in general terms,
sound delivers the outside, to displace or unsettle the demarcations we put upon listening; it
fundamentally and continuously redraws the lines separating in from out, as well as distance
and proximity, by delivering a palpable overlap and intersection, an acoustics of multiplicity.
599
For example: the talking occurring at the club, the thing that is to the side of the band,
can be heard, in its moment of disruption, to create a second acoustical space, in the room.
It radically introduces another perspective onto the scene of listening it forces me into this
other situation. In this regard, what may appear to the side, is often also inside. It is in while
being out, to force into view, through a type of friction, a spatial addition, or subtraction: we
can never be sure. It is a procedure of continual animation.
Here I want to grab hold of and amplify a quote by Barry Truax and his formulation of
acoustic communication. He writes: the sound wave arriving at the ear is the analogue of
the current state of the physical environment, because as the wave travels, it is changed by
each interaction with the environment.3
In short, this sound here has already changed by the time it reaches the back wall.
Such a perspective must be heard to locate us within a condition of sonic and geographic
intensity, turning evey sound into a forceful and animating event, and every environment
into a volatile and dynamic situation. If sound alters along its course, pulling and resound-
ing the environment as it goes, it registers, while also delivering, a continual agitation onto
that environment; refracting and reverberating, vibrating and echoing, pulling my attention
this way and that way, connecting beyond what we often focus on what may be underfoot,
overhead, far away or suddenly so close. This for me is precisely what makes sound such an
important material and platform that it generates a situation of multiplicity.
2. The supplement
Continuing with this map of noise, my second coordinate would be that noise challenges my
sense of what I am listening for. In other words, what I am expecting, what I am waiting for, is
constantly supplemented by something else by that sound there, and then, another there.
We can understand the supplement as something that adds onto something else; it is
not a substitute, but rather the supplement introduces a critical addition. A sort of appendix
that in adding onto an original object or action or phenomenon, enacts a type of rupture,
emptying out the seemingly stable presence of what we imagine as being complete, whole,
or immutable. In this regard, the supplementing force of noise brings into question the sta-
3.Barry Truax, Acoustic Communication. Norwood, NJ: Ablex Publishing, 1994, 15.
600
bility of an event and the expectation of fulfilled listening by introducing a more than onto
the scene. Yet in doing so it also pries open the original, to undo the appearance of a stable
meaningful reference. The supplement, in other words, makes the original available for sam-
pling, for appropriation, for critique and comment.4
To return to the club, the talking happening over-here interfered with what I was ex-
pecting, with what I was waiting for that is, the band; but in doing so, it also started to
supplement the band, to make an appendix onto my listening, and in that moment, the full
presence of the band, as the point of my attention, was undone: its like being in a cinema
during an intensely serious moment in a film, and someone in the audience starts laughing
this laughter, this noise, completely disrupts the scene, but it also begins something else: it
says, every expectation, every hoping for, is also prone to surprise. This I find an extremely
vital element to sound and listening: that the process of supplementing of that sound over
there, and then suddenly there creates the possibility for another narrative, an opening pre-
cisely for what we did not expect and which might find its way in. This might be thought of as
an echo to what Paul Carter calls the erotic ambiguity of sound: for Carter, this ambiguity
is precisely the exceeding of representation a positive, productive ambuigity found within
sound that generates what we might think of as extra-expressivities: something that slips
through, or overflows from an instant of representation: a body that might emerge from the
crowd, to voice another view.5
3. Difference-making
Finally, my last coordinate would be, that noise introduces the other onto the scene. It
brings the one that is over there to here, in front of me. This elaborates the idea of the sup-
plement and the multiplying of perspectives, to suggest that noise, as the over-here of the
here, delivers a confrontation with the unexpected. And if we have to give a name to this
unexpected, to the supplement, I would propose we call it the stranger: the stranger in a
4.For more on the supplement see Jacques Derrida, Of Grammatology. Baltimore: The John Hopkins University
Press, 1998, 141164.
5.Paul Carter, Ambiguous Traces, Mishearing, and Auditory Space. In Hearing Cultures: Essays on Sound, Listen-
ing and Modernity, ed. Veit Erlmann. Oxford: Berg, 2004: 4363.
601
sense gives a body to the over-here, a shape to the supplement, that also suggests a social
situation, a negotiation as well as a meeting. I must attend to this figure here.
If noise multiplies perspectives, as a spatial acoustic, if it supplements what I am expect-
ing, enabling or forcing other narratives, it does so by explicitly introducing something, or
someone, I do not yet know. It is to bring to my attention something I was not waiting for in
other words, it is to introduce a difference.
I take this difference then as something which broadens my horizon: the multiplying of
perspectives, the supplementing of representation, forces me to meet the one that is sepa-
rate from me, but it does so by collapsing distance: this difference that is over-here, forces
its way inside, that is, inside myself. It suddenly comes directly into me. As Steven Connor
reminds: The self defined in terms of hearing rather than sight is a self imaged not as a point,
but as a membrane; not as a picture, but as a channel through which voices, noises, and mu-
sics travel.6 In this regard, the intensities of noise others my horizon, it others my body. Upon
this map of noise then, the self defined in terms of hearing might be a self always already
extra, an extra to itself, and one confronted by those that demand attention.
The acoustic experiences and productions that Im attempting to narrate here opens out
onto what what I would term radical sharing the making of a generative, messy space
brought into play by the disjointedness of interruption, and where the singular body is dis-
rupted by those around. Such disruption, as Im keen to pose, reconfigures conventional
understandings of the inside, or what is of my body, and an outside, what is of the crowd.
The force of sound may act as a type of education precisely of this new configuration, as the
unstable property of relationships and an economy of the in-between: a series of exchanges
that are always passing across subjects and objects, between species and things.
Id like to elaborate this thought by drawing on the work of cultural and urban historian
Richard Sennett, and in particular his work The Uses of Disorder from 1970. In this work, Sen-
nett makes a claim for disorder as a productive tool for nurturing social life, particularly
within cities. As he states: What is needed is to create cities where people are forced to con-
front each other so as to reconstitute public power []. The city must then be conceived as
6.Steven Connor, Sound and Self. In Hearing History: A Reader. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2004, 57.
602
a social order of parts without a coherent, controllable whole form. [] Rather, the creation
of city spaces should be for varied, changeable use.7
What I take from Sennett is an extremely provocative inversion: while urban planners
and social organizers may draw upon concepts of harmony, togetherness, of cohesion or
concensus, as means for establishing community, as in the legacy of suburban development
in the United States, Sennett in contrast sees disorder and discord as productive for spaces
of sharing, or simply, of being together. By agitating the lines that keep one type of demo-
graphic together, or that demarcate certain social territories, disorder allows for opportuni-
ties to experience precisely what or who is in contrast to myself. Such productive agiations
are used to foster a spatial form composed by multiplicity. Place-making, in this way, can be
enriched precisely through experiences of displacement.
I take all this actually as the very condition of listening in general. Might we appreciate
the irksome interventions of noise as a discordant opportunity? One that might give way to
new social encounters? Following Sennett, is not the irritating force of noise at times deliv-
ering explicitly what we might not understand, thereby affording contact with strangeness,
which might actually allow me to hear the unthinkable?
I would suggest that to listen is to always already over-hear: it is to live within multiple
perspectives, to experience noise, and to deal with strangers, even the stranger of oneself
whose voice may suddenly overtake us. In this sense, I would propose that noise be thought
of neither in terms of the private nor the public, not as this body here nor us there, but the
production of what may still surprise us: the associations and unexpected solidarities found
in acoustic disruption.
7.Richard Sennett, The Uses of Disorder: Personal Identity and City Life. New York: Vintage Books, 1970, 141.
603
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Borrowing Sound
Shannon Werle
shannonwerle@gmail.com
M. Eng. Arch, Tokyo Institute of Technology
M.A. Digital Musics, Dartmouth College (Expected June 2015)
Hanover, NH 30755
Abstract
This research aims to explore borrowed sound in Tokyo, taking cue from the well-known
practice of borrowing views in traditional Chinese and Japanese landscape design. How
does a specific arrangement of spatial volumes, sound sources and urban conditions com-
bine in order to filter sound in a particular way? These observed relationships are illustrated
as a sound field, defined as a composition of sound sources in relationship to specific urban
conditions and arrangement of spatial volumes which operate as an instrument. This investi-
gation focuses on sound fields within the context of an specific program: the street cafe. This
is an optimal site for observation because it allows for an extended stay in an area exposed
to urban conditions. Embedded in high density areas, Tokyos street cafs often occupy in-
terstitial spaceschairs fill in gaps between buildings, alcoves tuck into volumes adjacent to
multiline, bustling commercial centers and seating clusters negotiate available space with air
conditioner units and sidewalk slithers. Each cafe is classified in terms of its spatial type and
street condition and documented with a drawing and field recordings. With a better under-
standing of how sound can be carried into a field, by exploring how these everyday, unde-
signed interactions between sound sources, spatial volumes, and urban conditions operate,
we can begin to explore new possibilities for borrowing sound in cities.
604
1. Introduction
The aim of this research is to explore how sound is borrowed in Tokyo, taking cue from
the well-known practice of borrowing views in traditional Chinese and Japanese landscape
design. By using the term borrow, Im specifically interested in appropriation tactics. How
does a specific arrangement of spatial volumes, sound sources and urban conditions com-
bine in order to filter sound in a particular way? This research focuses on sound fields,
defined as a composition of sound sources in relationship to a specific urban conditions and
arrangement of spatial volumes which operate as an instrument, a body from which these
sounds resonate.
The spatial form of a valley, which implies a particular acoustic experience, has been
linked to sound throughout Tokyo since the designation of listening valleys described since
Edo (1603 to 1868). Each listening valley is identified as an optimal site for listening to a spe-
cific sound, such as the chirping of warblers, cuckoos, wild geese or insects.
Today, urbanization processes constantly rearrange listening valleys. Warbler valley, locat-
ed near present-day Uguisudani (warbler) Station was initially redesigned during the Gen-
roku Period (1688-1704), when the head priest of Tokyos Kaneiji temple imported a flock of
warblers from Kyoto: The chirps of these birds (from Kyoto) are indeed beautiful, and they
do not have the provincial accent of the local uguisu. [1] Today, the chirping of warblers not
only heralds springs arrival, but also morning rush hour commutes on a year-round basis
Japan Railways has electrified the distinctive chirp and broadcasts it daily at Uguisudani Sta-
tion between 8-10 a.m. The warblers themselves, who continue to populate several listening
zones today, shift the frequency of their calls in order to avoid the mask produced by Japan
Railways. Noise does not imply suppression. Tokyo warblers, Kyoto warblers and electronic
warblers compete with one another for airtime, and this dialogue is generative: new sounds,
behaviors and, consequently, new atmospheres are produced.
Beyond listening valleys, Tokyo presents a fascinating case in how traditional sound paths
can squeezed, stretched out or rerouted. In Ginza, a detour was required in order to reroute
the sound of worshippers claps to a shrine that was relocated to the top of a 9-story pri-
vate building. As a compromise, the owner constructed a miniature shrine on the ground
floor and connected a gutter-like apparatus from the Haiden (outer worship area) up to
the rooftop, transporting the sound of claps to the Hondon (main shrine). Rather than be-
ing drowned out by ringtones and megaphone-wielding shopkeepers on the sidewalk, claps
605
ascend toward the receiver. Such constructions of customizations run rampant in Tokyos
dense agglomeration. [2]
In both the case of this Ginza shrine and warbler valley, the site is fixed. The sound
source still exists (warblers and claps). But the arrangement of these sounds across the spa-
tial field and their accompaniment is radically altered. Ultimately, the valley still resounds
with warblers (real and electronic) and a gutter-like apparatus harnesses the worshipers
claps infrastructure is used a tool for borrowing sound in a complex urban environment.
Although these augmentations may seem trivial, they reflect a larger underlying structure of
Tokyos spatial practice.
This research focuses on sound fields within the context of an specific program: the street
cafe. This is an optimal site for observation because it allows for an extended stay in an area
exposed to urban conditions. Embedded in high density areas, Tokyos street cafes often oc-
cupy interstitial spaceschairs fill in gaps between buildings, alcoves tuck into volumes adja-
cent to multiline, bustling commercial centers and seating clusters negotiate available space
with air conditioner units and sidewalk slithers. For this research, over 60 cafes were ana-
lyzed from Daikanyama, Jiyugaoka, Nakameguro, Omotesando, Shibuya and Shimokitazawa.
The observation in each cafe was limited to April-July of 2013 during weekday afternoons
between 1-5pm, an oftentimes lull period in between lunch and rush hour.
Each cafe is classified in terms of its spatial type and street condition. The latter has
three categories: alley, 2-lane, and 3-lane or larger. Spatial types include: cafefront, setback,
raised, cave, alcove, plastic-wrap, canyon, gap and courtyard.
2.1. Cave
The cave is defined as deep, a semi-enclosed space in which the cafe set back from the street
and surrounded by at least five sides. Its characterized by a excessive reverberation, which
can afford cafe-goers acoustic privacy.
606
Waterfall Cafe
Water spills across a retaining wall wedged in between a construction site and a hotel on a
bustling shopping street. The cafe is sunken two stories below street level and complete-
ly surrounded by brickwork. Above the retaining wall, tarps billow from the neighboring
construction site with a pale blue color that matches the obscured sky. The hammering of
construction workers on the scaffolding can be seen, but only audible as a distant rumble,
masked by the waterfall, which consists of a constant low frequency drone coupled by high
frequency splatters of droplets hitting brickwork.
Ventilation Cafe
Stretching back from the 5-lane, tree-lined Omotesando, this cafe spills out of a corridor
that leads to a wedding chapel. A string of ventilation units punctuates this passage and
blasts air beneath a concave roof. A drone and excessive reverberation make conversations
across tables largely unintelligible and the sound of individual cars seem to blend from inside
the passage. This space also serves as a procession for wedding parties and, on these occa-
sions, bells are handed out to the cafes customers, transforming it into a giant instrument
that signals the departures of newlyweds. On other days, rolling carts filled with wedding
garments resound throughout.
2.2. ALCOVE
The alcove is a defined an a narrow insert deep enough to fit, at most, two chairs. The close
proximity of these walls to the occupant produces early reflections, which can enable crisp
communication.
607
Amplification Cafe
This cafe is positioned directly between the street and a full-height concave window. When-
ever anyone inside of this small alcove speaks, its amplified by this curved surface and pro-
jected outwards toward everyone sitting inside of that space, despite the steady stream of
traffic outside.
Pachinko Cafe
This cafe is divided up by a column supports. Each unit holds four people. Conversations are
crisp and audible given the early reflections of the alcove. Except when sliding doors open
across the street. That actions triggers a sound leak: the rattling of metal balls inside this
pachinko (gambling) parlor dominate and the alcoves acoustic effects and effectively erased,
if only for a few seconds each time.
Island Cafe
This cafe is an island, severed from its parent by a pair of escalators leading to the under-
ground metro. Opposite, a crossover and parked delivery truck partially veils an intersection.
The intersection orchestrates alternating sounds of revving engines and pedestrian foot-
steps, and the screeches of trains from Shibuya Station can also be heard on an intermittent
basis. Potted flowers on the table vibrate from the encircling traffic flows. Cicadas buzz on a
lonely tree decorating the curb. During my observations, cafe customers were still audible,
as they spoke at higher volumes, competing with all other sound sources.
2.3. Cafefront
Cafefront describes a cafe thats placed directly in front of the parent cafe and either adja-
cent to, or on top of, the street. If abutting an open facade, these cafes can have an interior
atmosphere.
608
Parking Lot Attendant Cafe
Two multistory parking garages with metallic facades sandwich this cafe in a canyon. Garage
entrances are staffed with two parking attendants each that yell announcements for each
outgoing and incoming vehicle. The cafes facade is sealed shut, but the facade is outfitted
with a speaker that amplifies music. Footsteps and conversations from the nearby shopping
street Harajuku are audible, as well as a variety of musics spilling out of different storefronts.
2.4. Courtyard
Courtyard define a cafe situated in the central, open-roofed area of a building with a direct
connection to the street. The spaciousness can also produce excessive reverberation.
3. Conclusion
All of these observations of sound fields describe interactions between unrelated activites
and, therefore, can be perceived as chaotic. In architecture discourse, Japanese architect
and mathematician Kazuo Shinohara (19252006) coined the phrase beauty in chaos.[3]
609
During Japans modernization, he argued that extreme visual juxtapositions, such as a sec-
tion of New York Citys Fifth Avenue counterposing a traditional Shinto shrine would create
conditions for each to bring out the best in the other. [4] These observations illustrate that
similarly striking instances of beauty in chaos can be heard from the vantage point of street
cafes. With a better understanding of how sound can be carried into a field, by exploring how
these everyday, undesigned interactions between sound sources, spatial volumes, and urban
conditions operate, we can begin to explore new possibilities for borrowing sound in cities.
References
610
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Claus Caroline
cclaus9@gmail.com
Independent Researcher, Brussels, Belgium
Abstract
How can the complex soundworld of electronic musicians inspire the development of a
new vocabulary and tools for describing and exploring the post-industrial transformation
of urban sound environments? Two artistic projects, Parckdesign 2014 and Het Geluid van
Hasselt en Genk, allowed us to test the transformation of two areas physically and socially
defined by their industrial past. The avant-garde output and experimental collaborations
of independent electronic record labels provides the conceptual and methodological basis
for a participative dismantling and redefinition of the collective appropriation of acoustic
territories of former industrial zones in the centrally located canal zones of two urban areas.
611
1. Introduction
While making sound and space with beats, tones, and chords, UK experimental electronic
musicians like Actress and Copeland interpret the physical and social conditions of their
city into new sonic territories. Both musicians are inspired by early Detroit techno. They
use similar conceptual and methodological techniques to evoke unknown urban spatialities
in which listeners are allowed to roam. The sonic perception and its ability to invoke aston-
ishment and wonder within music or visual media, is used by Jean-Franois Augoyard and
Henri Torgue for an auditory analysis of urban environments. After an introduction to the
composition of sonic spatiality in Detroit techno and UK Avant Garde Electronic Music and
the sonic ecology of Augoyard and Torgue, I explain how these insights contribute to the
development of a method to explore sonic post-industrial transition of two urban Belgian
canal zones.
2. Techno Spatiality
612
Schuilenburg (2006) sonic spatiality is not abstract nor neutral. The two authors define it
as space for social relations in which specific stories, symbols and knowledge are shared, a
spatiality which is different than the spatialities which appear to people in the physical city.
Concepts such as distance or opposite are less relevant in the sonic spatiality. Surrounded
by a 360 degree sound sphere, the listener always stands in the middle of a sonic spatiality.
The center is not a static but a dynamic place. Everything moves and resonates through the
simultaneity of different sounds. Pulses, tones, tapping noise, melodies and beats form a
periphery which keeps the listener in its grip. Sound opens doors and passes through walls
to make people move. The acoustic space of a sonic spatiality therefore has no rigid but soft
boundaries. It is an ongoing becoming, or intensity where only extremes seem to be playing.
613
almost in an abstract way. On Ghettoville he tried to eliminate structure in his compositions,
or the idea of how structure should play a part in music. Unlike other experimental electron-
ic dance music, Cunningham is not shifting rhythms rather he is fiddling between the beats.
In a review for Dazed Magazine Mark Fisher (2014) describes the album as a dark journey to
a dystopian capital. Ghettoville can be interpreted as a lecture. It refuses to commune with
anything but itself, including the broken and disadvantaged world it purports to represent.
We live in a brittle, addicted world, and this is what a brittle, addicted world sounds like,
Cunningham explains in an interview with Larry Fitzmaurice (2014).
Recently Cunningham contributed to the debut of singer/producer Inga Copeland. On
Because Im Worth It (2014; Self-released), Copeland addresses the heartbreak and urban
ennui against a backdrop of forward, phantasmic dub and electronic production by herself
and Cunningham. On Because Im Worth it she explores the theme of urban life, both lyr-
ically and through electronic music. According to Beth Tolmach (2014) her choice of stark,
mechanical electronics make the listener imagine the skeletal frames seen in exposed sky-
scrapers. This coldness is sometimes counterbalanced by a pop sensibility. Copeland choos-
es for monotony in the rhythms and repetition via numbing loops. In a review for Dummy
Magazine Tolmach (2014) compares the work of Copeland with Detroit Techno. On Because
Im worth it Copeland is taking bits and pieces, mixing machine-made grooves with her soft
and imperfect vocals to build a bigger picture.
614
becomes a subject in itself. They are experimenting with rhythm, with steady or s kipping
beats. By creating discontinuity or distortion they play with the perception of opposites,
with time, place and psychology. Its like theyre taking hold of time, generating permanence
or deviation through an exploration of the dynamics of rhythm.
To create their sounds and effects the Detroit pioneers used sequencers, samplers, and
synths. Cunningham and Copeland combine working in a studio with field recording. Equip-
ment is used rather in an anarchistic way. Distortion, hiss and crosstalk are fundamental
elements in the music and settings for equalizers and compressors never shied away from
excess. Techno music is well known for the creative use of step sequencers. In contrast to
playing a sequence on the keyboard, using a step sequencer demands a much more analyti-
cal approach and usually results in a non-gestural successions of notes. Differences between
parameter settings of individual steps are typically developed while the device is running in
a loop. Frequency is a fundamental parameter in techno music. It is important for segrega-
tion. Segregation does not only take place within the boundaries of one sequence but also in
combination with other sounds of the piece. Other parameters like brightness, articulation
and accentuation are also subject of variation, and they allow subtly change in a sequences
perception, also in relation to other parts of the piece.
The electronic music has the power to unsettle aesthetic boundaries and to pull listen-
ers in unknown auditory territories. Without the necessity to see the city, the music of these
avant garde artists evokes real and imaginative urban spaces. Via the use of topographic
references this effect is reinforced. In between the sounds and rhythms of their music an-
other urban experience is woven. Contours of the city are no longer marked by physical
walls or boundaries. They show not so much the landscape as the position of the listener
within it. Their music offers the listener an imprint of the movement of ones body through
an imaginative landscape, like a trace of an inhabited possibility, rather than a reportage of
an assumed actuality.
3. Sonic Effects
Comprehending the sonic spatiality as another urban spatiality, the movements and spatial-
ity generated by musicians like Copeland and Cunningham are interpret as creative, trans-
gressive, or simply representative traces of urban design and everyday urban experience.
615
For defining and analysing the interaction between the physical sound environment, the
sound milieu of a social-cultural community, and the internal soundscape of every individ-
ual, the concept sonic effect will be used. Contrasting earlier sonic models of analysis, such
as R.Murray Schafers soundscape or Pierre Schaeffers objets sonores, which dealt respec-
tively with large sound environments and very small sonic utterances, sonic effects describe
a set of experiential features (Augoyard & Torgue, 2005). Rather than defining things in a
closed way, the concept opens the field to a new class of phenomena by giving some indica-
tion of their nature and their status. It characterizes the modal or instrumental dimensions
of sound. Augoyard and Torgue immerse the sonic event in an ecology of vibrational effects,
out of which, the subject and object appear. They write that the sonic effect, sometimes
measurable and generally linked to the physical characteristics of a specific context, was
not reducible either objectively or subjectively. The result is the revision of the notion of
the sonic city as instrument as merely possessing passive acoustic properties, replacing it
instead with a sonic instrumentarium of urban environments an idea of playing the city
via its design, and thereby modulating its vibrational effects. Sonic Experience provides a
glossary of effects, including resonance, echo, rumble, and reverberation, analyzed in terms
of their relevance across the scales from acoustic physics, socio-psycho-physiology to aes-
thetic, architectural, and urban design. Augoyard and Torgues theory explains how musical
terminology can be used for describing and analyzing individual and collective everyday
experience of sound in an urban environment.
The music and compositional practices of avant garde electronic musicians like C
unningham
and Copeland together with the theory of Augoyard and Torgue inspired a methodology and
techniques for a participative dismantling and redefinition of industrial areas in transformation.
Field recording is used as a primary method for exploring everyday listening experiences
and producing a plurality of future sonic fields. It is interpret as a participative practice of
social and cultural interaction combining both the immersive experience of the place or
route investigated with the reflexive and artistic possibilities of amplified listening. Sonic
exploration is conceived as an integrative process that can bring together distinct cultural
sonic experiences. This reasoning is based on two assumptions as acknowledged by Augoyard
616
and Torgue (2005). The first assumption sustaining the methodology is generic: perceptive
organization is fundamentally the same in everyday and specialized listening. The second
assumption is anagogic: the unification of sound phenomena must happen through a redis-
covery of the pre-categorical approach to listening. Augoyard and Torgue (2005) argued that
listening to sonic effects and developing the capacity to identify them are part of a rehabili-
tation of general auditory sensitivity.
By introducing the terminology, principles and sonic elements of the discussed elec-
tronic music, a specific way of interpreting and reworking the sound environment of the
area is suggested. Techno spatiality is presented as an information circuit collecting and
amplifying the future potential of a place. The search for a Detroit drum attack is used as a
method to softening up, forcing listeners to open themselves to the message they can be
a time ahead of this present time, like if theyre in a situation hearing someone speak in a
language they dont understand, or theyre in surroundings theyve never seen before. Its
about taking away the location, making the listener helpless, letting in the disorientation of
a possible future.
During a sonic walk along different locations in the observed area people are invited to
participate in a sonic exploration of the area. The imagination of participants is triggered by
an explanation of the spatiality produced in urban electronic music and a presentation of the
future plans for the larger area. A printed sonic map and a recording device are used to allow
the exploration of different sonic experiences in a low-tech, open and flexible manner. Par-
ticipants are asked to work with their sonic experience, to respond to it and to understand
it as an imprint of the landscape. Rhythms existing in the mind of people living in the area
are questioned in relation to the relationships they have with technology today and in the
future. Participants are asked to transfer their reflections into movements and subsequently
to a recording device.
In a following meeting participants are asked to define a future sonic environment by
editing and arranging their field recordings into a composition for the place they have been
exploring before. Actions such as cutting out, moving pieces and leaving offer the ease and
flexibility to reconstruct tracks for the different locations recorded earlier. The reworking
of the recording material usually comes along with a closer listening, a discovery of hidden
sonic qualities and a further unrolling of the possibilities of a place. In the search for a bal-
ance between the physicality of the landscape and technological innovation the use of digital
sounds and effects is proposed. Digital innovation allows the participants to push beyond
the boundaries of the recorded material. Because of the use of sounds from field recordings
the rhythm construction process is an open ended form of experimentation where the loop
617
is used as a tool rather than a rule. A creative use of space in the composition is encouraged
but every resulting spatiality should be somehow tuned into the natural and urban condi-
tions of the area. The resulting compositions are not expected to be easy listening. A compo-
sition that allows a tentatively appropriation of the sonic space is encouraged. The resulting
compositions are presented as illustrations of a possible development of the observed area.
5. Research Projects
618
questioned the approach of design through urban furniture in the city s parks and gardens.
Parckdesign 2012 named GARDEN was dedicated to installations by international and Bel-
gian artists in the wastelands of the Anderlecht canal area. Parckdesign 2014, curated by the
office Alive Architecture privileges design as process of engagement with local and region-
al actors to co-produce and maintain the PARCKFARM, a temporary use as a first chapter
of the park Tour & Taxis that was considered as a test. At the end of summer the project
PARCKFARM is developing its own dynamic beyond the temporary use of Parckdesign 2014.
During the festival period, I developed a project on the sound environment of the former
industrial site. I used the regional plan for the development of a Brussels green socio-rec-
reative network as a framework for the analysis and definition of the post-industrial change
of the sound environment. The festival ended with a conference at the end of september 14
where the first results of my research were presented.
5.2. Approach
Both areas are crossed by a canal and both find themselves in the midst of a post-industrial
transition process. My research projects began with an exploration of the planning context
and the appropriation of public space along the canal by inhabitants and visitors. For each
project I selected a type of appropriation possible affected by the transformation of the
area. For the project in Hasselt Genk, I chose the car driver. In 2014 Ford closed its Genk
Factory located along the Albert Canal. In Brussels I work with disadvantaged young people
who hang out in the public space and the wastelands of their neighborhood. The majority of
the youngsters are boys many of which are searching for a job in the car industry because
of their educational background. Given the interdisciplinary context of the project, for the
project in Genk I decided to work on the design a cartography of a sonic ride through the
landscape, a tool that can be used for the exploration of techno spatiality in the area. In
Brussels I focused on the dialogue and the use of technology in situ, at locations where dis-
advantaged youth often meet.
5.3. Results
For the project in Hasselt Genk I drew a route along existing and future roads in the canal
area. By driving and walking trough the landscape together with sound designers and inhab-
itants I explored the sonic instrumentarium of the canal zone. I focused on the relationship
between man and the automobile driving through the industrial landscape. Based on the re-
sults of these observations I designed a map for a sonic exploration of car driving in the area
today and in the future. The printed map consists of a listing of elements of techno spatiality,
619
a choreography through the landscape, and a visualization of possible sonic experiences in
the area. The map has been presented at the closing expo of the project. Visitors received a
copy to take home.
In Brussels I worked with local youth on a collective interpretation of the sonic experi-
ence of a landscape in full transformation. The collaboration with these young people grow-
ing up in disadvantaged conditions is based on a relationship of trust that I have built over
the past few years with them. A cartography of their use of public space and wastelands in
the area was the starting point for a range of field recording sessions in the area. Each ses-
sion consisted of an introduction to the larger project, the method of field recording, sonic
spatiality and the use of recording devices. A printed version of the cartography supported
the conversations about sonic experiences. During the sessions, we discussed about their
relationship with the sound environment around them, the music they listen to, their use of
public space, their knowledge about technology and their experience of the rapidly chang-
ing landscape. A dozen of young people took part in the field recording. The other young-
sters agreed with recording close to them.
620
Figure 2. A cartography of the use of public space and wastelands in the area by local youth.
6. Conclusion
Detroit Techno and UK Avant Garde Electronic Music together with the Sonic Ecology of
Augoyard and Torgue is used as a conceptual and methodological basis of a participative
sonic exploration of a post-industrial urban transition in two Belgian canal zones. The music
of Cybotron, Copeland and Actress has been used as a reference point from which I strayed
rather than as steadfast frameworks. The way they interpret an urban psychogeography into
621
new sonic experiences by constructing a techno spatiality is integrated in a method for a
collective dismantling and redefinition of rapidly changing areas. The terminology, princi-
ples and sonic elements of their music, allowed a specific way of interpreting and reworking
the sound environment. Their music fostered the exploration of spatial characteristics and
technological rhythms in the sound environment. Field recording is used as primary method
for a collective exploration of the sonic environments today and in the future. In the search
for a balance between the physicality of the landscape and technological innovation the use
of digital sounds and effects is proposed. Working with a disadvantaged population threat-
ened by urban transformation processes required a larger approach to youth participation
in the Brussels project. An interdisciplinary collaboration for the project in Genk and Hasselt
allowed me to focus on the design of a printed map that has been presented and distributed
as a tool for sonic exploration of actual and future sound environments. Based on the results
of both projects, I conclude that urban electronic music has the potential to contribute to
the development of a qualitative approach of sound in landscape design, urban design and
planning. It allows us to move beyond the conventional quantitative measurements of sound
through decibels.
References
Alex De Jong and Marc Schuilenburg, Mediapo- Through Rave Music and Dance Culture.
Mark Fisher, Unpicking the codes of Ghetto- Beth Tolmach, Album of the Week: Copeland-
ville, Dazed, february, 2014, accessed May 3, Because Im Worth It, Dummy, May 19, 2014,
article/18667/1/the-codes-of-ghettoville http://www.dummymag.com/reviews/
Andrew Gaerig, Actress: Ghettoville, Pitch- into abstract private dance music The Wire
622
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Sasha Grbich
sasha@sashagrbich.com
University of South Australia, Adelaide, Australia
Abstract
I suggest that radio is a kind of non-place that holds the potential for movements of pres-
ence and that opens spaces of encounter. Broadcasts from Empty Rooms (Grbich, with tech-
nologist H
eidi Angove, 2014) utilised the potential of live Internet radio broadcast as a po-
rous boundary between people and places. The Broadcasts were a series of night-time, live
atmospheric sound streams from empty urban buildings that created situations in which
unpredictable connected moments between audiences and sound ecologies were possible.
This paper considers Broadcasts from Empty Rooms, alongside Jason Sweeneys stereo-
public: crowdsourcing the quiet (ongoing) in a discussion about listening to quiet places, the
unraveling boundaries between people, places and sounds, and the participatory potential
of Internet broadcast radio. Art making approaches are also considered: both works employ
approaches to working with sound that sit between the poles of finding and composing.
Keywords: sound art, radio, back-pack broadcasting, Internet radio, silence, site-specific,
urban space, place, participation, agency, listening, performative encounter, event, making,
stereopublic, Jason Sweeney, Sasha Grbich, Heidi Angove
623
1. Introduction
In the worlds of commercial and broadcast radio prolonged silence is considered an unde-
sirable event. Most radio stations have back-up systems that detect silence and switch to
pre-recorded messages in cases where quiet begins to be felt. But what happens when si-
lence becomes the deliberate content of a live broadcast, and what becomes possible at the
fleeting points of connection between people, unpredictable soundscapes and communities
of quiet seekers? This paper considers quiet sound within the context of radio broadcast and
broader Internet located quiet sound projects.
Writing (like art making) may be generative, affirmative and a process through which new
realities are made (Massumi, 2002,18). I approach writing as an act of exploring or of feeling
a way towards new knowledge. The approach taken in this paper is one of experimentation:
mixing ideas and artworks in ways that may set knowledge in motion. This paper takes as
its starting place two Australian sound works: Jason Sweeneys stereopublic: crowdsourcing
the quiet (ongoing) and my own recent work, Broadcasts from Empty Rooms (2014). I follow
the ways these works (and the urban sound ecologies they encounter) form connections
with listeners through considering vital materialism (Jane Bennett, 2010), quiet listening
and visceral perception (Salome Voegelin, 2011), becoming (Deleuze and Guattari, 1980) and
reciprocity (Miwon Kwon, 2010). I end with a discussion of found sound in order to describe
an approach to art making processes that utilises collaborative methods that work with the
agencies of people, places and sounds.
624
2. Broadcasts from Empty Rooms
Old buildings are never silent, particularly those old buildings that are in the city, comprise
the city and are themselves ecologies of life and sound. Each place generates a different and
changing soundscape. Initiated as part of FELTmaps, a site-specific art project,1 Broadcasts
from Empty Rooms was a series of weekly live night-time atmospheric sound broadcasts
(every Saturday night for a month) from different empty buildings in Port Adelaide, Australia.
The project developed and utilised a small portable Internet radio transmitter.2 Listeners
accessed the sounds as a live Internet radio station (via a webpage or an Internet connect-
ed radio) and tuned in from their own places; the unpredictable night sounds from empty
buildings intermingled with their environments resulting in unique and dispersed audience
experiences.
The term acoustic ecology describes assemblages in which sounds are inexorable from
their surrounding materials, economic and political systems. Broadcasts from Empty Rooms
625
was situated in Port Adelaide, where the silence has a pertinent political aspect. Once a
busy port to the city of Adelaide, Port Adelaide served vast outback farming communities.
Industrial, economic and social change came with the introduction of mechanised loading
and container related shipping practices. Subsequently, a tide of people abandoned The Port,
leaving decaying commercial, municipal and domestic buildings. Since that time, there have
since been attempts to jump-start its economy, with demolitions and developments com-
menced but often not completed. The empty buildings chosen as broadcast locations were
vacant (sometimes dangerous) places with uncertain futures.
In The Aesthetics of Silence (1969) Susan Sontag points to an aestheticism around silence.
There is a power, she suggests, gained by the choice not to speak (Sontag, 1969). Within
the context of modern art she also notes that silence denotes a denial of audience: through
a chronic habit of displeasing, provoking, or frustrating its audience . . . the ideal of si-
lence. . . has been elevated as a prime standard of seriousness in the contemporary scene.
(Sontag,1969,3). A similar argument has been made more recently by Grant Kester who de-
scribes the operation of contemporary art via the tactics of shock and alienation (Kester,
2004). Kester and Sontags suggestions provide useful counterpoints for the quality of ex-
perience intended in Broadcasts from Empty Rooms. Although audiences listened to very
quiet sound, I believe that the work sidestepped the politics of refusal to which they make
reference. Human hands did not design the broadcast soundscapes, and rather than being
led by an artist (who might reveal or withhold information at whim) the experience of listen-
ing to Broadcasts from Empty Rooms involved individual listeners making approaches toward
(predominantly) kinds of non-human presence.
Broadcasts from Empty Rooms forms part of practiceled postgraduate visual arts re-
search at the University of South Australia. As such, listener responses were sought and
recorded from the postgraduate cohort; their voices demonstrate the diversity of experi-
encesgenerated.
626
ing safe though. Definitely more like being very vulnerable, hidden but on the
brink of being exposed all the time.3
The artwork existed in the encounters between people and places and between listeners
and sounds. The relative agencies and effects of people, things and places become rhizomatic.
As an artist, my direct control ended with switching on the radio stream at the commence-
ment of each broadcast. In most situations, the buildings were completely inaccessible at
night and I assumed the role of listener throughout events. The withdrawal of my artists
hand was a deliberate tactic enacted to facilitate unpredictable performances of places.
Radio might be understood as a kind of non-place or non-site as it is dispersed to the
homes, cars, back sheds, lounge rooms and the headphones of its listeners. It has the duality
of being a place both physical (vibrational) and virtual and may be cast it as a heterotopia:
the non-places that are temporary and transient, as described by Foucault in Of Other Spac-
es (Foucault, 67). Non-site might be another useful term for considering radios relationship
to the origins of the sounds it broadcasts.
In explicating Robert Smithsons use of the term, Jack Flam writes:
The site represents the world itself, the unedited text with all of its complexities
and possibilities . . . the non-site represents the focused articulation of part of
the site which to some extent comes to stand for the site itself . . . and becomes
a form of speech (Flam, 1996).
Within this research, radio broadcast filtered live sound through microphones and com-
puters, relocating it to virtual space, from where places were articulated in a form that had
the potential to speak with audiences.
Broadcasts From Empty Rooms ungrounded the viewer; it created events that mixed
listeners with other places. One listener described the experience as that of being in a dark,
fragmented place, neither at home nor out there. I suggest that the complex networks of
quiet sounds into which people leaned and listened were not static and did not end out
there. Salome Voegelin suggests that silence implicates its listeners in acts of perception
through its quiet demand to be heard (Voegelin, 2011, 82). Thus silence produces its sub-
ject via anticipation: in the potential and tension between each small shuffle and click. In
3.All listener responses were captured through the Postgraduate Research Critique Program, University of
South Australia (April, 2014).
627
Voegelins reckoning, perception is active, creative and even tactile where the touch of sound
might also have physical effects. Tiny sounds might be felt through the skin and jolt the
listener, or contingent ephemerality . . . becomes material through my fleshy encounter
(Voegelin, 2011,90). Bodies register sound, are affected by it and take it into their sprawling
physical systems at the peripheries where they sense and mix with the world.
Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari explicate a different framing of experience as forming
the subject. Becoming, to Deleuze and Guattari, is not a matter of metaphor or imitation,
not an action of being like a thing but rather one of entering the movement of, and moving
in time with, another being or thing (Deleuze and Guattari, 1980, 305). To co-opt Deleuze
and Guattaris becoming to the experience of listening to Broadcasts from Empty Rooms
might mean we move with the silence and become (for a fleeting moment) silence through
the experience of it. Neither Voegelins or Deleuze and Guattaris theories are metaphorical,
they are grounded in the substance of molecules and flesh,and position the body and self as
permeable: constantly changing in relation to the lively ecologies into which we enter.
Cultural theorist Jane Bennetts enchanted or vital materialism is useful for examining the
unique liveliness and agency of the urban sound ecologies that formed Broadcasts from Empty
Rooms. Bennett explores the force of things and the agency of objects. She writes, by vitality
I mean the capacity of things edibles, commodities, storms, metals to act as quasi agents
or forces with trajectories, propensities and tendencies of their own (Bennett,2010,vii). A
vital materialist view employs a heightened awareness of the lives of non-human things and
acknowledges the (political) agencies of materials, places, animals and other life forms. This
adjustment in point of view shifts agency from the assumed power of a central human fig-
ure to the field surrounding it, and sees humans acting with their environments rather than
acting in mastery over them.
I noticed that there was some occasional snapping sound as if coming from the
building itself and this put the strange twist to the broadcast as I wasnt just
concentrating to hear the outside sounds but was also very aware that I am lis-
tening with the Post Office. (Listener response, April, 2014)
628
Awareness of the liveliness of materials, places and things might,in turn, affect human
behaviour. According to Bennett, enchantment might offer a solution to the problem of how
to enact a shift in the human to non-human power balance, tipping the scales via appreci-
ation of the vitality of things and places. She writes, Enchantment is the feeling of being
connected in an affirmative way to existence (Bennett, 2001, 156) and a sensibility attuned to
moments of enchantment might motivate ethical behaviours. Broadcasts from Empty Rooms
facilitated points of connection (perhaps enchantment) between humans and the complex
ecologies of places. To follow Bennetts logic, it was a gesture that might make ethical shifts
in human to non-human relations possible.
Radio generates an invisible social network that weaves and bounces on the si-
lent airwaves towards a shared sense that can only ever be a passing moment of
coincidence. (Voegelin, 2012, 114).
I suggest that as a relational art form, radio has the potential to facilitate unobtrusive
kinds of individualised participation. Radio listeners choose to tune in, pick their station,
construct their listening environment and often undertake other activities with the radio on.
Recent years have seen renewed attention being given to artists and writers exploring direct
audience participation: Bourriauds Relational Aesthetics brought the spotlight to artworks
defined in terms of their use and the social relations they might create (Bourriaud, 2003),
Claire Bishop provided a historical definition of participatory artwork, defining it in terms
of artworks that variously take in people as material (Bishop, 2012) and Grant Kester coined
the term dialogical aesthetics (Kester, 2004) to describe artworks that create contexts to
generate conversations. These frames of reference map approaches to active audience par-
ticipation, against which radio provides an invisible, unobtrusive kind of participatory expe-
rience typified by individualised encounter.
While Internet radio stations can be accessed via an Internet connected radio and oth-
er screen-less devices, they are still mainly reached through webpages. By locating radio
broadcast within the Internet, the way is opened for artists to decide to what extent they
might utilise more directly participatory approaches and address global communities within
629
radio and sound art projects. The web interface for Broadcasts From Empty Rooms was de-
signed with the intention of extending the potential of an ephemeral radio community into
online space. As with traditional radio, listening with others was an integral part of the ex-
perience. A simple comment box was added to the website to facilitate optional, anonymous
and co-incidental social networks. Comments were un-moderated and faded: disappearing
after ten minutes, and it is hoped that in doing so they reflected the passing moments in
the sound broadcast.
Figure 2. Screenshot from the Broadcasts from Empty Rooms Internet interface.
630
6. stereopublic: crowdsourcing the quiet
Jason Sweeney developed stereopublic: crowdsourcing the quiet (ongoing) out of concern for
the waning spaces of quiet in the city in which he grew up.4 The project was designed to
prompt participants to find places of quiet in loud urban environments. Participants seek
and record quiet sounds then upload them to an interactive global map. Sweeney offers to
respond to each contributed recording with a sound composition. stereopublic (still live at
the time of writing this paper) has become a global map of quiet places, an archive of field re-
cordings, of his compositions, a community,and a conversation with Sweeney through sound.
stereopublic prompts one to navigate cities with heightened sonic awareness and to ac-
tively seek out moments of quiet amongst hectic urbanity. There are quiet places in Adelaide
where it is best to not walk alone. Giving voice to these places of (dis) quiet brings attention to
both the politics of urban space and to the changing qualities of the city sound environment.
The experience of silence is highlighted and mediated by technology, with the most com-
mon mode of interaction being through the stereopublic iPhone application. Once joined, the
app automatically records and uploads thirty seconds of sound whenever the user identifies
a new quiet place. During upload, users can opt for Sweeney to make a composition from
(and for) their quiet recording. His composition is completed and returned to the participant
(and added to the map)within 24 hours of their original quiet sound submission. During busy
periods his adherence to this time restriction results in an endurance performance. Acts of
work and reciprocity are key to the participatory approach taken by Sweeney.
631
Miwon Kwon explores complexities surrounding gift giving and receiving in her essay
Exchange Rate, and in particular the power relations and cycle of obligation between giver
and receiver (Dezeuze, 2012, 92). Kwon identifies the receiver as having power with regards
to the retaining of a gift whereby power of the receiver is located in the actions of accepting
and keeping. The approach to participation in stereopublic embraces this right of refusal.
Control of the cycle of reciprocity is placed firmly in the users hands.
Both Broadcasts from Empty Rooms and stereopublic take a position(within the field of ex-
panded spatial art practice) towards art making that touches lightly, more akin to the acts
of finding, witnessing or context creation than to traditional making actions like forming or
shaping. They employ an approach to sound that sits closer to the found than to the made.
Chance, finding and creating a situation in which encounters might happen are signifi-
cant to the processes employed by the artists. These quiet ways of making require a shift in
language, which might hinge on the difference between making-with a material / sound, as
opposed to making-from.5 In both works, sound ecologies and places become active con-
tributors, collaborators and co-authors. Broadcasts creates a platform for completely un-
edited live sound, while in stereopublic, Sweeney activates a community to find sound, then
in his compositional responses, leaves the original recorded sound mostly untouched: com-
posing by addition. He describes his approach to composition as call and response whereby
he adds his voice via keyboard and a palette of drone sounds.6
Both Broadcasts from Empty Rooms and stereopublic facilitate events, and the making of
these artworks exists in the aleatory interactions between people, places and things. With-
in such lively structures, the artists hand moves carefully, enacting a quiet sort of making
by employing the actions of finding, witnessing and sharing. I suggest that this lightness of
touch opens spaces of potential for the agencies of other people and places.
5.Bennetts Vibrant materialism also suggests an approach in which artwork might be understood as made-
with place and things. Vibrant material is not raw material for the creative activities of humans or gods (Bennett,
2010, xii).
6.Conversation with Sweeney April 2014.
632
References
Books
Bennett, Jane. Vibrant Matter: a political ecology Kester, Grant. Conversation Pieces. Berkeley, Los
of things. Durham and London: Duke Univer- Angeles: University of California Press, 2004.
and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2001. tion from Fluxus to new media, Manchester:
Plateaus: capitalism and schizophrenia. Min- Massumi, Brian. Parables for the Virtual: Move-
neapolis, London: University of Minnesota ment, Affect, Sensation. Durham and London:
Bishop, Claire. Artificial Hells: Participatory art Mauss, Marcel. 1924. The Gift: the Form and
and the politics of spectatorship. London, New Reason for Exchange in Archaic Societies. W.D.
Bourriaud, Nicholas. Relational Aesthetics. Dijon: Sontag, Susan The Aesthetics of Silence in
Les Presses du Reel, 1998/2003. Studies of Radical Will, chapter 1. New York:
Dezeuze, Anna and Kelly, Julia Eds. Found Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1969; Anchor
Sculpture and Photography from Surrealism Books, 1981; Picador USA, 2002.
to Contemporary Art. Surrey and Burlington: Voegelin, Salome. Listening to Noise and Silence:
Flam, Jack (ed). Robert Smithson: The Collected London: Continuum, 2011.
Writings. Berkeley, Los Angeles, London:
Articles
Foucault, Michel Of other spaces (translated Wrightson,Kendall An Introduction to Acoustic
Primary Evidence
Conversation with Jason Sweeney recorded All listener feedback to Broadcasts from
633
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Robin Parmar
robin@robinparmar.com
Independent researcher
Doctoral student at De Montfort University, Leicester
Abstract
This paper traces a path through current thinking about place in human geography, ethno
musicology, and phenomenology. It draws upon Maurice Merleau-Pontys insistence that
knowledge of the lived world is generated by a living body; Edward Caseys formulation that
place precedes space as the first of all things; and Tim Ingolds definition of landscape as
dwelling-place. My perspective is that of an artist who uses field recordings as the primary
material in a matrix of activities composition, live electronics, and improvisation among
them. My larger project is to develop an integrated and sustainable model of sonic practice
that supports an embedded and non-hierarchical relationship with our ecological milieu. An
anecdote will set the stage.
Keywords: Maurice Merleau-Ponty, Tim Ingold, Edward Casey, Steven Feld, field recording,
place, phenomenology
634
The world is not what I think, but what I live through.
This paper traces a path through current thinking about place in human geography, eth-
nomusicology, and phenomenology. It draws upon Maurice Merleau-Pontys insistence that
knowledge of the lived world is generated by a living body; Edward Caseys formulation that
place precedes space as the first of all things; and Tim Ingolds definition of landscape as
dwelling-place. My perspective is that of an artist who uses field recordings as the primary
material in a matrix of activities composition, live electronics, and improvisation among
them. My larger project is to develop an integrated and sustainable model of sonic practice
that supports an embedded and non-hierarchical relationship with our ecological milieu. An
anecdote will set the stage.
Its four-thirty in the morning and Im standing on the banks of the Corbally Canal in
Limerick, Ireland. I have brought a steaming mug of jasmine tea as proof against the chill. A
special play of muscle and tendon is needed to carefully balance this vessel of hot fluid in
one hand, a tripod in the other, while distributing the weight of a pack across my back. The
specific movements required for these tasks recall previous field recording outings mem-
ories stored in the body more so than in the mind. I place a digital audio recorder in the
bushes. Soon a scatter of birds start up their song from the other side of the canal. From the
far distance is heard the occasional sound of rubber tyres on tarmacadam, early commuters
on their way to work. A silent cat passes close by. Will the recorder note its passage by way
of a gap or change in the bird-song? Will its footpads be audible in the grass? Would it have
travelled a different route had I not been here, scented with jasmine? The back of my hand is
on fire from where stinging nettles brushed the skin. I forgot to bring gloves. Again.
For centuries the prevailing bias has been to read the world through visual metaphors;
this bias is inherent in language and philosophy. But as the preceding narrative illustrates,
we are each an archipelago of perception, memory, and cognition, operating across diverse
interrelated sensory pathways. Many contemporary writers are now aware that an approach
dominated by optics is insufficient for the task of developing a thorough and responsive phe-
nomenology. Jim Drobnick has written of the sonic turn in the arts, practices of sound-mak-
ing and listening that affirm sounds heterogeneous significance and which reach towards
understandings the eye alone cannot reveal [2004a, 10]. Volumes such as Autumn Leaves
attest to the range of artistic practice through which sound is currently being interrogated
635
[Carlyle 2007]. More specifically, the eighteen interviews collected as In the Field highlight
the diversity of contemporary field recording practice [Lane and Carlyle 2013].
Nonetheless, it is important to avoid establishing a facile opposition between the aural
and the optical. This dialectic ignores cross-modal sensory connections, such as that illus-
trated by the ventriloquist illusion. Further, it risks over-simplifying hearing itself, specifi-
cally how hearing utilises not only the ear, but is embedded in the haptic through vibration
and touch. As Tim Ingold insists, our perception cannot be sliced up along the lines of the
sensory pathways, but rather must be considered as a whole [2007, 10].
This is the background for my current project, which aims to create a consistent ide-
ological basis for sonic engagements with place. I start by examining two contrary ways of
relating space and place: the empirical and the Archytan. Normative conceptions generally
hold with the empirical position that space1 is either an actual entity (Newton), or at least a
relationship between or formed by entities (Leibniz, Locke, Hume). Kant may have believed
that space was in here rather than out there, but he still held that space was a priori
and inheres in us before all perception or experience as a pure form of our sensibility and
makes possible all intuition from sensibility, and therefore all appearances [Janiak 2009,
n.p.]. Practitioners in the discipline of acoustic ecology tend to the same view; space is an
empty medium waiting to be filled with sonic events we can map and graph. In this, they
follow Descartes, Galileo, and the mainstream of classical Western science in viewing space
as isometric, homogeneous, and universal [Casey 1996, 20]. It follows that sounds can be
catalogued as autonomous objects with independent qualities.
A very different relationship between place and space has been termed by Edward Casey
the Archytian Axiom [1996, 16]. He traces the belief that place is the first of all things from
Aristotle to Heidegger to Bachelard. For followers of Archytas, place comes before space;
the individual and the local precede the general. Or, as Casey writes, spaces are themselves
emplaced from the very first moment, and at every subsequent moment as well [18]. In the
discipline of human geography, this consideration has lead to what Greenhough has termed
a vitalist geography, or what Anderson and Harrison have more generally described as
non-representational geography [Greenhough 2010, Anderson and Harrison 2010b]. These
authors champion an approach based on the symbolic qualities of landscape, those which
produce and sustain social meaning rather than physical artifacts (log cabins, fences, and
field boundaries) [Cosgrave and Jackson quoted in Anderson and Harrison 2010b, 5]. Fur-
1.And not just space, but time. In this paper I will not explicitly consider the temporal dimension for the sake of
brevity, despite it being key to sonic understandings.
636
thermore, this symbolic order is not fixed and ordered a priori, but is arbitrary and contest-
ed, a product of cultural forces [Anderson and Harrison 2010b, 5].
This approach is demonstrated clearly in the work of ethnomusicologist Steven Feld
with the Kaluli people of Papua New Guinea. In this culture, improvising duets with birds,
cicadas, or other forest sounds are not uncommon everyday events. Sometimes people will
find themselves a waterfall just for the pleasure of singing with a shimmering accompani-
ment [Feld 1984, 395]. The Kaluli make their way through the rainforest with their heads
down, navigating by sound more than sight. Names for things and especially places come
from the sounds of these things. Important rituals and everyday activities both have aural
accompaniments, not as ornamentation but as substance. For the Kaluli sonic sensibility is
basic to experiential truth [Feld 1994, np]. This new form of knowledge Feld termed acoust-
emology, a portmanteau for acoustic epistemology [Feld 1996, 91]. Despite the emphasis on
sound in his analysis, Feld is careful to note that the Kaluli sensorium is indeed cross-modal.
Their language even has a word meaning both absorption by ear and nose [99].
For some readers, these ethnographic observations have justified declaring tribal peo-
ples as being closer to nature. For others its reason to lament lost knowledge2 or the deg-
radation of the Hi-Fi soundscape into the Lo-Fi [Schafer 1994, 43]. This is not the place to
debate such topics3. Rather, it can be stated that Felds observations are, at the very least, a
concrete demonstration of Merleau-Pontys thesis that knowledge of the world is generated
by a living body. And though the Kaluli may represent rather obvious support for this thesis,
the same experiential philosophy can be seen to hold true in our own urban and para-urban
societies.
Tim Ingold follows the Archytian Axiom by considering the world as it is known to those
who dwell therein, who inhabit its places and journey along the paths connecting them [2000,
193]. Landscape4 is a dwelling-place5, created through the accretion of tasks performed with-
in the constraints that the landscape itself imposes. In The Perception of the Environment
Ingold argues that this recursive process is why the conventional dichotomy between nat-
ural and artificial (or man-made) components of the landscape is so problematic [199]. This
2.For it is true that the Kaluli no longer live in the manner described, contact with outside societies, particularly
Christian missionaries, being to blame.
3.Though one might wonder how, ideology aside, a massed cicada stridulation or a loud waterfall is preferential
sonically to, say, a passing aircraft.
4.Ingolds use of the term landscape should be distinguished from both land and place, though a fulsome
discussion must wait for another opportunity.
5.This thought can be traced to Heideggers famous lecture Building Dwelling Thinking. It is important to note
that this word has a generalised existential meaning in German. The way in which you are and I am, the manner
in which we humans are on the earth, is Buan, dwelling [Heidegger 1951, 145].
637
is an argument against those practices of acoustic ecology that divide sound sources into bi-
ophony, anthrophony, and geophony [Krause 1998, 82 and Pijanowski et al. 2011b, 1214]. Such
categories pretend that we, Homo sapiens sapiens, are somehow separate from nature, and,
furthermore, that we are inherently deficient in comparison to other species.6
Ingolds thesis is largely based on the phenomenology of Merleau-Ponty. Being is always
being-in-place, inflected and constrained by the specific milieu. (I use that particular word
in order to avoid terms, such as environment and ecosystem, that come heavily laden with
existing ideological connotations.) Furthermore, Ingold insists that the forms of the land-
scape are generated in movement [2000, 198]. Place is not a static object that lies still for ex-
amination, but is instead always in the process of being constructed. It is appropriate, then,
to read place as a verb rather than a noun. My proposition is that we should consider that
each engagement with the world sounds a place. This sounding is limited spatially, tempo-
rally, and perceptually, and is all the richer for being so constrained. The visual term for the
limit to perception is the horizon. Indeed Edmund Husserl, whose phenomenology underlies
much thinking in electroacoustic music,7 wrote that every experience has its own horizon.
Edward Casey explicated that we continually find ourselves in the midst of perceptual ho-
rizons, both the internal horizons of particular things (ie, their immediate circumambiance)
and the external horizons that encompass a given scene as a whole [1996, 17].
I specifically choose sounding as an acoustic metaphor, with the understanding that it
applies not only to hearing, but across our integrated sensorium. The sounding reflects back
to our senses qualities of the milieu, allowing us to gather knowledge of topology, dimen-
sionality, and materiality. At the same time, the particular intentions and attentions we ex-
pend, as both individuals and societies, encodes meaning in the milieu. Place may be under-
stood as both this activity (here place is a verb) and the tentative, ever-changing product of
this reflexive and discursive process (place as a noun). Further, this encoding can never in
fact be an original process, free of influence, since there is always already a milieu in place.
Every sounding is, in fact, a recoding.
Several contemporary field recordists sound place in the manner I have described.
Davide Tidoni stimulates sites by popping balloons; the results engage with social responses
6.The degree to which this ideology is held cannot be over-stated. In interview Bernie Krause claimed: The
sounds of the natural world are the sounds of the divine the sounds of the human world are anything but
[Sriskandarajah 2012].
7.This is epitomised in the acousmatic tradition of Pierre Schaeffer and Michel Chion, about which I have written
elsewhere [Parmar 2012]. It should be emphasized that Husserls transcendental phenomenology, which ultimate-
ly rejects historical and technological context, is quite distinct from the existential and embodied approach of
Merleau-Ponty as described in Phenomenology of Perception.
638
as much as acoustic results [Carlyle 2013, 80]. Dallas Simpson presents intuitive improvisa-
tions using found objects as binaural recordings, articulating his own ontological engage-
ment with place [Simpson 2014]. Slavek Kwi (who also works as Artificial Memory Trace)
playfully reconfigures field recordings through overt manipulation, establishing a strange
symbiosis between himself and his subjects [Fischer 2013]. Mark Peter Wright plays record-
ings back out into their place of origin, before erasing them forever [Wright 2013]. Each of
these practitioners deserves more complete study in light of the thesis developed in this
paper; this work is ongoing.
My own sound works are rooted in my local environment, utilising recordings I make as
part of my daily life. I take as a given Caseys declaration that [t]o live is to live locally, and to
know is first of all to know the places one is in [1996, 18]. An example of my practice is the
composition Caged Birds (Augmentation), originally created for the John Cage centenary
celebration in New York City.8 The title is a play on John Cage, but is also a reminder that a
recording is a sound no longer at liberty. The composition takes as its source material the
dawn chorus described at the outset of this paper. Though it might initially be mistaken for
an untouched field recording, it becomes apparent that the avian performers have been
taught a new tune. The birdsong shifts in frequency, amplitude, and timing, much as actual
birds have adapted their song to changing urban environments [Pijanowski et al. 2011a, 208].
In part, then, the piece is a metaphor for a particular ecological concern, though the fact that
its aesthetic affects are derived from electronically-generated transformations belies nos-
talgia. The intent is to highlight, rather than resolve, any paradox inherent in this mediated
engagement with what might only naively be called nature. The piece acknowledges the
field recordists active involvement in the place they record.
This paper has attempted a synthesis of phenomenological observations from different
disciplines, in order to examine the process and ideologies of field recording. Several key
acoustic metaphors have been developed from the belief that the haptic nature of sound
makes it particularly suited to the expression of cross-modal phenomenology. The core
thesis is that perception exists in and through our being-in-place. Every act, inflected and
constrained by a specific milieu, sounds a place, bringing it into being for a certain duration,
within a certain circumambiance. This sounding reveals that place is not static, not sim-
ply location, but is instead a product of ongoing reflexive and discursive processes, both
8.100x John: A Global Salute to John Cage in Sound and Image was presented by Ear to the Earth from 2023
ecember 2012 at White Box, New York City. Caged Birds (Augmentation) was subsequently played at the
D
Hilltown New Music Festival 2013 in Ireland and the Symposium on Acoustic Ecology 2013 at the University
of Kent, in different edits. For Invisible Cities / Sounding Places I have created a new four-channel diffusion.
639
personal and societal, that encode meaning in the milieu. Thus, field recording practition-
ers cannot appeal to any pre-existing objective reality that they might document as unat-
tached observers. Rather, they should accept responsibility for their active role in creating
the places they record.
Praxis that engages with these principles will be termed field recoding.
References
Anderson, Ben and Paul Harrison. 2010a. Tak- . 1994. From ethnomusicology to
geography. Farnham, Surrey, UK: Ashgate. Schafer in the Papua New Guinea rainfor-
. 2013. Davide Tidoni interviewed by Angus Guinea. In Feld and Basso 1996, 91135.
Carlyle. In Lane and Carlyle 2013, 7383. Feld, Steven and Keith H. Basso. 1996. Senses of
Casey, Edward S. 1996. How to get from space place. Santa Fe, New Mexico: School of Amer-
to place in a fairly short stretch of time: ican Research Press.
Basso 1996, 1452. nections: interview with Slavek Kwi. The Field
ronto & Banff, Canada: YYZ Books & Walter Greenhough, Beth. 2010. Vitalist geographies:
Feld, Steven. 1984. Sound structure as social and Harrison 2010a, 3754.
640
. 2001. Poetry, language, thought, translated Pijanowski, Bryan C. et al. 2011a. Soundscape
by Albert Hofstadter. New York, USA: Harper ecology: the science of sound in the land-
. 2007. Against soundscape. In Carlyle 2007, troduction and overview of an emerging new
and time. The Stanford Encyclopedia of Phi- 96008 [accessed 29 May 2014].
losophy [online]. Available: http://plato.stan- Schafer, R. Murray. 1994. The soundscape: our
Krause, Bernie. 1998. Into a wild sanctuary. Simpson, Dallas. 2014. Personal performances
the field: the art of field recording. Axminster, [accessed 18 May 2014].
Leadley, Marcus. 2013. Where is the sound- ing, transcript of Living on Earth radio pro-
scape? Landscape and site: reconsidering gramme, broadcast 16 March 2012. Boston,
25.1, 523. Available: http://www.arch.ksu. Wright, Mark Peter. 2013. (Auto) Dialogical
641
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Matilde Meireles
mmeireles01@qub.ac.uk
Queens University Belfast School of Creative Arts, Belfast, Northern Ireland
Abstract
In this paper I propose the use of extended phonography as a methodology that introduc-
es new forms of representation regarding the experience of place and its relationship to
sound. The paper goes on to outline the conceptual framework of the site-specific project
Constructing a Soundscape, discussing the work as a direct outcome of this methodology.
This work, both artistic and discursive, attempts to address the need for a vocabulary that
mirrors new aesthetics arising in sound art.
642
1. Introduction
Photography and phonography have always had similar paths throughout history. Both prac-
tices started by substituting painting in the role of documenting reality through visual or
audio representations, but as painting, they quickly departed from the presumptive veracity
of mirroring reality becoming subjective portraits of the ephemeral.
Photography and phonography evolved to transcend the physical possibilities of the
human body conferring both eye and ear the ability to go beyond. The rapid evolution of
643
photographic and phonographic reproduction technologies contributed to new augmented
perspectives of the original. The ability to frame time and space, and focus on details that
go beyond the capability of human senses, has expanded in ways it would be difficult to im-
agine when photography and phonography emerged.
Original became subject to multiplication, as argued by Walter Benjamin in The Work
of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction.In both practices the experience of record-
ing(image or sound)is now challenged and confronted by what we perceived as original or
real - what we experienced - and the representation of the same. Here Benjamin suggests
that scale and materiality will also add new meanings to the original context - photography
as a print, as a reproduction on a newspaper, on a magazine, in an email, on the web - will
bring new perspectives and will provide different information regarding the original context
and its possible perception. The same has happen with recorded sound - whether in the
form of field recording, Musique concrte, soundscape composition, sound installation, a CD
-the representation and the perception of the sound source is transformed.
New sets of technical tools1,for both photography and phonography,have changed con-
cepts such as looking and listening by providing new perspectives. Both practices allow one
to articulate, at least partially, an experience of place:
The landscape is of course visible, but it only becomes visual when it has been
rendered by some technique, such as of painting or photography, which then
allows it to be viewed indirectly, by way of the resulting image which, as it were,
returns the landscape back to the viewer in an artificially purified form, shorn
of all other sensory dimensions. Likewise, a landscape may be audible, but to
be aural it would have to have been first rendered by a technique of sound
art or recording, such that it can be played back within an environment (such
as a darkened room) in which we are otherwise deprived of sensory stimulus.
(Inglod 2007).
In the 1970s R. Murray Schaffer, within the Acoustic Ecology movement, coined the con-
cept of Soundscape as part of a move to find a terminology that focused on sound and the act
of listening. Soundscape paralleled the landscape, but in contrast was drawn to the aural rath-
er than the visual. Although extremely necessary in this specific context, this perspective is
fragmented. As Ingold suggests above, sound exists in an environment that is more thanaural.
1.e.g. binaural audio, macro photography, Audioboo and other locative media apps, pano and slo-mo iPhone
capture, and general increases in recording resolutions.
644
3. Photography and phonography: After the event
Even two hundred years after the development of photography,the aesthetic vocabulary
used to address it as a technique is very much connected to painting: composition, light,
colour, texture, landscape, portrait, and perspective (Sontag, 2005). As with painting, pho-
tography acts as a framing of space and time as perceived by the photographer. After the
event has ended, the picture will continue existing as an objectification of that specific mo-
ment. It will then confer on the event an importance it would never have otherwise enjoyed.
The camera becomes the device that makes a personal perspective real. A photograph then
goes beyond being the result of an encounter between an event and the photographer; it is
an event in itself, a performance (ibid.).
Although the photographer is understood by some to bea technician who reveals an
accurate interpretation of reality (Morris, 2011), it is clear that different photographers doc-
ument the same subject in different ways. It is not the technical device that permits the
representation, but instead, facilitates it. Thus, the supposition that a camera provides an
impersonal and objective image yields to the fact that photography is not only a record but
also an evaluation of the world through the eyes of the photographer (Sontag, 2005). Thus:
Photographs provide an alternative way of looking into history. Not into general
history- but into a specific moment, a specific place. (Morris 2011, 31)
One can say a thin line is drawn between what are the possible roles of documentation
and art. Concepts of veracity appear to cast a shadow on possible readings of a photograph-
ic work. A clear example of this is Roger Fentons photograph(s) The Valley of the Shadow of
Death. Roger Fenton was a pioneer in British photography well known for his war documen-
tation with a special relevance in the Crimean War in the beginning of the 19th century.
645
Figure 1. Rodger Fentons The Valley of the Shadow of Death (ON & OFF).
Its black and white. It shows a dirt road cutting through this landscape. Just
one dirt road between two hills. Theres nobody in the photograph. No birds,
no trees, no people. Theres really nothing living in the photograph. Not even
grass. Nothing. But as you stare at this road a little more closely you realize
why nothing is living in the photograph, because this road is littered with can-
non balls. Cannonballs everywhere. As soon as you notice them the photograph
springs to life. You imagine this fusel on of artillery fire raining down on this
landscape. This is one really fascinating thing about photography; its a time ma-
chine. Theres a physical connection between that photograph and that world.
(Radio Lab 2012)
Roger Fentons body of work and life has been subject to an extensive study made by
both historians and photography critics. There is a wide discussion over the legitimacy of
the above-mentioned photograph(s) as the documentation of a war scenario. The possibility
that one of the most emblematic photographs of socio-political documentation was staged
continues to be a subject of controversy.
Morriss (2011) detailed research on this work reveals that there are two photographs of
the exact same space, made in the exact same day, with the exact same tripod position, one
after the other. One has its path filled with cannon balls and the other the cannon balls are
placed on the left hand side of the road. Although the two negatives have been printed and
exhibited, the photograph presented as the document of the situation, adding drama to the
scenario, is the first one (ON).
As relevant as it might be in an historical perspective to analyse the veracity of these two
photographs, and their social or political implications, one of the most interesting questions
that arose from this doubt is the fact that photography is a subjective account of reality.
646
This argument reinforces once more the role of the photographer as a creative artist who
operates a technical tool, while making decisions that facilitate representations at times
mythological in nature.
As with the act of recording in photography, the act of recording sound is consciously
also a choice to describe a specific moment, a specific place. Some of the terminology used
to describe sound, again, also has a parallel with photography or painting for that matter:
composition, light, colour, texture, landscape (Ingold, op. cit.), portrait and perspective. The
choice of a recording device, a wide set of microphone possibilities and their position in the
landscape, work towards reinforcing the intended composition- the sound composition. As
with photography, a sound recording will also act as a representation of a chosen frame of
space and time as perceived by the listener. After the event has ended, the audio recording
will continue existing as an objectification of that specific moment. The representation of
reality will, as in photography, be molded according to a series of technical tools mastered
by those operating them. Going once more back to Sontag, it will then confer on the event
an importance it would never otherwise enjoyed. The sound recorder will become the device
making real a personal perspective. A sound recording then goes beyond being the result of
an encounter between an event and the sound recordist; it is an event in itself, a performance.
As the technical possibilities of a camera allow a different range of perspectives on space
and time, a microphone creates similar possibilities. Whereas the camera position, the lens-
es characteristics and settings, generate endless possibilities to view and represent the ex-
perience of place, different microphones and their positions construct different possible
perspectives over the same landscape. As argued by Francisco Lopez (1998) in Environmen-
tal sound matter:
Now that we have digital recording technology (with all its concomitant sound
quality improvements) we can realize more straightforwardly that the micro-
phones are - they always have been - our basic interfaces in our attempt at ap-
prehending the sonic world around us, and also that they are non-neutral inter-
faces. Different microphones hear so differently that they can be considered
as a first transformational step with more dramatic consequences than, for ex-
ample, a further re-equalization of the recordings in the studio. Even a
lthough
we dont subtract or add anything we cannot avoid having a version of what we
consider as reality.
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The aesthetic options across the form of viewing or listening to place will then ultimately
condition the achievable systems of generating meaning through selection, archiving, and
framing. The act of recording (image or sound)can thus become a creative tool used to expe-
rience and articulate place. This raises questions of listening and engagement both from the
point of view of the recordist and the other listeners.
Site#1 and Site#2 are here presented as examples of applied extended phonography. Each
work contains a set of three 100x70cm digital photographs graphically manipulated through
the addition of layered text that describe and tag the sonic environment. The text and
graphical elements, anchor sounds to their locations, thus visually maintaining their re-
lation with the surrounding space. The graphical representation then suggests that the
sounds are anchored to their original source maintaining their relation with the objects and
place: background and foreground. The narrator of the project is placed at the center of
the image observing, listening and describing the sonic environment at the moment of the
photographic click.
648
Figure 2. Constructing a Soundscape - Site #1(Stills #1, 2 & 3).
649
Constructing a Soundscape - Site #1 and Constructing a Soundscape - Site #2 are com-
posed by three sequential moments in one day - sunrise, middle of the day and evening. These
moments frame transitions in the dynamic of sound events at times when they are most like-
ly to occur in the daily cycle. The sequential framing suggests movement and duration.
This project engages with new experiences of space derived from methodologies em-
bedded in cinematic hyperrealism and its concerns with everyday phenomena. Each image
is composed as a medium-distance fixed frontal plan causing action to reside at times com-
pletely outside the frame (Margulies 1996). As Ben Singer (1989) describes the 1975 film by the
Belgian filmmaker Chantal Akermans Jeann Dielman, 23 Quai du Commerce, 1080 Bruxelles:
[] with the result of fixed framing and distended temporality, we study the
smallest detail of the material mise-en-scene. Our eye caresses the outlines of
objects. It is an intimate and tactile sort of vision- we synaesthetically feel and
manipulate objects.
Each three-image narrative entails more than a documentary record of reality. They
seek to not only act as visual and aural analogies ofthe perceived reality, but also offer the
possibility to construct new realities. This resonates with Michelagelo Antonionis story of
photographic forensics in the film Blow Up:
Under one image there is always another one which is more faithful to reality,
and under this one there is yet another, and again another under this last one,
down to the true image of that absolute, mysterious reality that nobody will ever
see. (Antonioni1996, 63).
It is arguable that this process of unveiling reality is possible with any image; however,
this project explicitly encourages this form of engagement in both visual and aural domains.
Constructing a Soundscape started from my desire to find a methodology that could
frame my artistic practice, while allowing me to articulate the experience of place by con-
verging the visual and the aural. This methodology fed on my personal experience of place,
but comes to life with the spectators own projections, memories and experiences; thus re-
constructing the place I had experienced.
Following my interest in expanding the experience of place within the context of sound
art, this paper suggests extended phonography as a methodology that has allowed the con-
cepts of soundscape and landscape to fold into each other.
650
The paper methodically reflects on the experience of place through a system based on
the parallels between photography and phonography by introducing soundscape as one of
the elements within the perceived environment. Here I have proposed a possible way of
transcending the fragmentation of the senses found in these two disciplinary practices, a
resistance brought about through their combination and extension. This has provided an al-
ternative way of representing a specific moment, a specific place: a hyper-reality composed
by image, sound, memory and context, weaved through personal narratives.
References
Antonioni, M. (1996). The Architecture of Vision: Radio Lab (2012) Season 11, Episode 1 The fact
Writings & Interviews on Cinema. (M. Cotti- of the Matter: In the Valley of the Shadow
A. (ed.) Autumn Leaves Sound and the Envi- Singer, B. (1989). Jeanne Dielman: Cinematic
651
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Victoria Estok
ve@victoriaestok.com
Lecturer in New Media at State University of New York at Purchase
Abstract
Take a moment and think about the undercurrents that may shape your own listening. Lan-
guage in a sense speaks us; it is a system that shapes our expression. We take in informa-
tion, interpret it, and express it all through the filter of language. Audio technologies are
also a system which shape our expression. Most educated people understand that media
shapes our concept of the world, and that the power of the disembodied voice, which Ill
be focussing on in the coming pages, is extended and expanded through audio technology.
Though were not always conscious of it, these two systems both influence and constrain our
thoughts and actions.
Were about to examine how audio awareness reveals choices that we might otherwise
miss; particularly how sound and voice conspire to inform our ideas about what is possible.
When a sound or message makes its way through and resonates with us, we pause, and
a cognitive or emotional shift takes place. These often fleeting and elusive consciousness
shifts can take many forms, waking us up to the present moment, and for that instant, com-
municating something about ourselves to ourselves. I will argue that this is precisely the
moment when we are most capable of challenging and expanding our preconceived notions
of reality.
Keywords: Audio Intervention, Creative Activism, Hypersonic Sound, Climate Crisis, Morality,
Interpellation
652
Interpelled is an ongoing project that blends research and practice to explore how an inno-
vative use of sound can be a unique tool for creative activist intervention.
Interpellation is the ways in which ideology speaks to the individual. My work with in-
terpellation is the result of being troubled by questions of morality in the face of the climate
crisis. This led me to wonder how I might creatively use hyper directional sound to inspire
reflection and dialogue around what I considered to be the worlds most pressing issue.
During several one-on-one interventions at the annual 2010 UN climate talks I used a
HSS (hyper directional sound) speaker to project recordings of children laughing and playing
at individual conference attendees. I wanted them to hear the sounds as if they originated
from their own bodies, as if the sounds were the voice of his or her conscience speaking.
Fueled by the belief that we are greatly influenced by what we consciously and uncon-
sciously hear my creative goals in this project lie in what happens when the way in which we
hear the world shifts and the impact this has our lives.
Let me explain. These conferences function like an intensified microcosm of the scripted
interactions that often take place in many other situations. Through my attendance at such
events I have come to understand, that how we hear and remember hearing, affects the way
we participate in our environments.
Direct action succeeds when it plays on the unexpected to achieve results. Effective
activism today requires innovation, new strategies and tactics, and experimentation. Effec-
tive art plays with expectation, interrupts, and challenges the way we think. Art at its best
inspires reflection. My experiments at COP16 aimed for all of that by venturing to expand
reality through the creative use of sound and gesture.
Through a narrow beam of sound a hypersonic sound speaker emits ultrasonic waves
with enough volume that new frequencies are created within an audible range that we can
hear through a process known as non-linearity. Simply, a hypersonic speaker allows its user
to focus sound waves via a narrow beam of sound on a specific point. The sound projected
from this speaker is absorbed by the first surface it comes into contact with.
Working creatively with a technology that most people dont know exists but that plays
with peoples expectations and perceptual reality is not easy. As a dialogical project where
the research informs the practice Interpelled raises phenomenological issues. People do
not consent to advertising nor do they to surveillance. Ethics applied to research are quite
different from the ethics we apply to surveillance. With sound and interpellation added to
the mix, we begin to see the complexities that directional sonic tactics reveal.The research
and creative potentials of directional ultrasonic sound politically and ethically are largely
uncharted.
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Due to recent political events there has been influx of commentary on arts function
and relationship to activism. A review of the current literature out there is that this pro-
ject couldnt be more timely. There appears to be a perspective shift that considers audio
research as a valid form of inquiry. While some methodologies may still be in infancy, it is
becoming more evident that there is a need for solid experimental sonic research.
Interpelled examines the psychological undercurrents involved in unexpected and con-
ceptualized hearing, underscoring how words become voice (even when they are never heard
aloud), how sound and voice mediate our spatial relationships, inform our psychological as-
sociations, and affect the ways in which we navigate our physical and social environments. I
believe sound and voice can interrupt, influence, and ultimately intervene at key moments in
ways other intervention art strategies cant. In the context of COP16, or even during a fairly
recent Black Friday intervention, I saw and continue to see this strategy as having potential
and the possibility to yield poignant and surprising reflections and responses.
Voice is a paradox, for it can motivate or paralyze its listener. Captivating speeches, heartfelt
stories, and evocative audio work grab our attention and challenge the way we think and
feel, moving us to act or stopping us dead in our tracks. Sounds enter our consciousness and
provide a structure for interaction. Voices validate and punctuate our existence. Sounds of
swarming starlings signal seasonal change in audible black clouds every spring and autumn.
Cautionary parental voices are resurrected from memory intervening during moments of
indecision or transition. Even our cell phone, whether ringing or not, speaks to us when we
are longing to hear from someone. Sometimes these sounds are just a sound. Other times
what we physically hear becomes internally significant sounds become more than a sound,
they take root in our minds, and become voice. Depending on our emotional state it could be
anything from the cacophony of a busy restaurant, to a misheard phrase, or the sound of a
strangers strained breathing while youre in a physicians waiting room that could transform
sound into voice.
How well can you remember sounds? Take a moment and think about the sounds that
registered with you today. Try to remember the last thing you heard before falling asleep and
what you heard when you woke up. Its likely harder than you initially think. Thats because
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our daily lives are layered, complex, conglomerates of sound. For most people sounds trigger
memories, shift in moods, or a heighten state of awareness. Sound permeates boundaries
and inherently invokes doubt because hearing takes more work than other sense modalities.
What we hear incorporates both identifiable objects and unseen forces. Sounds seeping
qualities make it hard to contain, locate, and identify with certainty. Mindful listening takes
practice and the elusive qualities of sound only compound this challenge. As difficult as it
may be to remember sounds from today there are, however, instances when we overhear
something seemingly insignificant and it makes a lasting impression. The absence of a sound
such as the disappearance of traffic from a busy intersection could cause pause and a mo-
mentary shift in consciousness. The tone your lover has when they mention someones name
to the emergence of insect sounds may be insignificant examples that cause you to refo-
cus your attention. We are acutely aware that when we listen to something that is outside
ourselves, this other seemingly speaks to us, and the meanings we attach to what we hear
are just for us only. But what is it that suspends preconceptions and causes reflection? What
exactly is resonating with the listener? Who is calling and what is being conveyed?
Sound invites us to respond just as questions do. When we hear a voice or a peculiar
sound we instinctively respond and our ears zero in. Hearing is unique sense modality be-
cause sounds speak directly to our emotions and reflect our personalities choice exists
in listening much more than, for example, smell. We tune in or out to sounds and what we
wind up tuning into says something about us personally. This is specifically true if what we
hear catches us off guard and exceeds our expectations of the situation or location. Whether
we decide to investigate this overheard source says something about ourselves too. If we
associate personal experience with what we hear then those unexpected sounds take on
figurative existence. Sounds become creative interpreters when we transform sonic mate-
rial into the personal or socially significant. Interpellation is what happens when individuals
identify themselves as the recipients or subjects of a perceived message. Sound and voice
combine and take on an internal conceptual existence that then influences our behavior. In
many everyday situations sounds become signified and sometimes interpellated. Interpel-
lation signals our attention through voice. When this happens identity suddenly becomes
intertwined through what is heard.
In unexpected resonating moments we experience a heightened sense of awareness.
Sound and voice collide in a way we can perceive. We identify inflections, interpret hesita-
tions, and sense mood shifts by attributing meaning to the spaces between words as much
as the words themselves. Dimension is added to perception when we tune in and listen; un-
derstanding deepens and questions arise. We wake up ... if only for a moment.
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2. Do You Hear What I Hear?
Hearing is more complex than just the mechanics of our ears. What we hear and how we
hear is mediated by culture, ethics, psychological history, and our neurobiological make-up.
Quickly, through hearing, we can access what is intriguing, safe, inviting, dangerous, and
reasonable. We are hardwired to make split second decisions based on our ability to inter-
pret information acquired through hearing. The success of our species is no doubt partially
due to this kind of neurobiological relay.
Lets take a moment and analyze hearing. Physical hearing is the pressure of airwaves on
our eardrums, but it is as instinctual as it is corporeal. The ability to detect external sounds
involves a bodily interaction with the world that is both conceptual and physical. Conceptual
hearing exists internally; it is a private process where imagination, intuition, and intellect
dialogue. Unlike physical hearing, ideology and our psychology frame our interpretation of
sound this is what differentiates conceptual hearing. So what we physically hear and what
we internally or conceptually hear are not always the same things.
Complex associations develop whenever physical hearing blends with conceptual hear-
ing. Suddenly a voice within the sound calls to us. This phenomenological distinction be-
tween the two types of hearing, however, does not diminish the affect of the heard voice on
the listener. Auditory perception is further complicated by the fact that we often hear things
that we dont see.
Ephemeral and temporal, unless the sound we hear registers as close, we often perceive
sound as neither here nor there but everywhere. Perhaps this is why a disembodied voice
arouses feelings of wonderment, fear, instability, and inspiration in us. Voice whether spoken
or internal has an immediacy that people are just unable to ignore. It is our most accessible
and expressive vehicle. Voice catches our attention in a halting way. The term hearing voices
conjures up all sorts of imagery and associations. As an artist this presents both a challenge
and an opportunity. As an artistic medium sounds strength is its subjectivity. When the
audio source is indeterminate, sound is experienced as a disembodied voice and our subjec-
tivity is intensified.
For a sound work to speak, it literally has to call to and connect to the listeners head-
space. Conceptually, this means that the sound used must be situation specific along with
being personally and socially significant. Reciprocity is implied when one recognizes they
are being called upon.
656
When using sound as a creative form of activism interpellation also beckons the listener
to respond. This response was something I considered when I imagined the Interpelled pro-
ject functioning as a conscience at COP16. When using sound as a medium, ethical implica-
tions are increased especially when dealing with the possibility that someone will hear the
sounds as if they were originating from their own body. My sonic intervention had a couple
of trajectory points. The first came from a desire to do something with the haunting climate
crisis voices in my own mind that whisper to me that time is running out. The second was
to create a reflective space through sound for COP16 attendees to reflect on the core issues
and whats at stake.
Imagining how a sound might be perceived is not an easy task and this is a challenge
sound artists face when making work that is contextual and situation specific rather than
work that is primarily spatial or algorithmically motivated. In my experiments and especially
at COP16 I hoped to be able to detect when someone heard or felt the beam of sound hit
his or her body. The reality wasnt that simple. Listening is highly subjective, often there is
little confirmation of what another person hears. Given the nature of directional sound this
ambiguity in response was both understandable and surprising. I encountered a handful of
conference participants that stopped, most likely because they were startled or because
they were trying to locate the audio,they paused in a way that would lead me to consider
that were reflecting
In most cases there wasnt a recognizable ah-ha moment with my intended listener. Its
fascinating to explore what penetrates sonically and what remains unheard or lost. While
working on this project I entered into a deeper dialogue with myself about how I relate the
climate crisis with a crisis in morality. I began to wonder how a significant opening of inter-
nal space would be received and what would be the collective ripple effect. As this project
began to take shape I recalled decade old phrases that didnt seem particularly significant
when first heard but now have become the voice driving my ongoing research. Ive come to
understand more deeply that we hear and remember what we hear because we perceive it
as emotionally significant. What we hear affects the way we participate in our environments.
The voices and experiences we carry guide each step, albeit mysteriously. This led me to
wonder what happens when the way in which we hear the world shifts and how this impacts
our lives.
657
3. Are You Talking To Me?
This section will investigate power dynamics of sound and voice, and continue to address
the relationship between what is heard and choices we make. Well look at examples of how
audio seized popular attention, influenced masses, and examine agendas that use the ma-
nipulative abilities of sound.
Artists, advertisers, educators, and everyday people all have access to audio technolo-
gies that have creatively redefined public and private space. Everyday we use a myriad of
devices to communicate our thoughts and connect with each other but we also use these
same devices to create private pockets of space. Interestingly, the development of many of
these technologies was not driven by a desire to communicate humanistically but rather by
a desire to control the public and gain military advantage.
The voice conveys far more than just information. Inherent tension exists in the dynamic
of who is able to be heard and who is kept in silence. In power struggles it all depends on
whom, how, and when silence is used. In this way, silence sometimes says more about a situ-
ation than the words that are spoken. What is left in and what is left out of communications
are strategic political moves especially when powers that be attempt to control public opin-
ion. The ways in which sound has been conceptualized says many things about the concerns
of a culture. Governments often use sound to subdue the public and regulate order while
advertisers use sound to influence the market by playing upon perceived desires. Audio has
been manipulated not just to pronounce ideas but also to dominate populations. Efforts to
enact social control have been aided by the manipulative use of audio technologies.
Sounds in public space are designed to direct attention. In most modern cities there are
sounds that prompt us to complete a variety of tasks. We have beeps and buzzes that indi-
cate when it is safe to cross the street or which elevator has arrived. Alarms and sirens are
used to navigate traffic to alert the public to danger and urgent situations. Electronic sounds
confirm that an ATM transaction is completed. Many of us are tethered to devices that ha-
bitually interrupt focus via messaging sounds.
We are in a feedback relationship with these indicator noises; often becoming impatient
or confused when a button doesnt make a sound when we expect it to. Usually this mixture
of sounds fades into the background of our more pressing thoughts.
Forces that can shift and capture our acoustic attention are directionality, volume, and
frequency. Changes in volume and frequency affect our sense of physical and psychological
security. The US Military treads ethically questionable territory especially when it comes to
their employment of sonic weaponry. Beyond the more popularly known examples in the
658
media of the US Military blasting popular music at prisoners in Abu Ghraib, today the military
conducts extensive research in virtual soundscapes, infrasonic frequencies, and directional
sound lasers to gain advantage over the imagined enemy. Sonic weapons are the dark side of
what happens when sound and voice forcefully employ agendas of control and anxiety.
Working creatively with a technology that most people dont know exists but that in-
herently plays with peoples expectations and perceptual reality is not easy. Working on this
project I began to realize that it brought up skepticism and fear. The mere description of the
project seemed to cause a form of conceptual hearing in itself. Fear especially is a hard thing
for people to acknowledge let alone talk comfortably about. Often I found when I explained
the project it took people some time to imagine positive possibilities of a technology origi-
nating from military usage.
Having been to a UN Climate Conference ten years prior, I was aware that delegates, minis-
ters, activists, business leaders, and organizations come to these meetings already knowing
what they will or will not say they have a script of some kind. Divisive discussions are
common at these events and open meaningful dialogue is not. These conferences in a way
mimic many of the scripted interactions that we can all imagine; talking with sales people,
meetings at your job, perhaps even interacting with extended family.
After learning more about Hyper Sonic Sound I wondered if I could break through this
scripted blanket and inspire a different type of reaction and reflection. Banner hangs, pro-
tests, scripted and shouted chants seemed almost destined to go unnoticed by those who at-
tend these conferences because they fit in the paradigm. Understandably measures activists
often take at these events tend to be less about opening up space for innovative solutions
and more about dogging, pressuring, and guilting officials in the hope of achieving concrete
results.
I knew I needed to be careful and considerate for my work to function as an inner mir-
ror in this context. I certainly did not want my project to be experienced as more rhetoric. I
didnt want to project statistics at delegates or make a cute clever rhymes about the planets
destruction. My intention was for conference attendees to pause and deeply listen. To be
effective, there were logistical restraints I needed to consider. I thought about how hurried
659
and crazed these ten-day conferences can be. I knew most of the attendees would be sleep
deprived and wanted to respect what I imagined to be their semi-frazzled mental states.
Keeping in mind the frequency requirements of the HSS, I limited my audio material to
the human voice. During my experiments pre-conference I tested a variety of sounds that
could be recognizable to an international population. Uncertain of accessibility, I had no idea
how long I would have with my any one person so I thought about sounds that would trans-
late if heard only for a few seconds. Since memes function in a contagious way I thought
about using a meme for the audio material and how this might reinforce or negate my inten-
tions with the project. Realistically I knew I had to plan around the possibility of only having
about ten seconds with people. I tried to think of how snippets of constrained audio could
create space while communicating context. I wanted the idea of the work and the sound to
take root both with people who experienced the intervention first hand and those who heard
about it second hand or through documentation.
What was good for the project may not have been so good for my mental health. I spent
the weeks before the conference obsessively listening to ten years worth of archived climate
conference meetings. I then took snippets from past conferences that I found moving and
edited those statements and sentiments down to their essence. Compiling the audio files, I
created a soundboard I would access from my smart phone. With the help of an inverter and
battery rig concealed in a shoulder bag I was able to make the HSS speaker portable and in-
nocuous. If the opportunity presented itself my plan was to speak to the passing of precious
time by haunting COP attendees with their own words and reflections from the past ten years.
Connecting context and intention with sound and phrases appropriate in tone and mes-
sage was a struggle. I have to admit there were moments during this process when the
whole project felt too big and I worried if I would ever find the right sounds to appropriately
express my intentions. Beyond words, what sounds would be symbolic and contextually ap-
propriate?
Then, one night it came to me as I was walking downtown. Whizzing past in a car was
the sound of childrens voices. Hearing their squeals jolted me from my train of thought. It
was in that moment, I realized that the voices of playing children translates no matter what
your nationality. Under the looming climate crisis, after late night meetings and in between
events, the possibility that a conference attendee would hear children laughing and playing
with laser focus resonated in more ways than one. At that moment I discovered that this
kind of human utterance pierced through the noise and spoke to the heart.
[previous version of this article presented at TransX Transmission Art Symposium 2013]
660
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Elen Flgge
elen.flug@gmail.com
New York, USA / Berlin, Germany
Abstract
This paper proposes that sound art works (or sonic artistic practices) can encourage audito-
ry conscientiousness and thus foster stronger concepts for the future of urban sonic envi-
ronments. Artists and their works can do this both by revealing ways that urban spaces could
sound as well as reflecting ways that we could listen. Founding the discussion in practices
of the soundscape movement a few case studies will be considered, including installations
(sounding and silent), soundwalk and interactive (artist research) approaches.
Keywords: Sound Art, Soundscape, Listening, Ear Cleaning, Sonic Commons, Acoustic
Ecology, Urban Sound Space
661
1. Sound and City Planning
1.One example is the recent Sounder City action planning in London for which Max Dixon was brought in as a
sound consultant. Dixon suggests that the (potential) sound of city space should be taken into account from the
onset of urban planning projects and, further, that sound should be approached by planners in a positive manner.
From presentation given in Berlin at http://sonic-places.dock-berlin.de/?page_id=346; see also PDF of Sounder City
Strategy at http://www.silence-ip.org/site/fileadmin/SP_J/Dixon.pdf
662
include forms of soundwalks, installations (both unsounding and resounding), performance,
and interactive or artistic-research approaches.
2.Raymond Murray Schafer, The Soundscape: Our Sonic Environment and the Tuning of the World (Rochester VT:
Destiny, 1994), 43.
3.R. M. Schafer, The Soundscape, 43.
4.See e.g. Jean-Franois Augoyard and Henry Torgue, Sonic Experience: a Guide to Everyday Sounds (Montreal:
McGill-Queens UP, 2006), 7.
663
for developing critical listening to space. These include ear cleaning, soundscape composition
and soundwalks.
Schafer encourages practicing ear cleaning, or training ones auditory environmental
awareness, e.g. by using various exercises such as those compiled in A Sound Education5.
These mix simple ways of attending to common sounds around with exercises reminiscent
of traditional musical ear training. They ask one to listen to streets; to attend to landscapes
but also indoor ambiances; to listen moving and standing; to actively create musical improv-
isations with ordinary objects; to track sounds across space and over time. Schafer touches
on themes including the way sounds interact in space, the imagination of sound, how we talk
about sounds (e.g. by making up new words to describe them) as well as developing a habit
of recording and cataloguing sounds.
This habit of recording and cataloguing found sounds is also at the base of soundscape
composition which, as the name suggests, is a practice of creating audio works based on
field recordings. This musical practice, as well as more freeform experimentation with field
recordings, can become a valuable tool: a means for attuning to the characteristics of urban
sound space. As any artist who has worked with field recordings might relate, the active
recording and use of the audio material retunes ones ear to the live space in various ways.
Additionally, the experience of comparing field recordings one has made back to the site in
which they were made can help elucidate that recording is by no means a copy of the original
atmosphere but in fact presents a quite particular a mediated sonic impression.
Soundwalking at its foundation involves walking and listening, but it can be practiced in
a wide variety of forms including walks lead by an artist along a predetermined path; walks
with eyes closed or open; walks with pauses to stop and listen or walks involving small sonic
manipulations or interventions.6
The concept of walking around or going to listen to a particular urban place is a recur-
ring theme in sound art practice and many artists have their own unique versions. It is no
surprise that Max Neuhaus, a pioneer of sound installation art had a Listen! series in which,
starting in 1966, he lead people to nearby sites to experience the sounds he had encountered
there.7 Among other related works are Electrical Walks (2003) by Christina Kubisch, which
5.Raymond Murray Schafer A Sound Education:100 exercises in listening and sound making Arcana Edition,
Ontario Canada, 1992.
6.On a soundwalk I was personally able to take part in with well-known practitioner Hildegard Westerkamp
among the memorable sonic moments was when she took dry leaves and crumbled them softly close to our
individual ears.
7.Alan Licht Sound Art 23 and also Sound Art: Origins, development and ambiguities in Organised Sound Vol. 14,
No. 1 April 2009 CU Press, 4-10. p5
664
use headphones that can detect electromagnetic signals allowing pedestrians to tune into an
invisible and normally inaudible dynamics of urban space). 8
3. Sound Art
665
Another work, 3 Easy Pieces (2004) is an installation realized around a harbor. Its three
parts are, first, acoustic interruptions or framings by a couple of sound absorbent passage-
ways. Second, chairs set up as though for a concert. Third a construction of four pedestals at
the four cardinal points is placed in a field. The pedestals bear various instructions on hold-
ing and removing the hands behind the ears, with different variations for each direction.11
The visitor becomes audience, performer, and conductor in the piece, attentively lis-
tening within these self-imposed conditions. Such works highlight what or in what ways we
could perceive a city site for ourselves, if only we came to think about it in a certain way.
Along a similar vein, Akio Suzuki, a composer and performer, also has works that focus
on listening in space, such as Oto-date, which can also be thought of as a unique form of
urban soundwalk. These Oto-date piece(s) come from the ideograms for oto (sound or echo)
and date (place or point), and are therefore essentially echo points.12 They made up of a circle
drawn into a street or sidewalk enclosing two figures which appear at the same time to be
footprints and ears. This sends the message at once: stand here and listen.
First appearing in Berlin in 1996 Suzuki has placed his Oto-date in cities including Paris,
Torino, recently Bonn, each time seeking out locations in which a standing listener might
hear something interesting or unexpected, in particular echo. They offer a chance for people
who may already be familiar with a certain site to experience it anew. Similar to Ablingers
chairs, they ask for a change of (listening) attitude. While chairs ask for a literal change of
bodily position, the Oto-date ask an unfurling of ears.
The echo points encourage us to ask: what should I be hearing, why this spot and not
another, what are the points that we might have marked for ourselves (and why). This last
thought links to one of the crucial questions for city sound planning, namely, what aspects
of our urban sonic environment would we want to emphasize, and why?
Ablinger and Suzukis works show us ways to attend to the environment; encouraging
listening perspectives that illustrating the contingent nature of auditory experience.13 While
silent installations encourage us to reflect on our listening attitude, installation that do use
audio material can provoke us to think about how a space should or could sound, as well as
what sounds belong in particular spaces, and who is allowed to make them.
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3.2. O+A and the Sonic Commons
While changing infrastructural conditions, construction/demolition of buildings, and shift-
ing social aspects can have various effects on the acoustic environments, sometimes the
change can work the other way: changing the sonic character can have social consequences.
Artists Bruce Odland and Sam Auinger have been engaged with the sonic environment of cit-
ies for decades. During their collaboration they have created pieces that have done just that:
influenced the character of public spaces through an alteration of their sound.
As a result of years of attention and engagement with in the auditory environment sound
artists are a wellspring of interesting and useful concepts to reflect our listening experience
of urban space. Bruce Odland and Sam Auinger are among artist who stress our complicity in
the present sonic environment. They articulate this in an idea of the sonic commons which is
expressed by them as any space where people share an acoustic environment and can hear
the results of each others activities, both intentional and unintentional.14 The sonic com-
mons makes a point that the people who share the acoustic environment are responsible for
its aural character are hearing each other as sound-making participants. If there are trains
overhead, it is because people are riding around in them, if a city green space sounds instead
like a traffic island it is because we indirectly allow it through acceptance of status quo; we
are receiver and perceiver of self-made conditions.
Works like their audio-visual performance my eyes...my ears can serve to expose the
absurdity of the auditory conditions we create for ourselves in urban environments but also
point to ways that that city sonics can shift over time for the better, or worse. My eyesmy
ears is a performed in a double binaural presentation method two times two ears each
replayed in a spatial quadrant of loudspeakers and three screens set up around the seated
audience. The four-ear audio composition is intermittently visual, replaying scenes in cities
such as New York (2009).15 The piece weaves through bright day and introspective night
scenes, from the shut-in shell of an automobile to the rhythmic rattatat of subways. To the
audience, doubly hearing and half seeing it can be both dreamlike and real.
In a documentation of the piece O+A are shown making recordings at Dumbo, a high-
ly valued urban neighborhood.16 From its riverside the Manhattan skyline shows its profile,
accented behind an elegant arch of the bridge overheadon which a train roars extremely
14.Sam Auingers Page http://www.samauinger.de/page.php?ID=503, see also: Bruce Odland and Sam Auinger,
Reflections on the Sonic Commons, Leonardo Music Journal, Vol. 19, pp. 6368, 2009
15.Documented both on Bruce Odland Homepage <http://www.bruceodland.net/> as well as that of
SamAuinger <http://www.samauinger.de/page.php?ID=503>
16.CBS video: <http://www.cbsnews.com/video/watch/?id=5578344n&tag=contentBody;housing>
667
loudly. Despite the intense amplitude a woman walks along the gravel path of a park below
the bridge pushing a baby carriage. The question comes to mind whether subjecting the un-
exposed and non-consenting ears of an infant to the screech of metal rails overhead could
be considered a form of abuse. With these scenes, my eyes...my ears bears [ear]witness to
the all too common absurdity of who and what we are subjecting to a sonic overload of our
own creation.
O+A also are known for their series of installation works using urban sound recorded
through tuning tubes (which result in a harmonic structuring of the sound) and transmitted
in real time to omnidirectional speakers positioned in a public space in the vicinity. Among
these is grundklang bonn (2010-present) a work created when Sam Auinger was designated
as Bonns first official city sound artist in 2010.17 Two unassuming cubes positioned in an
urban square by the main station resonate respectively with a live feed of sounds from the
adjacent street, and a feed from the nearby Rhine river. The physical acoustic characteristics
of the tube turn the unstructured noise of the street into an acoustically organized ambi-
ence which is surprisingly restful.
Other works of theirs test the material and resonances of urban architecture through
large scale installations, making possibilities of alternative sonic environments tangible. In
their performance-installation urban space, urban sound (2013) used a combined approach
in sounding out a stretch of newly built underground train tunnel in Cologne. Two stations
and the two parallel tubes between them became resonating bodies for recordings, filling
the station spaces with displaced sonic realities such as New Yorks Grand Central Station,
and the tunnels with real-time feeds of sound from the streets above (harmonically filtered
through tuning tubes, as with the cube installations). Interwoven with this was a long dura-
tion performance that used manipulations of the real time audiofeed to further activate the
immense space of the tunnel.
While works like my eyes...my ears... are valuable for provoking discussion and reflection
on the state of the sonic commons, O+As long duration concerts in urban architecture
probe the acoustic potential of those spaces thereby opening up auralizations of alternative
ways such spaces might sound. Their use of tuning tubes for permanent installations bring
a third important aspect, namely, possibilities of constructive sonic design for urban public
space which may well transform the identity of a site not only aurally but socially. Accord-
ing to the artists the social character of the square in Bonn has had a noticeable changed
17.One indication that cities have an interest in sound art: for the last few years Bonn has recognized a number
of artists as official Stadtklangknstler, or city sound artists. http://samauinger.de/timeline/grundklang-bonn/
668
over the last few years. In a sense these sound installations make places out of non-places,
bringing an auditory focal point that works to focus the attention of passersby back onto
the sonic environment of the site (sound that usually serves as the original material basis of
thework).
4. Listening Practice
The discourse of acoustic ecology advocates developing aural competence towards the son-
ic environment. Barry Truax describes listening as our crucial interface with the environ-
ment, as well as a set of sophisticated skills that appear to be deteriorating within the tech-
18.http://favouritesounds.org/
669
nologized urban environment.19 One might further extend the idea of listening as not only
interface but a participation with our surroundings. While one might find many indications
of a fall of aural culture, there are areas in which listening is being further preserved and
developed as a skill: among these are the diverse forms of sonic art practice.
Truax suggests that a competent auditory attention to the soundscape which must
be taught and developed is being neglected in society today but that it is a cultural re-
sponsibility to foster.20 Training ourselves to listen is a human responsibility as not only the
perceivers but creators of sonic experience, such as when it comes to constructing our living
spaces, namely cities.
Listening training can take various forms: author Jonathan Sterne, in his account of the
conceptual development of modern auditory culture, The Audible Past, provides a genealogy
of listening as a cultural practice linked with particular tools and media. Like Truax, Sterne
describes listening as a set of skills, but his way of investigating the socio-cultural as well as
technological aspects is to trace the development of audile technique: Sternes term for the
practical skills and attitudes of and toward listening as a technique. Sternes account char-
acterizes listening through its forms of engagement, and frames it as a method that carried
with it a great deal of cultural currency.21 One could say that artists engaging with sound in
the city have been developing audile techniques for diagnosing and positively developing our
shared urban sonic environment.
What connects many of sound art works and practices are the ways they strive to sensi-
tize auditory awareness to dynamics visible, invisible, implicit, explicit, aesthetic, political,
social, architectural, personal normally left unreflected in the present and in turn disre-
garded in the planning of urban spaces of the future. Many pieces also provide a sense of au-
ditory possibilities (what sounds / sonic dynamics might be present if particular conditions
were to change). Works can point out the conditions that lead to a particular impression (e.g.
effects caused by architecture or visual elements). Sonic art practices can also encourage
the development of an aurally descriptive language. One often hears claims that sound is
difficult to talk about (e.g. because we are visually oriented culture, or because it surpasses
verbal expression). One way to counteract this is to create more opportunities to commu-
nicate positively about sonic experiences (e.g. having a discussion about the experience of a
particular sound installation).
670
They also bring an sensitivity to the individual auditory perspective: O+A through perfor-
mances sharing their own personal experience as in my eyes my ears; Akio Suzuki by inviting
visitors to perform and become the work, as with the Oto-date; Peter Cusack through his
direct questioning of residents as to their unique aural preferences. In a sense such works
recognize and utilize personal sound space, which conceives of auditory environments as
centering on an individual (recognizing that at the same time these are physically, mentally,
socially participating in a larger dynamic with those around them).22 Thus sonic art and its
practices provide a needed counterweight to the objectified and abstracted tools conven-
tionally used to address the auditory environment of cities (e.g. such as noise mapping). It
is vital that opportunity is made for continuing artistic investigations and provocations of
sound spaces, and for listeners to experience sound works which intervene, reframe, pro-
voke and play with city sound environment for finding new ways to tune into (and retune)
urban space.
References
Augoyard, Jean-Franois, and Henry Torgue. Odland, Bruce and Sam Auinger, Reflections on
Sonic Experience: a Guide to Everyday Sounds. the Sonic Commons, Leonardo Music Journal,
translated by Andra McCartney and David Vol. 19, pp. 6368, 2009.
Paquette, Montreal: McGill-Queens UP, 2006. Schafer, Raymond Murray. The Soundscape:
Cox Christopher. Sound Art and the Sonic Un- Our Sonic Environment and the Tuning of the
conscious in Organised Sound Vol. 14, No. 1 World. Rochester, VT: Destiny, 1994.
Licht, Alan. Sound Art: Beyond Music, Between tion:100 exercises in listening and sound mak-
Characters. Rizzoli International Publications, ing. Arcana Edition, Ontario Canada, 1992.
.Sound Art: Origins, development and Origins of Sound Reproduction. Durham: Duke
671
Web Sources(in order of appearance)
Max Dixon at Sonic Places, Berlin < http://sonic
-places.dock-berlin.de/?page_id=346>
http://www.silence-ip.org/site/fileadmin/
SP_J/Dixon.pdf
docu01.html>
<http://www.estatic.it/en/content/akio-su-
zuki-hana-otodate-torino>
org/schede/14_suzuki/e-suzuki.html>
<http://www.bruceodland.net/>
CBSNews. <http://www.cbsnews.com/
video/watch/?id=5578344n&tag=content-
Body;housing>.
<http://www.samauinger.de/page.
php?ID=503>.
inger.de/timeline/grundklang-bonn/>
sack) <http://favouritesounds.org/>
<http://journal.sonicstudies.org/vol01/nr01/
a09>
672
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Landscapes Soundscapes:
DronestrikesonSaturn
Abstract
Dronestikes on Saturn is the collaboration in between raxil4 and his Nameless Is Legion, an
audio work that uses reverb laden drones with pedals, sine generators and a four track with
loop tapes of some fine recordings or sonifications of the Saturn radio waves recorded near
the poles of the planet via the Cassini spacecraft. It is a media ecology audio work offering an
ethical composition and an aesthetical piece for preservation of the space,the urban space
or the outer space, where these waves have been captured. In this case, preservation laws
could develop a strong policy to facilitate the research for audio work in the conservation of
sound as (eco)system.
Keywords: audio work, drones, generators, sonifications, waves, media ecology, sound-
scapes, sound ecosystem, landscape, sonic landscape
673
1. Introduction: Spatial Aesthetics, Situationism & Cybernetics.
A Soundscape is a tool to map the city, a counter mapping ideology opposed to surveillance.
Following Situationism and Psychogeography, sound art in public space defence the con-
nections between the place, the identity and the memory, refusing the commodification of
non-places and the unifying non-symbolic landscape proposed by capitalist architecture.
Since surveillance has turn into merchandise, artists and medialabs transform the public
space into a more sociable place within the implication of alternatives strategies for commu-
nication which use geophysical instruments such sensors or lasers.
Brandon LaBelle in Background Noise: Perspectives on Sound Art describes a soundscape
as a potential tool to transform reality [1]. As he says, revolutionary statements make a claim
onto history to charge a given time and place with radical energy: to galvanize the masses,
to overturn social behaviour, to disrupt and ultimately transform reality. Such statements
act as momentary bursts of outrage and political conscientiousness, giving definition to the
here and now as a time in need of rupture. Exploring revolutionary desire as a temporal
moment, Brandon LaBelle examines various historical texts and statements calling for social
transformation. From Situationism to Black Caribbean rights, random melodies are lyrical
homages to revolutions. Comments and suggestions about art production, time of spectacle,
and organization of labour are used to declaim about the revolutionary moment as a recur-
ring intensity throughout history. But, in a deeper projection, LaBelle also refers to sound-
scapes. A part to understand the powerful meaning of sound in history, in Acoustic Terri-
tories: Sound Culture and Everyday Life he explores the features of the auditory paradigm,
its relation within the surrounding environment and the condition of architectural spaces
[2]. There is a genealogy or list of sites and topographies, such as underground spaces, the
street or the home, to investigate how sound lends to experiences of place. This is further
explored by considering place according to particular sonic behaviours. Understandings
echo, vibration, feedback, rhythm, silence, noise and transmission, all are used to investigate
and unfold particular auditory histories and cultural narratives, and to detail the sonic ge-
ographies of everyday life. In that sense, Brandon LaBelle, is one of the main exponents on
the Spatial Aesthetics, a philosophic movement, influenced by cartography, mapping, Psy-
chogeography, non-objectual tendencies in contemporary art, geopolitics and materialism.
Spatial Aesthetics connect art with technology and ecology. Geopolitics, Psychogeography
and Situationism, as well as soundscapes, and other metaphysical and artistic movements
considering the effects of public space, territory or space in general, are studied and ana-
674
lysed under its features. Spatial Aesthetics has an intention to define and introduce a meth-
odology to study theory of systems and universal laws.
Another point to consider is Psychogeography, the science or study of the effects of the
landscape on the emotions of its passers-by. In this sense, there should be a sound-psycho-
geographic-practice to pay attention to the establishment of security practices in public
space consisting on the display of CCTV. Electronic technologies provide videosurveillance
devices such as cameras or microphones for public space. CCTV, wireless video and other
surveillance system are imposed to reduce the crime. There is one example to be analysed
and it is the recorded video material of an incident occurred in Woolwich, London, U.K. It is
an historical case about progress, technology and civil rights. The attack in Woolwich is de-
scribed as a terrorist attack, where the British Army soldier: Drummer (Private) Lee Rigby of
the Royal Regiment of Fusiliers was killed by two men near the Royal Artillery Barracks. The
existing CCTV recorded material was analysed by the police but not released in the media.
The Independent Police Complaints Commission released a statement about the incident
based in the recorded CCTV footage. But, the images taken from passers and residents us-
ing mobile devices and telephone cameras were distributed through media channels like
YouTube and newspapers as Daily Mirror. The most important about the case, refers to the
audio captured and recorded from i-phones and microphones from mobile telephones. This
is an historical novelty about public space sound recording, new journalism and surveil-
lance. Regarding the Data Protection Law 1998 it is not permitted to record sound in public
space. Electronic communications are subjected to privacy legislation. Phone calls, emails,
text messages, web browsing sessions, GPS data, although being able to capture and record
sound, they are finally not permitted, its uses are against the law and against privacy and
human rights.
Following, Situationism is a counter-culture tendency in art and public space. It is
defined as a furious reaction to theestablishmentof a mainstream culture. Their reaction
implied an option that encouragesstruggle, populism, andfavoureda position for ecologyin
public space. Theartists and writers who participated in the International Situationiste
were Guy Debord, LiberoAndreoti, Herbert Marcuse, among others. Situationism is the Eu-
ropean alter-ego of the Beatnik generation, formed by Bob Dylan, Burroughs or BrionGysin,
in America. Both movements have been influenced by oriental philosophy and open pro-
cesses to understand art, science and society. The Beatnikstrusted that Things does not
happen in logical sequence. Any writer who hopes to approximate what actually occurs in the
mind and body of his characters cannot confine himself to such arbitrary structure as logical
sequence. Joyce was accused of being unintelligible and he was presenting only one level of
675
cerebral events: conscious sub vocal speech. I think it is possible to create multilevel events
and characters that a reader could comprehend with his entire organic being. This paragraph
offers an idea about what exactly was the definition of a landscape of sound in mind for
the Beatnik artists. Gysinin the Dream Machine achieved to measure the ontological and
metaphysical dimension of sound through lighting the sense of vision towards the inside
of the brain. The effects of the movement in the neurons produced by the sparks of lights
created an inner soundscape. The Beatniks understood why sound is an open process and a
non-linear system. Supporting that, Beatniks referred about how different levels of speech
in the mind of oneself, could resemble the idea of different range of frequencies found in a
sound spectrum. This is also a statement exposed by James Joyce in Finnegans Wake, and it
is about the multi-layered labels of language in the brain. Finally, it also has to be said how
the Situationism, and among them, Guy Debord declared themselves against La Societe du
Spectaclecriticizing the media production, the cultural industries, and the pop rock celeb-
rities mass culture. From the counter culture scene, Beatniks and Situationits were also
defenders of punk D.I.Y. do it yourself ideology as anti-corporative movement. [3]
Another supporting idea about landscapes and soundscapes is about inner landscapes,
mindscapes or experiences with Dream Machines. Here is to say why the composition
of audio worksis a complete construction offering meaning and answer to the space that
surrounds us. This idea is defended in Cybernetic theories developed by Norbert Wiener.
The author offers an analytical response to understand the Sound as a non-linear system.
Through an approximation to noise as an effect in the computational process,sound is de-
terminedas a chaotic and non-determinate responsiveprocess. Moreover, Norbert Weiner
cites the Copernican system and the Ptolemaic system as philosophical examples to study
the geocentric system of the Universe. Those ancient traditions are based in trigonometric
analysis. But in complex system (such as electronics, computation or physics), random and
indeterminacy are main features to non-linear processes, making systems become more
complex and sometimes subjective. Noise is understood as a random system. This effect
creates an approximate definition of creative processes in the Universe. In Norbert Wiener,
all these considerations regarding complex system, leads to determinate a new direction
for Cybernetics and scientific rationalism. And this is the development of new models of
techno-science based in electronics and biology. This new model of science is dedicated
to the study of life as a complex, dynamic and random system, and moreover to sound as
an (eco)system. Experiments with brain waves give us more information about biological
process and brain functions. Sounds coming into the brain give us a physical response to
the surrounding environment. So, sound is studied through biologic processes based in Hei-
676
senberg, who developed the theory of atomic indeterminacy, based in molecular textures,
homeostatic processes (changes in matter and temperature) and micro unities of measures.
In addition, Cybernetics as a confluence between biology and electronics, in most part of
the cases uses sound, noise and audio works to study complex systems altogether with gas
and other substances. It makes to change the idea about the definition of system, a concept
that belongs to mathematics, but becomes obsolete here because of new processes to study
more analytically the meaning of an eco-system, rather than a system. It means, organized
or not, a system that is alive. Indeed, the theory of the Cybernetics supports the idea of cy-
ber-biology, techno-science and cyber-feminism. This New Science considers sound as an
eco-system of spectral frequencies. Stochastic processes imply not only a re-consideration
of the biological condition of the sound spectrum, but also a new designation and definition
for the idea of the ecosystem of sound. To study sound as a phenomena under the point of
view of mathematics and logic, means to accept the definition of a system, but considering
the 90s idea of a lively systems under the point of view of the biology, sound as ecosystem
introduces a change in natural history and cybernetics. Cybernetics studies of frequencies
and spectrums and various ranges of oscillations are using homoeostatic processes to con-
sider the reaction of gas and air in the spectrum of sound. These processes connect auto-
matically with the idea of the soundscape as a landscape of materials where micro-materials
define the metaphysic of sound. In that order, the experimental use of sound in Cybernetics
and neuroscience connect art, science and technology and resolve this idea of noise as a
fundamental part on Cybernetics theories, because cybernetic noise considers and con-
nects with disciplines as communication engineering, cardiology, mathematics and neuro-
science, a part of sound and vision .The major idea here is to defend too, the processes of
inner soundscapes as a response of an outer landscape.
Another supporting idea about how the system of sound becomes an ecosystem of
sound (soundscape or landscape too) is represented in Music of Changes by John Cage. In
John Cage, indeterminacy is the main feature to create music, and it brings light to the idea
about the nonlinear systems of music. Uncertainty, fractal, indeterminacy, chaos are main
features for music influenced by oriental system of thought. John Cage opened the possi-
bility to indeterminacy, a prophetic style in art and music that develop the cutting edge of
the scene in vanguard culture. It takes some references from cut up projects. In its study
of language as a multi-layered element of brain, John Cage describes the useof different
registers of voices those who allow personality and human being to develop memory and to
communicate. These registers are studied for artists belonging to Beatnik generation such
William Burroughs and Brion Gysin. In their poetics and aesthetics, the Beatnik generation,
677
Fluxus movement and Conceptual Art, follow orientalism and Zen attitude, producing au-
dio works resembling inner landscapes, states of soul, transcendent and immanent inner
visions, explaining spacing out phenomena. Nowadays, artists have a better scientific ap-
proach to resolve the problem of the senses, using methodologies based in atomic physics
and neuroscience, solving interconnection between sound and vision [4]. Finally, it has to
be said that a contribution to these soundscapes, is the one that Marshall McLuhan offered.
His version about the optical cortical nerve, denominated quiasma, is a cross in between 2
nerves that produces the exchange between sound and vision and explains the phenomena
of spacing out as an inner soundscape.
678
on the Locus Sonus network and elsewhere. Reveil/SoundCamp engages with the study of
place, nature, and merges philosophical enquiries about art, ecology, politics and the use of
technology. Reveil/SoundCamp project aspires to be a fully global collaboration. In London,
it is connected with the Centre for Sound Arts Practice (CRiSAP) at LCC/UAL, and in Belfast
with the Sound Arts Research Centre (SARC). Reveil is catalyzed and coordinated by Sound-
Camp. Reveil is interested in Wild soundscapes, the implications of listening attentively and
especially listening live to fragile soundscapes. There is an intersection with the concerns
of bioacoustics on land and under water, as these involve monitoring, habitat conservation/
reconstruction, and environmental activism. To soundmap demonstrate that the experi-
ence to listen to a sound locally gains a new dimension different than placed elsewhere, the
auditorium, for instance. Reveilis an evolution of field recording. Bernie Krause has said that
most of the locations where he has captured sound since 1968 are now severely degraded if
not actually without voice. All these different ways to produce audioworks or artworks, offer
a new possibility to understand and interpret reality.
Second, the Psychogeophysics Summit is used to explain landscape and soundscape.
It develops experiments in interaction with sound as a local spectral ecosystem. Reading
the memory of the landscape, artists give a counterculture radical position of established
policies of art, industries and resources. Following to the definition of Psychogeography,
Psychogeophysics Summit introduces to the study of geographical environment, the con-
sideration of emotions, behaviour and mental states of the citizens and passers-by. Includ-
ing geophysics and studies of local spectral ecology, the term Psychogeophysics was first
used explicitly during a research group conducted as part of the Transmediale.10 festival,
Berlin in February 2010, entitled Topology of a Future City. Psychogeophysics names a new
direction in which many artists and researchers have explored recent history of sound. The
first Psychogeophysics Summit took place in early August 2010 in London, assembling an
international group of artists, researchers and theorists to promote this novel discipline
with a series of public oriented experimental workshops and seminars investigating various
psychophysical fictions in East London. Psychogeophysics borrows techniques from EVP/
ITC (Electronic Voice Phenomena and Instrumental Transcommunication), classical psycho-
geography, thoughtography, amateur radio astronomy, archaeological geophysics,TEMPEST
analysis and environmental steganography. These techniques include: excitation, inter-
vention and performance, domains and frequencies (earth or skin resistance or impedance
measurement), low and highfrequency electromagnetic radiation detection, all frequencies
of sound signal detection. Apparatus and technologies that are used correspond to VHS, tape
recorder, television, magnetometers and spectrometers, and sometimes electroencephalo-
679
graphs. Supporting Spatial Aesthetics philosophy, Psychogeophysics also contributes aes-
thetically and technically to re-mapping, to archaeological geophysics of urban locations,
to data forensics and hidden emissions, and to geomagnetic phenomena. Among the Psy-
chogeophysics activities and projects such day collective exploration of spectral phenomena,
investigations of non-causality and detection of anomalies within processes of measurement
and observation are underlined. So, Psychogeophysics authors follow to describe a non-sci-
entific knowledge based on research and experience. Its constant influence of landscape,
memory and drift, among electromagnetic techniques and factors such indeterminacy, un-
certainty, refer to our hearing as a response and transposition of the sensible/metaphor and
metaphysics [5].
Finally, it has to be considered the aero-spatial practices as part of the landscape of
sounds. OrbitandoSatelites was a workshop conducted by sound artists, engineers, hackers
and musicians;the workshop used geophysics methodologies and typologies for a quanti-
tative observation of the earth, the sun and lava flows altogether with its correspondent
physical properties. OrbitandoSatelites was part of Plataforma0 and took part in LABoral
Gijon. It showed some of the results of a process ofinvestigation begun by Plataforma Cero in
May 2011 with the meeting of agroup of artists, investigators and amateurs dedicated to lis-
tening,watching, thinking and imagining satellites.The aim was to approach and improve the
observation and listening to satellites and itstechnology, the outer space features and their
poetics, and finally to analyse data captured from satellites and transcript into sound and
images. Among the participants, Alejandro Duque, Joanna Griffin, David Pello, ReniHofmu-
eller, Luca CarrubbaHusk, Lord Epsylon,Xiu Cueva, Bruno Vianna, CinthiaMendona, Laura
Plana, Pedro Soler, Gonzalo Garcia, Pablo Gallo, Victor Mazn, Raquel MP19, Una_Fremen,
Ana Arboleya, NuriaRodriguez, Cristina Ferrndez, Lorena Lozano, Josian Llorente, Aritz-
Zabaleta. The Manual OrbitandoSatelites [OS] presents text by text and one by one all of
the authors. It is said that since 1990s, the arrival and growth of the Internet facilitated the
exchange of information among Natural Radio hobbyists and eventually made real time solar
and geomagnetic information available to everyone. During the workshop, the participants
developed and learned from different tools, software and hardware to manage and listen to
the satellites that are already orbiting the earth:
1. Gpredict, a real time satellite tracking program for GNOME, based on the tracking
engine of John Magliacanes excellent satellite tracker Predict and written by Alexan-
druCsete, also known as OZ9AEC, a physicist from the University of Aarhus, working
in the European space industry, holder of a CEPT Cat.1 amateur radio certificate
since 1991 [6].
680
2. PureData, written by Miller Puckette and the PD community, used by Husk, connect-
ed via OSC to Gpredict in the audio track to the exhibition called Dreaming Satellites.
3. GNU radio, developed toolkit that provides the signal processing runtime and pro-
cessing blocks to implement software radios using readilyavailable, low-cost exter-
nal RF hardware [7].
4. SatTrack3D, written by Makoto Kamada, Japan [8].
5. FunCUBEDongle,connects the antenna reception to GNU radiovia USBby AMSAT-UK
as part of the FUNcube satellite project [9].
6. OpenROTOR, built by David Pello in Plataforma Cero, 2011, an Ionic Satellite Foun-
tainmodel based in one built by Bruno Vianna in Plataforma Cero, 2011 [10].
7. OSC module for Gpredict, written by David Pello with contributions from Alejandro
Duque and Bruno Vianna as part ofthe OrbitandoSatelites project 2011 @Plataform-
aCero, LABoral, it was first envisioned as a useful bridge to allow experimentalus-
es of data in sound installations during interactivos10 @medialab-prado 2010 and
the module enables Gpredict to send values out to other programs allowing thec
ontrol of motors and other hardware or software via OpenSound Control. All this
techniques and different range of tools, allow artists to capture sounds, intercept
communications and provide more information about the outer space. All was an
exercise inside the imperceptible realm of the waves of radio electric frequencies
to spot and listen to both geosynchronous and low elevation orbiteers. To locate and
observe, like the ornithologist, guided by sound and spectral analysis technologies
of the Victorian age, and given as a result soundscape captured with a VLF (Very Low
Frequency) receiver to allow the listening of satellites.
3. Dronestrikes on Saturn
Dronestikes on Saturn is the audio work resulting from the collaboration in between raxil4
and hNIL (his Nameless Is Legion). Anaudio work that uses reverb laden drones with pedals,
sine generators and a four track with loop tapes of some fine recordings or sonifications
of the Saturn radio waves recorded near the poles of the planet via the Cassini spacecraft.
It is a media ecology audio work offering an ethical composition and an aesthetical piece
for preservation of the space, the urban space or the outer space, where these waves have
681
been captured. In this case, preservation laws could develop a strong policy to facilitate the
research for audio work in the conservation of sound as (eco)system. Here, the Cassini Or-
biter Instrument survey and sniff, analyse and scrutinize. And of course, they take stunning
images in various visible spectra. The 12 science instruments on board the Cassini spacecraft
are seemingly capable of doing it all. Each instrument is designed to carry out sophisticated
scientific studies of Saturn, from collecting data in multiple regions of the electromagnet-
ic spectrum, to studying dust particles, to characterizing Saturns plasma and magneto-
sphere environment [11]. The instruments gather data for 27 diverse science investigations,
providing scientists with an enormous amount of information on the most beautiful planet
in our Solar System. Inbetween them Optical Remote Sensing, mounted on the remote
sensing pallet, these instruments study Saturn and its rings and moons in the electromag-
netic spectrum. Composite Infrared Spectrometer (CIRS), Imaging Science Subsystem (ISS),
Ultraviolet Imaging Spectrograph (UVIS), Visible and Infrared Mapping Spectrometer (VIMS).
A part, fields, particles and waves are studied and analysed through particular instruments
to detect the dust, plasma and magnetic fields around Saturn. While most dont produce
actual pictures, the information they collect is critical to scientists understanding of this
rich environment. These are the Cassini Plasma Spectrometer (CAPS), Cosmic Dust Analyzer
(CDA), Ion and Neutral Mass Spectrometer (INMS), Magnetometer (MAG), Magnetospheric
Imaging Instrument (MIMI), Radio and Plasma Wave Science (RPWS), Microwave Remote
Sensing. So, using radio waves, these instruments map atmospheres, determine the mass
of moons, collect data on ring particle size, and unveil the surface of Titan, with Radar and
Radio Science (RSS). In this sense, electronic artist raxil4, Andrew Page, has created an im-
measurable beautiful series of audio work based in Saturn, and other planets. The series
so far have featureda range of soundscapes manipulations. He creates sounds from field
recording and electronics, sometimes using the radio emissions from planets like Jupiter.
His sounds also feature de-tuned radios, televisions, computers, turntables, CDs and MP3
players, tape recorders, electronic games, vintage equipment and handmade electronic de-
vices and sculptural instruments [12]. Some examples here: Solo, a white dwarf star GD358
track [13], a live mix of Saturn, the Sun and GD358 [14], and a new live version on 3 four tracks
featuring 3 new tapes, a second recording of Saturn, the Diamond Star and Alpha Centauri,
as well as the original Saturn tape, The Sun and GD358 [15].
It has to be said, that within the last 3 examples, involving Dronestrikes on Saturn, Or-
bitando Satellites and Psychogeophysics Summit, all these are using spectrometer (spec-
trophotometer, spectrograph or spectroscope)to measure the unit of light on the electro-
magnetic spectrum [16]. And also magnometers, among others devices, but these both are
682
the common ones and the more important. It is primordial to use and understand these de-
vices and tools in the creation of audio work to define nature of soundscape. A part of sound
techniques to capture landscapes, there are many others to capture, like the UAVSAR,the
UninhabitedAerial Vehicle with Synthetic Aperture Radar, used in image science, equipped
with radars to get imagesthroughinterferogram techniques. All of these tools and hardware
captureimagesin polymetricphasesdetectingchanges on earth with time to show interfero-
metric images. It has to be added, radio waves detectors, wavelength in airplanes with au-
topilot for geo-scientificexploration and remote sensing apparatus [17]. This versatile NASA
equipment of imaging radar system is showcasing its broad scientific prowess for studying
our home planet. More information about tools is available at NASA [18].
683
References
[1]LaBelle, Brandon. Background Noise: Per- [16]Browning, John. How to work with the
[2]. Acoustic Territories: Sound Culture and lation with spectroscopes of all kinds. London:
jp/sat/index.htm
Satellite. http://funcube.org.uk/
LABoral, 2011.
struments/
Lincolnshire, 2014.
raxil4.bandcamp.com/album/solaris-varia-
tions
camp.com/album/cronus
raxil4.bandcamp.com/album/live-on-
mars-11-04-14
684
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Abstract
Berlin Sonic Places was a wideranging sound arts and research project carried out in 2012
that aimed to explore the importance of sound in the urban context and the impact of plan-
ning and development on city soundscapes. Berlin has undergone constant redevelopment
since unification so is a particularly relevant city to raise such issues and look for answers.
Berlin Sonic Spaces brought together different interest groups artists, architects/plan-
ners, sociologists, musicians, residents, administrators and the public for a broad dialogue
on Berlins changing soundscape. Research and sound arts projects were commissioned in
three specific locations chosen for the types of development exemplified Prenzlauerberg
(gentrification), Rummelsburg (total redevelopment), Tempelhof Airfield (future planning).
These led to public events where the work was presented as installations and performances
together with open talks and discussions. Core themes included sound and social change,
methods for studying and representing soundscape issues, and future city soundscapes.
The talk will briefly overview the whole project, but focus in detail on Rummelsburg,
where important soundscape and planning questions have been raised during its regener-
ation from a grim prison and industrial area to todays leafy waterside development with a
growing residential community.
http://sonic-places.dock-berlin.de/?lp_lang_pref=en&page_id=6
685
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Pedro Rebelo
p.rebelo@qub.ac.uk
Sonic Arts Research Centre, Queens University Belfast, UK
Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro, Brazil
Abstract
This paper addresses the relationship between local and distributed strategies with refer-
ence to two recent participatory sound art projects in Belfast and Rio de Janeiro. The local
concern for site and place is discussed and juxtaposed with distributed practices, which,
by definition question and extend the very notion of site or locale. I refer to examples from
ethnomusicology, anthropology and education in which participative horizontal research
methodologies lead to a dynamic articulation of local conditions and allow for a reflection
on how technology impacts on social interaction and relationships with place. The works of
Samuel Arajo, Georgina Born and Brazilian pedagogue Paulo Freire provide a framework of
reference in this context.
686
1 Introduction
The notion of the local, often set in binary opposition with the global has framed ideol-
ogy and discourse in the arts throughout much of the 20th century, in particular through
the modernism-postmodernism transition. At the height of modernism in the 1950s, glob-
al aesthetics promoted by for example the International Style in architecture (Hitchcock,
1995) celebrated universality and detachment from context at the expense of the local.
Post-modernity re-introduced the local and reclaimed context as a critical element of cul-
ture and meaning. During the 1980s and 90s the importance of local context and by exten-
sion, notions of community and participation gained relevance and prominence in public art,
ethnography, anthropology and education (Freire, 1993). The term local is a relative one
and is, in this context, used not simply in geographic terms but as a surrogate for a dynamic
threshold around a community of interest, a collective, a site or a place. In other words, the
local refers to lived experience in a territory, to the relationship between human behaviour
and space. The engagement with the local is then the dismissal of notions of unity and uni-
versality as Latour elaborates in War of the Worlds:
Nobody can constitute the unity of the world for anyone else, as used to be the case in
the times of modernism and post-modernism, by generously offering to let the others in,
on condition that they leave at the door all that is dear to them: their gods, their souls, their
objects, their times and spaces in short, their ontology. . . . From now on the battle is about
the making of the common world and the outcome is uncertain. (Latour, 2002)
Cultural research within disciplines such as ethnomusicology, for example, re-invented
itself to almost completely erase the universal or even comparative discourse1 in favour of
local engagement in which the distance between the subject and object of study becomes
ambiguous or simply collapses. In other words, the notion that one can understand an-oth-
er culture by devising more or less universal models of particular aspects of society became
increasingly problematic and alternative methods for conducting research began to emerge.
The work of Brazilian ethnomusicologist Samuel Arajo is specifically innovative in this con-
text. Since the late 1990s his study of music in the Mar favelas in Rio de Janeiro has been
conducted through participatory action involving groups of inhabitants who themselves set
1.The term comparative musicology was used in the first half of the 20th century before the discipline of
ethnomusicology became common currency. Ethnomusicology methodology favoured the study of musics within
wider cultural and social research rather that the study of sound alone that was associated with comparative
musicology.
687
the research agenda through Musicultura an independent research group based in Mar,
involving researchers from both inside and outside the community (Cambria, 2008). This
example of collaborative research highlights the importance of articulating local conditions
for the understanding of cultural trends and actions; themselves fuelled by contingent idi-
osyncrasies rather than universal truths. Here, the local is no longer the site of interest and
exploration (what used to be referred to as indigenous) but rather the site of action, deci-
sion-making and the site of difference.
This focus on the unique grain of local condition seems, at first inspection, diametrically
opposed to discourses of technology that often promote romantic views of utopian univer-
sal access or at times uncritical democratisation of culture as elaborated by writers such as
Harraway (1991) and Negroponte (1996). A critique of the universal utopian claims enabled
by the ubiquitousness of technology is eloquently argued by Coyne in Technoromanticism
(1999). There are arguably some contradictions between activities that value decision-mak-
ing based on local experience and those aiming at generalisation and universal models. The
two modes of operation can indeed be seen as opposite as in the stereotypical binary be-
tween the good-natured village craftsman and the evil multinational co-operation. This bi-
nary polarity would however be over simplistic as well as tangential to this text.
Instead, I wish to reflect on the notion of the local and the distributed through creative
work in sonic arts that celebrates a focus on community, site, place and the everyday, ele-
ments that have become so crucial in the recent history of sound art (Chaves, 2012, Labelle,
2010). As a lot of this work involves technology of some sort, there is often a tension between
the universality implied by technological design and engineering and its actual local use.
Unorthodox uses of technology are common place in game mods and remix cultures, just
as hardware hacking practices take pride in re-appropriation of disused technology to pro-
vide new uses and thus relentlessly transforming old toys into musical instruments (Collins,
2009). Once out on the shelves, technologies are embedded in communities and gain mean-
ings often not predicted by its creators. As with any cultural artefact, technologies carry
social values open to interpretation, re-interpretation, use and misuse.
688
2. Distributed Sound and Place
The place of musical activity is determining for practices, hierarchies and performative
languages. The development of places for music-making or musicking (Small, 1998) shows
us how architecture can have a determining role in the emergence of certain instruments
(church organ), instrumental formations (chamber music), musical form (opera) as well as
stage and audience layouts (orchestral pit). The church, the chamber, the concert hall, the
lounge, the club, the elevator, the street are all archetypal places for music making. Each one
of them is associated with a particular practice that gains definition through the articulation
of how music making inhabits place and site. Church music, for example, suggests specific
practices, languages, acoustics, behaviour, physical layouts, rituals, collectives etc., which
will be different from those inherent in street music or club music. This pairing between
place and music is a simple yet powerful device for addressing music as cultural and social
practice rather than as isolated aesthetic object. A piece of concert hall music can arguably
become a piece of street music with little or no alteration of the musical materials but with
significant changes to the musical experience (as reflected, for example, in execution, inter-
pretation, performative presence, acoustic environment, relationship between musician and
audience, listeners intention etc.). A piece of music is inevitably and constantly mediated
bysite.
The ways in which sound belongs to place plays has an important role in our everyday
listening experience as we negotiate the balance between what is expected of a place and
what is from elsewhere. Practices in transmission art by, for example, Bill Fontana and his
iconic re-placement of the sound of the Brooklyn Bridge in the World Trade Centre pla-
za plays precisely with these expectations of belonging. Initiatives such as the EU funded
Newaud project deliberately take concert music out of the concert hall to reframe this rela-
tionship between music and place with the aim of reaching new audiences.
This relationship between sound and place is increasingly challenged by notions of
transmission, streaming and the ubiquitous network that promotes, or at least facilitates,
access to any sound in any place. Is the network a platform for simply connecting existing
places or is it a site in itself? Notions of site, when it comes to the internet are certainly em-
bedded in the language of the media; to visit a page, to go online, to be on Facebook and so
on. Spatial inflections in internet terminology are numerous and continue to emerge from
William Gibsons already 30 year old cyberspace (Gibson, 1995). For the present discussion, it
is sufficient to entertain the notion that the network is often treated as place. A place that is,
689
in my view, no longer described by distinctions between the virtual and the actual that pre-
occupied so many thinkers in the 1990s. The internet/network is simply another place with
its own conditions, dynamics and locality. To speak of the network is as generic as to speak
of the church; these are terms that broadly define place but perhaps most importantly act as
surrogates for articulating the specifics of a social situation or types of collective behaviour.
We can limit these social situations to musical practice which, if we append to our list of
archetypal places, gives us reasonably well defined situations: church music, chamber music,
concert hall music, lounge music, club music, elevator music and street music. Considering
the network as place, is it then possible to talk about network music?
Research into network music covers a wide range of topics motivated by two distinct
positions. Firstly, bringing music to the network by creating conditions under which music
can be practised (based on our understanding of the environment for conducive musick-
ing). Secondly, understanding how the network acts as a mediating, potentially disruptive,
aspect of music making to suggest new practices that are of the network. These new prac-
tices have, for sometime, been explored by artists such as Max Neuhaus, Atau Tanaka, Chris
Chafe, Jason Freeman, Pauline Oliveros amongst others through a focus on understanding
the conditions of the network as a site for creative agency. Born, in her study of mediation
in music, highlights the creative potential of digital internet distribution and suggests the
notion of relayed creativity as a state which can better define the type of intervention that
can take place once music is distributed across space, time and people, becoming an object
of constant de-territorialization and re-territorialization (Born, 2005). It is in this context
that relationships emerge between the local as defined by specific contingencies, tensions
and resistances and the distributed resulting from a network of agency, aggregation and
relay. Elsewhere, Ive discussed notions of network dramaturgy as a way of articulating dif-
ferent approaches to music making that are mediated by computer networks and by places
that potentially connect other places (Rebelo, 2009). Dramaturgy is a potentially useful term
in the context of network music making as it deflects attention from music as object and
suggests that network activities are subject to frameworks which in themselves need to
articulate notions of presence, authorship, collaboration as discussed by Schroeder (2010).
As the relationship between agents is often intertwined with the sociality of music making,
in network music (or for that matter any type of music making that promotes itself as new
or experimental), these agencies and relationships must be considered and to some extent
designed. This design of conditions is inseparable from the design of the music itself to an
extent that it becomes impossible to separate activities such as composition from perfor-
mance design, stage layout, sound engineering The music to be made is contingent on the
690
design of presence, nodes, places, to an extent that the music cannot be made a priori; it is
forever subject to the dynamics of the situation and therefore does not exist as object. But
in what way is this different from any other emerging musical forms? Surely one can argue
that the same is true of opera, Javanese gamelan, West African drumming, Jazz, Free Improv-
isation etc. I would suggest that this concern for engaging in the social and in the design of
the mediation (be it related to place, the public or technology) is present at some stage in all
musical practices, arguably only ceasing to be once practices become ossified. Often, these
are stages of change or experimentalism that are articulated by unspoken tensions and rules.
This state thrives out of specific dynamics between groups or individuals, that embrace the
messiness of making without an overriding concern for the made. The Fluxus movement,
for example, focus deliberately on these transitory and fluid practices through embracing
ephemeral performative action over traditional forms of producing and consuming art.
The notion of distribution is used here in the sense of social relationships that are not
geographically confined, providing a sufficiently rich network for the emergence of creative
practice with the involvement or not of technology.
691
Neuhaus captures so succinctly while resisting objectification of the sound of a particular
site. In this case, site-specificity lies not in the specificity of place but in the specificity of
the act of listening.
Although every place has its own sonic characteristics, it is remarkably difficult to iden-
tify the sound of a site by listening. The field recordist listening back to a recording unescap-
ably recalls the experience of being in place through sound. She does therefore complement
the aural record with the memory of being in that particular situation. The way in which this
relationship between the recorded object and the experience of recording is communicated
to the public remains a challenge of much field recording and soundscape work. The notion
of soundscape as an aural reality that can be objectified away from cultural context has been
powerfully critiqued by Feld (2004) and Ingold (2007). The relationship between site and
sound doesnt lie in obsessive acoustic cartography but rather in understanding the lived
experience of place and listening. We must therefore evolve from a terminology associated
with object (i.e. site and sound) to one that is more to do with place making and the process
of listening listening in place.
In order to engage with this listening in place in the context of creative practice one must
unfold layers of objectification that construct a barrier between what is heard and who is
hearing it. One must also lay the agenda open to the dynamics of the territory and not treat
the local as the exotic or the other. An understanding of, and engagement with territory is
clearly possible to communicate to others but that assumes a two-way knowledge transfer
from the local to the expert. This means the expert, in this case, the practitioner who
wishes to engage with the local, cannot bring a pre-determined agenda. This type of en-
gagement goes beyond a willingness to gather local knowledge. To ask the inhabitant of a
village where the best restaurant is, does not necessarily relate to her experience of place.
The notion of a map of best restaurants (or indeed tourist attractions) is fundamentally alien
to the lived experience of the local who doesnt eat out nor visits attractions in her own vil-
lage. When engaging in creative practice which addresses the relationship between listening
and place one must avoid yet another layer of alienating re-mapping of an exotic territory.
The local is therefore an ephemeral condition articulated by an experience of place. This
experience is not articulated by the extraordinary (the best restaurant or tourist attraction)
but by the everyday.
692
ologies for engagement in the sonic arts through a reflection on everyday relationships be-
tween sound and place.
Sounds of the City (Pedro Rebelo, Rui Chaves, Matilde Meireles and Anghus McEvoy) is
an example of a participative art project engaging local communities through the experience
of listening.
Sounds of the City (www.soundsofthecity.info) is a community project and exhibition
commissioned by the Metropolitan Arts Centre (MAC), Belfast in 2012. Over a four-month
period, the team worked together with two intergenerational groups in Belfast with the aim
of addressing specific sound qualities of places, events and stories. Themes that surfaced
from this process constitute the basis for an exhibition, which promotes listening as a form
of intersecting daily life, identity and memory. Five installations address aural contexts rang-
ing from Belfasts industrial heritage to the local family home. These are shaped by present
and past experiences of workshop participants at Dee Street Community Centre in East Bel-
fast and Tar Isteach in North Belfast. The themes and contents of these installations centre
upon the relationship between sound and memory, sound and place, and the documentation
of everyday personal auditory experience.
All materials exhibited emerge through workshops, interviews and field-recording ses-
sions. Workshops act here as a basis from which to share with each group the projects aims,
methods of listening, methods of documenting sound and the wider areas of soundscape
studies and acoustic ecology. They also provided a central point allowing participants to
organize outside activities and share material for exhibition.
The focus of the project was in articulating how a local sonic experience, in this case of
a small group or an individual, could be communicated in the context of a public sound art
exhibition. The sonic experiences that emerged throughout the project were clearly mean-
ingful for the participants themselves even though some were more easily communicated
than others. Examples of these experiences include group memories of sounds that ceased
to exist (factory horns from Belfasts industrial heyday), an individuals relationship to a place
with a particularly strong aural identity (a public swimming pool), or the recounting of per-
sonal stories triggered by a sound event or memory (the sound of thousands of heavy boots
as men walk back home after a shift at the shipyard). The methodologies employed in the
project were numerous, some of them established and others more experimental. The major
concern was to engage participants in activities enabling the articulation and awareness of
the listening experience. This was achieved through actions such as sound walks, field re-
cording, sound diaries, annotation of photographs with sounds and informal interviews. The
693
variety of methods employed led to the reinforcement of particular experiences and themes
making the process of exhibition design constantly informed by the participants.
The participative nature of the project was focused on a collaborative relationship be-
tween communities and artists. This relationship was predicated on the design of an exhi-
bition about the city but rooted in the experiences of the participants and the artists con-
tribution. This model of shared creation raises interesting authorship questions, which are
still unresolved. Again, the ethnomusicological work of Samuel Arajo offers a number of
solutions based on joint authorship that could be applied to creative practice. In the case
of Sounds of the City, the act of collaboration focused on the joint development of themes,
which through discussion and negotiation became the core elements of the exhibition. An
aspect of the project that outlives the exhibition is the Belfast Soundmap (www.belfast-
soundmap.org), an open online platform initiated with Sounds of the City but gaining a new
life after the exhibition. The soundmap aims at opening the experience of listening in place
to a wider community and for extended periods of time2.
2.The design of the map was focused on allowing any user to upload sound, text or images associated with a lo-
cation in Belfast and to create projects, which filter entries according to a particular activity. The map shares some
it its aims with other soundmaps around the world but is primarily focused on capturing the listening experience
694
Som da Mar (somdamare.wordpress.com) is a more recent project aimed at further
developing the participative methodologies mentioned above. This time, the context is one
of the largest clusters of favelas in Rio de Janeiro and a partnership with Museu da Mar,
situated in one of the Mar favelas. In contrast with Sounds of the City, this project aimed
at extending the engagement of participants to the exhibition design process. Themes of
the everyday were explored through sound as were territorial politics a common focus of
debate in favela communities (i.e. territorial control by drug factions and/or police).
The project took place over six months at the beginning of 2014 and culminated in three
installations at Museu da Mar, a guided soundwalk in Aterro do Flamengo (a well known
leisure area in Rio) and a subsequent installation at the Mac Niteri modern art museum.
The participants were six 17/18 year olds who were selected for a work placement at the
museum. Their families by extension provided access to different generations of Mar in-
habitants. Another group of participants were eight postgraduate students from areas such
as architecture, design, music and visual arts at the Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro.
The various methodological and participative aspects of this project are beyond the scope
of this text and will be explored elsewhere. From the perspective of the current discussion
however it is important to reflect on how the local and the distributed provided sources of
intense collaboration but also of tension.
Distributive characteristics, in the case of Som da Mar took the form of horizontal de-
cision making in which various project tasks are self assigned amongst the participants. The
variety of skills, experience and engagement to some extent forced a distributed approach to
the production of an exhibition. Here distributed in a sense that any participant could have
access to any asset (an idea, an interview, a field recording) and work on an aspect of the pro-
ject without feeling she was taking some elses job. Although the project is admittedly about
the local conditions of a particular group of favela residents it also aims at a distributed un-
derstanding of sound and everyday through a re-placement of memories, experiences and
audio materials from the favela to another part of the city. This re-placement articulates the
inherent conflict between the official and other parts of the city but it also articulates the
shared nature of so many everyday listening experiences; the street vendor calls, children
playing outside, the rain
The sound worlds revealed through an engagement with the local also become distribut-
ed as they are shared and re-contextualised in order to open relationships with other groups
of an individual in place through sound itself but also through descriptive text or image. The growing number of
entries and different types of engagement with the map will in time constitute a valuable resource for addressing
attitudes to sound and place across the city of Belfast.
695
and individuals. In Som da Mar this was done through re-placing relationships between
sound and the everyday that emerged out of the work with Mar residents into a guided
soundwalk format in another part of the city. Environmental audio materials and voices from
Mar as heard over headphones in Aterro do Flamengo, remap places and memories of the
everyday: the football pitch, water
3. Conclusion
This paper attempts to articulate how notions of the local and the distributed can co-exist
in creative practice. What can, at first, be seen as a binary relationship between socially en-
gaged local work and highly technologized and institutionalised networked collaborative or
distributed work, is re-folded into two types relationships that can be developed in parallel.
Ive argued how place-sound relationships are predicated on listening experience rather
than objectification of aural characteristics. As such, the network can act as a platform for
mediating experiences of place through articulating difference and relationship. Notions of
re-placement or distribution can act as strategies for articulating the local and the particu-
lar. Engagement with the local relies on collaborative participation, which in turn suggests
non-hierarchical models of authorship distributed authorship. This approach inevitably
generates a more complex and rich set of relationships between participants and the mate-
rials at hand. The notion of the distributed as discussed here re-folds the local by allowing
for the opening up of the particular into the shared. This is then in turn again re-folded
into another local, another set of relationships, which become particular or personal for
another group.
In this sense, the aim of a project such as Sounds of the CityorSom da Mar is not to
re-create the experiences of a community but rather to extrapolate and to distribute those
experiences so that they can gain meaning in different contexts. The participatory work that
roots these projects is common to a lot of socially engaged art practices, and relies on plac-
ing value in the process as much as in the final results. As such, these processes emphasise
the making rather than the made, the experience and process rather than the object. Sound,
at its most evocative, becomes the trigger for articulating lived experience of place and a
reality of listening we all share. The everyday acts as a vehicle for expressing the personal,
the societal and the political, which one hears, and others do to
696
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697
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Abstract
The paper takes up an approach to sound art creation in the public art sphere. Addressed in
line with the perspectives on public art by some of the critical authors and artists in the field
as Arlene Raven or Susanne Lacy, the paper reinforces the analysis of the sound art practice
in the public sphere related to notions of commitment, ephemerality or temporality which
are crucial for the art in-the-public interest paradigm and, broadly understood, for the
public art today.
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1. Cross origins
This section directly linked two terms, those of sound installation and public art. The origin
in both cases brings to the United States and a year, 1967. It was at this moment, 1967, when
the State University of New York at Buffalo presented Drive-in Music a sound installation
by Max Neuhaus conceived for the cars radios driving through a large avenue while catch-
ing sounds broadcasted from some devices on the sides. This installation, largely studied,is
considered today the first sound installation ever made, mainly because Neuhaus was who
coined the term, but also, and beyond that fact, because it is the first example of an instal-
lation of this magnitude having sound as a central role. The year 1967 was also the date in
which public art practices were institutionalized due to the establishment of the Art in the
Public Places Program at The National Endowment for the Arts (NEA) in the United States. Its
first finished commission was the Grande Vitesse by Alexander Calder, a monumental red
sculpture of sinuous forms installed in a square in Michigan.
Both of them were specifically conceived for the occasion, although with different pur-
poses. While Neuhaus piece was playing with the space Calders one was mostly occupying
it. Drive-in Music was an experimentation responding to Neuhaus interest in leaving the
concert halls; the Grande Vitesse however responded to the initial objective of the NEA to
commission pieces by renowned artists to be installed in the public space and thus make
them accessible to the general audience. The experimentation of one artist versus the con-
solidation of another isnt the only difference in the conception of these two pieces. While
the Grande Vitesse was conceived in consonance to the permanence of the architectural site,
the devices that made Drive-in Music possible were installed in the avenue from October
1976 till April 1968, a little more than half a year covering different seasons (an important fac-
tor for the piece) and in consonance with the continuous movement and temporal practices
in the city exemplified in the cars and the radio.
The installation by Neuhaus, Drive-in Music not only worked in the cross of the public
and private space, making the private space of the car interact with the result of its own
presence in the public space of the street, but introduced a temporal element and thus
created a circumstance, an impossible to retain and evanescent situation connected to the
immediate perception and the highly codified relation of all the agents involved in that par-
ticular moment. Moreover, the piece did not impose itself to the audience, who mainly might
tune the specific dial and find it by surprise. As in many others of his pieces, this real-time
installation worked to be temporarily appropriated and then leave behind. This feature of
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what is intangible in time is distinctive of the public space. Its absence of a single ownership,
does not let it be appropriated but only temporally.
Although it is unclear when the expression public art was first used, there is an early
example in one of the texts published by the art critic and historian Irving Sandler in the
catalogue of the Sculpture in Environment exhibition organised by the city of New York in
October 1967. If enough artists are enabled to work in public places, stated Sandler a
new aesthetic tradition may develop, a tradition of a modern public art, different from that
of studio art.(Harding 1997) This use of the term is in line with the art-in-public-space par-
adigm adopted by Miwon Kwon (2004) to refer to modernist abstract sculptures placed in
open spaces of the city. A public art, which as mentioned by Barbara Hoffman wasnt public
for the most part, in the sense of shared aesthetic vocabulary, symbolism or worldview be-
tween artists and their audiences (1990, 114). This conception of public art, which seemed
indecipherable and meaningless to the audience started then to be criticized and carried to
public sculptures and projects very much connected to the architectural space.
Entry [into a work] is facilitated when the public perceives the work as perform-
ing some useful task, whether it is simply that of shade and seating, or something
even remotely associated with the sense of leisure. To be guided through space
in a way that rewards the passer-by is of prime value to the public. (Kardon 1980)
All the ideas tended to discuss about the public in public art, a slippery concept that has
been given much thought. A concept that is or has been depending on the historical peri-
ods, connected to art in open spaces, architectural furniture, social works, public sculptures,
art and activism among others and of course to the audiences, publics and/or citizens. A
concept, which has been associated with different ideas of usefulness, playfulness, commit-
ment, participation and ornament, that continues to be problematic in its definition in the
art sphere. A concept, however, opened enough to not refer to techniques and disciplines
but concepts, methods, strategies and possibilities of action.
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2. Art in-the-public interest
The eruption of artistic practices related to a socially conscious art in the 1980s carried
the production of public art to the model of Art in-the-public interest. This field initially
studied by Arlene Raven and later problematized by Susanne Lacy in Mapping the terrain,
comprehended practices such as the following listed by Raven: () street art, guerrilla the-
atre, video, page art, billboards, protest actions and demonstrations, oral histories, dances,
environments, posters, murals, paintings and sculpture that radically changed the face of
contemporary public art (1989, 3); a set of practices all of them, that were named later by
Suzanne Lacy the new genre public art.
Unlike much of what has heretofore been called public art, new genre public art-
visual art that uses both traditional and non-traditional media to communicate
and interact with a broad and diversified audience about issues directly relevant
to their lives is based on engagement. () The term new genre has been used
since the late sixties to describe art that departs from the traditional boundaries
of media. Not specifically painting, sculpture, or film for example new genre
art might include combinations of different media. Installations, performances,
conceptual art, and mixed-media, for example, fall into the new genre category,
a catchall term for experimentation in both form and content. Attacking bound-
aries, new genre public artists draw on ideas from vanguard forms, but they add
a developed sensibility about audience, social strategy, and effectiveness that is
unique to visual art as we know it today. (Lazy 1994, 1920)
Mainly, these practices approached public art beyond the media,and were defined for the
methods. The artistic interventions, whether installations, performances, or any other kind
of work, were defined by the ways of proceeding or doing something and not necessarily by
the inner implications of the media used. This approach to public art, was very clear in the
first traces of sound art in the public space: the d-coll/ages and happenings where sound
was an important factor were mainly reclaiming attention to social issues or reflecting on
the political and economical situation. The Situationists practicing the drifts and using spo-
radically walkie-talkies, acted on the same basis, although there are some differences in be-
tween them and the projects, such as Three weeks of May by Lacy in 1970, which are included
in the new genre public art. While in the former, the artists conducts a collective experience,
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acting as a mediator in an artistic field that creates a connection with the public sphere, in
the second one the artist instigates the general audience to merge a topic of public interest,
if necessary disturbing them with public demonstrations. Three weeks of May comprised a
series of events that denounced the high number of rapes and aggressions against women
that took place over a three-week period in May, in the city of Los Angeles.
These practices, as Malcom Milles states resolves the contradiction of public art by de-
termining public as a space (or time) of public issues while subverting the gendering and
separation of the public and domestic realms (1997, 62).
Despite the intentionality of pieces like Three weeks of May, the relationship of public
artworks, the public domain and the public is uneasy according to Raven. Probably because
of the amplitude and broadmindedness of the different approaches and the perception of
the audiences, but also for the complexity previously noted of defining each of the terms.
And probably as well, for the role the artist acquires in this in-the-public interest model,
and the indistinctness of the artistic practice with activists practices that intend to affect
and transform in Lazy words. Lacy in Mapping the terrain added some interesting ques-
tions to this discussion:
Her questions show once again the ambiguity of the term, recalling the attention on
thinking the role of the public (in public art) to express a quality of mayor concepts, but also
suggesting the idea of public as a committed attitude by the side of the artists, and beyond
that, inquiring if the public of public art is on the intention of the artist or the interest of
the audience.
In 2009 the Mexican group Teatro Ojo organized the project Mxico mi amor nunca
mires atrs. Estado Fallido 2: multifamiliar Jurez (Mexico my love never look back. Failed
State 2: Multi Jurez). A dirt football pitch, where a Nike slogan proclaimed, Nunca mires
atrs (Never look back), was the pretext for this art action, which looked at the state of ten-
sion between history and memory, by holding a football match. The territory, that is today a
playing field, was once a cemetery, then the site of a national stadium and finally the place of
residences designed as part of a modernizing program undertaken by the Mexican govern-
ment which later suffered severe earthquake damage. Through this project the territory
became a scenario charged with history and its contradictions that was activated through a
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popular football match between the neighbours football teams, and a specific sound inter-
vention.
While the game was underway, the loudspeakers reproduced the narration of the game
between the national selections of England and Mexico in the 1966 World Cup. Since the ac-
tion on the field had nothing to do with the narration coming from the loudspeaker system,
a paradoxical situation arose somehow uncovering the value and role of the media that was
subverted by the real process having place in the playing field. In addition, interspersing the
game several suspensions took place, like time capsules, broadcasting recordings of political
rallies, speeches and other historical archives that could be heard by the audience in the
field, coming this time from small speakers carried by the players, who had stopped all their
activity.
The action is seen to be a rupture that falsifies play and recovers, in an unusual man-
ner, times gone by, revealing the gap that arises from the tension exercised by history and
memory, not just in this playing field but in the entire Mexican state. On the one hand the
audience, as public of an artistic action in the field of an anti-artistic practice like football,
faces the temporal dislocation, and then embodies the archival speeches in the sweaty and
dusty body of the players. A strong situation appears where time lapses and real situation
mix through the reminiscent power of archival sounds relocated in that specific context.
Visualizing that way, through play and mass culture, the fissures in the fabric of the public
codes on which the present in built.
This construction of a history of new genre public art is not built on a typology
of materials spaces or artistic media, but rather on concepts of audience, rela-
tionship, communication, and political intention (Lacy, 1994, 2829)
Contrary to the permanent relations forced by the big minimalistic sculptures, the temporal
practices, which happen and end up in a short period of time allow to elaborate dynamic
relationships in which both the permanent structure of the public space and the ephemeral-
ness of the events provokes the brightness of the immediate. Patricia Phillips who has widely
written on Public Art, points to the temporality as the feature that stimulates in public art
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the idea of the research laboratory (Phillips 1989, 332) allowing to rehearse approaches to
the public and thus creating and/or proposing new readings of the public sphere.
A temporal public art may not offer broad proclamations; it may stir controversy
and rage; it may cause confusion; it may occur in non-traditional, marginal, and
private place. In such art the conceptual takes precedence over the more obvi-
ous circumstantial (Phillips 1989, 332)
In 2007 Sharon Hayes performed during one week in New York Everything Else Has
Failed! Dont You Think Its Time For Love? She stood in front of the offices of an important
financial services company at lunchtime with a microphone and a PA system and spoke to
an anonymous lover. The private sentences of one lover to another heard in the public space,
displaced from the intimacy and carried to the publicness of what might be listen by an oth-
er anonymous, provoked a situation of strangeness and triggered curiosity of some people,
causing as well indifference in many others.
The ephemeral features connected to relations of perception, semblance and codifica-
tion organizes following the anthropologist Manuel Delgado the public space as a social
construction based in the anonymity and mutual neglect. (1999, 12) In this space, actions like
Hayes make an incision that is closed after its disappearance. Who and how appropriates
it in the meanwhile, and how the artwork implicates and derives from the context makes
itpublic.
The transitory environment of the public space, which is mutable and flexible, makes
temporality in public art an opportunity to converge attention on specific issues. The se-
quence and the stacking of unstable components characterizing the public space made the
public space oscillate for Delgado. The public space is unstructured not because there is
no structure, but because it is always structuring. (Delgado 1999, 12, 46) In the continuous
movement and transformation of the public spaces, things, actions and situations appear
and disappear. Thats the reason why he asserts, the public space is a foamy space is which
almost nothing deserves the privilege of staying (Ibid, 46) Things appear and disappear,
are consumed, ignored, refused or accepted by a period of time. The meaning is gained in
thattemporality.
The inclusion of the public connects theories of art to the broader population:
what exists in the space between the words public and art is an unknown rela-
704
tionship between artist and audience, a relationship that may itself become the
artwork (Lacy 1994, 20)
In 2011 IvnArgote filmed Untitled (New York) a video in which people in the city turn
back looking towards the camera for a very short period of time. In silence and slow motion
the video captures the short period of attention he managed to attract by yelling words of
love. Two years latter, in 2013 this piece was installed in the frame of Augmented Spatiality,a
project on public space and sound creation held in a suburb of Stockholm1. Argotes piece
was installed in a big window shop of a caf in the main street of the neighbourhood. Facing
the street the piece repeated the original action, that of yelling, with the power of the image
this time. The image and sights of people in the video, acting as a silent yelling in the real
space appealed for moments the attention of citizens and evidenced once again and real
time, the micro-responses that actions in the public space originate. The unregulated au-
dience of the piece, citizens of the neighbourhood, suspended their activity for a very short
period of time that of decoding the situation and then continued their way. The temporal
and spatial distance in between the video and the recognition of the situation created illus-
trated once again the attention and neglect policies in public and urban environments.
As Phillips argues Ephemeral public art provides a continuity for analysis of the con-
ditions and changing configuration of public life (1989, 335). A public life whose temporal
practices make the public space be lived as the sociologist Isaac Joseph stated as spac-
ing, that is, as a social space governed by the distance (1995) which might be shorten by
micro-practices flowing with the rest of the complex public grid.
4. An inclusive approach
This paper addresses topics such as distance, ephemerality or the public interest to point to
different issues in which sound creation and public art are considered to meet in interesting
areas of work and analysis of the public: methods and strategies of appropriation, notions of
identity and anonymity, topics of analysis on temporality and urban space or practices that
1.For more information on the Augmented Spatiality project, curated by the author of this paper, visit the website
www.augmented-spatiality.org
705
activate and reflect on the public. These issues open up some of the topics that Im working
on my on-going research, which is not grounded on the qualitative aspects on sound art, but
rather on concepts sound art incites which are similar to those previously pointed by Lacy
such as audience, relationship, communication and political intention (Lacy 1994, 29) and
others to come.
References
Delgado, Manuel. El Animal Pblico: Hacia Una Miles, Malcom. Art, Space and the City: Public Art
Antropologa de Los Espacios Urbanos. 4a ed. and Urban Futures. 1st ed. New York: Rout-
Harding, David. Public Art. Contentious Term Mitchell, W. J. Thomas. Art and the Public
Practice. Glasgow: The Glasgow School of Art, Raven, Arlene. (1989) Art in the Public Interest.
1997. Retrieved from http://www.davidhard- New York: Da Capo Press Inc, 1993.
ing.net/?page_id=19 (Revised 16 June 2014) Phillips, Patricia C. Temporality and Public Art.
Hoffman, Barbara. Law for Arts Shake in the Art Journal 48, no. 4 (winter 1989): 331335.
, 1995.
2004.
706
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Abstract
The Housing Project: A case study in using sound art and ethnographic interpretation in a
social and political intervention poses questions of how can we represent the views of urban
dwellers in public art. How can we as artists maintain a space of community participation,
consultation, and conceptualization in our work? How can a public artwork take the pulse of
a city and present the views of its citizens? What strategies can be implemented to do this
while creating an inventive, playful and engaging interactive artwork?
I employ The Housing Project created in Melbourne, Australia as a case study to answer
these questions. This engaging interactive sound/sculpture installation uses generative
sound, edited interviews from a broad range of citizens and complex programming algo-
rithms to create a biography of a city. Urban audio stories are triggered by placing miniature
ceramic houses, trees, factories and tall buildings on an interactive glass platform to create
a never-changing sound environment. Heard in this changing cityscape is a mix of hundreds
of peoples voices from all walks of life and many ethnicities. Refugees, migrants, minority
groups, children, parents, architects, university students, urban planners, design profes-
sionals, young people, and elderly citizens offer points of view, memories and stories about
their experiences of urban life. Emerging from this work is a conversation about the current
issues surrounding city living, shelter, urban design, sustainability, prejudice, tolerance, and
reconciliation.
Keywords: sound art, interactive art, collaboration, social and political intervention, inter-
active installation, urban life, Sound and sense of place, community participation, positive
soundscapes, Urban Sound place and identity, tactile interface, field recordings, urban de-
sign, sustainability and climate change
707
1. Introduction
This paper employs The Housing Project as a case study example to demonstrate how an in-
teractive sound/sculpture installation can be seen as an archive, a snapshot of a community,
and a social and political intervention. I describe how such an artwork can take the pulse
of a city and present the views of its citizens. I outline the strategies adopted to create this
inventive, playful and engaging artwork.
I will draw some conclusions about the management of projects that involve communi-
ty participation and cross art form collaboration. I will make some informed observations
about the management of complex collaborations, and describe how such projects can func-
tion as a tool for social and political intervention. I will also discuss some methodological
aspects of the production process that are replicable in different communities, creating the
potential for a series of comparable sound/sculpture based interventions to be created in
further iterations of this work in other cities.
708
2. Overview
The Housing Project is the result of a creative collaboration between six artists working in the
fields of ceramic sculpture, community arts, sound recording, composition, table construc-
tion and design, and interactive programming.
The Housing Project takes the form of a playful and engaging interactive installation that
explores citizens views about urban life. In the exhibition of this work, gallery visitors are
invited to select miniature ceramic trees, houses, multi-storey buildings and factories and
place them as they wish on an interactive glass platform. As the city is laid out and arranged
the barcode on the base of each ceramic object triggers a sound file, which contributes to a
generative,evolving, and responsive sound environment.
The work captures the views and stories of urban life of a range of people who live in a
21st century multi-cultural, medium/high density city. The discussion of city life is contex-
tualised within a composition of electronic sounds and field recordings made in and around
the city, composed and programmed by Melbourne artists Chris Knowles, Keith Deverell and
Marco Bresiciani.
Heard in this changing cityscape is a mix of hundreds of peoples voices from all walks of
life and many ethnicities. Refugees, migrants, minority groups, children, parents, architects,
university students, urban planners, shop owners, design professionals, young people, and
elderly citizens offer points of view, memories and stories about their experiences of urban
life. Emerging from this work is a conversation about the current issues surrounding city
living, shelter, urban design, sustainability, climate change, prejudice, tolerance, peace and
reconciliation. Included are comments on city design and planning, tales of the worst stu-
dent share house experiences imaginable, life in public housing towers, and views about how
to make our cities more sustainable and enjoyable to live in.
709
Figure 2. Ceramic object interface used to trigger sound environment in TheHousing
Project. Objects made by AnnFerguson. Photo Tobias Titz
3. Collaboration
The Housing Project concept was devised by Greyspace artists Sue McCauley and Keith
Deverell and produced by Sue McCauley through a Creative Producer Fellowship awarded to
her by the Australia Council for the Arts. At the commencement of the project, shared own-
ership and a collaborative production method were negotiated amongst the artistic team. A
second programmer joined the team for the second year of development. The other artists
valued his contribution greatly and agreed to add him to the credits as a collaborator.
There are many definitions of creative collaboration. One that I find resonates with my
practice comes from the Helsinki Design Lab. They define creative collaboration to be, a
particular kind, in which by interacting with others you discover genuinely new ways of
thinking about and then doing something together. for collaborators not only conceive
of the work, they also play principal roles in carrying it out. (Downie, et al, 2012 p. iii). The
identification of principal roles and the management of the various timelines required by
professionals working in this unusual cross-disciplinary creative collaboration meant that
attention to timeframes, and a focus on shared problem solving was critical in developing
this project.
710
Figure 3. Keith Deverell (concept and programmer) and Ann Ferguson (Ceramic artist) working together at a ceramic
workshop held at Signal Youth Arts Centre, Melbourne.
Could projects such as The Housing Project be made in other development contexts? The
answer is that it needed the collaboration to deliver the range of skills and the shared prob-
lem solving which was so effective in the production process. Vera John-Steiner discusses
modes of authorship in collaboration, in her books Notebooks of the Mind: Explorations of
Thinking (1985), and Creative Collaboration (2000). She investigates the relationship between
group authorship and creative innovation in the work of artists and scientists. She observes
that innovative collaborations are those, that lead to change in their domains dominant
paradigms. (John-Steiner 2000, p.196) She suggests that this is because creative artists who
are interested in working collaboratively are those who see the value in working with peo-
ple from a range of disciplines. All artists in the team assembled for The Housing Project
came with a wealth of experience and expertise in their own field of activity. Some of them
had worked on cross-disciplinary projects before, but never with such an unusual cast of
characters, combining as it did, ceramic sculpture, furniture design, community art, digital
programming and sound design. One reason that an artist may find it creatively satisfying to
711
be engaged in such an unlikely collaboration, is that it is in trans-disciplinary collaborative
practice that innovation can occur. It is in the clash of traditions and methodologies that new
knowledge can be created. (McCauley 2007, p.13).
The notion of there being a leadership role in collaboration may seem to be a contradic-
tion in terms but this is the best description of the production method employed during
The Housing Project. This management role is that of the Creative Producer, and in this pro-
duction I played this role. It is increasingly found in practice, particularly in the development
and management of successful projects that have a focus on social and political intervention
through community engagement.
I examined and theorized the role and its impact on production in PhD research com-
pleted in 2007. I found creative producers to be instrumental in developing effective strate-
gies of community engagement and in creating a successful collaborative production models
to suit project conditions. The inclusion of the creative producer fundamentally supports
the creative dynamics, the team relationships, the management activities, and the commu-
nication processes within the collaborative team and that the introduction of the Creative
Producer role may create a new production model for such community-based, multimedia
productions that may affect not only what media products are made, but also how they are
produced. It is a production model that is particularly effective in small productions, where
multi-tasking is inevitable. In larger productions, the creative producer, is often less hands
on, but still critically involved in creative visioning, communication, and team management.
A key to the role is communicating effectively with the artistic team, community stake-
holders, organisations and individual participants involved in the process. In such collabo-
rations, the Creative Producer is involved in developing the concept, team selection, and fi-
nancing. He or she is responsible for the development of an effective production design that
incorporates the specific requirements of various creative practices.(McCauley 2007, p.13)
The key focus of my practice as a creative producer is to develop projects constructed
through a collaborative process with other artists, while seeking to maintain a space of com-
munity participation, without compromising the high standards of professional arts practice.
In the creative side of the role my activity is focused on creating and maintaining a clear
project vision, thematic development, community engagement, and the process of creative
collaboration. In the producer aspects of the role my concern is with the nuts and bolts of
budgets, timelines, and project management.
In this production, I was both inside the collaboration working as a sound recordist and
editor, engaging in the creative process and the discussion around how to build the work. At
712
the same time, I was managing the production, problem solving, and keeping the community
engagement process activated.
The multi-level engagement and management process was successful in this instance
because it kept me fully informed of progress, provided a deep understanding of process,
and enabled me to be aware of difficulties, disagreements, and problems as they arose in the
creative/technical team.
4. Process
The thematic and presentation challenges that the project team explored in the creation of
this work were about how to gather and present peoples views about living in cities. This
was not to be an exercise in didacticism, but a social and political intervention that was play-
ful. The aim of the team was to make a work that was an engaging interactive experience.
The creative idea that was the inspiration to make this work came from looking at a collec-
tion of little ceramic houses, and wondering what might be heard if you could eavesdrop on
the conversations of people who lived in them. This interactive sound/sculpture installation
acts strategically as an archive of sentiment, a snapshot of a community, and a social and
political intervention. In its construction, the work incorporates ethnographic investigative
techniques, digital programming and an unusual ceramic tactile interface.
The Housing Project had an initial production schedule of more than six months cul-
minating in its first proof of concept exhibition in an architecture and design festival. This
713
initial exhibition was followed by a further twelve months of debugging and technical refine-
ment and two further exhibitions. In such a lengthy process it was essential to have effective
leadership and excellent communications amongst project team and contributing commu-
nity participants.
The Housing Project was created with serious investigative intent on the part of the cre-
ators, while at the same time it provided an exciting and stimulating sound art experience
for the users. Technically the project design was a complex experiment. The collaborators
wanted to investigate how to create an interactive installation using the ceramic objects as
an interactive interface. They wanted to develop some type of triggering device that used
audio clips from citizen interviews as part of an evolving, captivating, and never repeated
sound/sculpture work.
Critically, in this model of production there was space for expert knowledge and
cross-disciplinary innovation.The selection criteria for team members were threefold. Each
member was selected for their specific expertise in technical and creative domains, proven
ability to collaborate and to do so across disciplines, and sensitivity to community engage-
ment. Each was responsible fortheir particular area of activity, such as programming, or
sculpture design and construction,over which they had substantial autonomy. failure.
When it came to overall project design and implementation there was considerable dis-
cussion and opinions sought as to the success or otherwise of technical and creative pro-
posals and developments amongst the team members. Critical decisions were made through
collective agreement.
It was fascinating watching the team in action, testing ideas quickly, intuitively judging
what was most likely to work at both a creative level, in the design of the table, the sound
and the objects used as the tactile interface to trigger the soundscapes, or working out
how to integrate and work with different software programs for interactivity and file selec-
tion.Cognitive psychologist Jerome Bruner (1979) in his observations about the role intuitive
knowledge in professional practice argues, Intuition implies the act of grasping the meaning
or significance or structure of a problem without explicit reliance on the analytic apparatus
of ones craft. (Bruner 1979, p.102).Donald Schon (1983) investigates the nature of intuitive
knowledge based on experience. He acknowledges that, competent practitioners exhibit
a kind of knowing in practice, most of which is tacit Indeed practitioners themselves often
reveal a capacity for reflection on their intuitive knowing in the midst of action and some-
times use this capacity to cope with unique, uncertain and conflicted situations of practice.
(Schon 1983, p.viii-ix).It was this intuitive knowledge based problem solving capacity of the
team as a whole and individuals within it that made the role of the Creative Producer, sat-
714
isfying on one hand and challenging on the other. I had to display trust in the team, respect
intuitive leaps in thinking, and provide space for experimentation and
Difficulties most commonly faced were often about understanding what issues a team
member working in another discipline were facing. For example, there was confusion about
the meaning of terms. This was the first time the ceramic artist had worked with program-
mers, and sound designers. She had some difficulty understanding the technical language of
the discussion at certain points. It reminded me of the scene in Lewis Carrols (1872), Through
the Looking-Glass,when Humpty Dumpty and Alice are discussing words and meaning:
When I use a word, Humpty Dumpty said in rather a scornful tone, it means just
what I choose it to mean neither more nor less.The question is, said Alice,
whether you can make words mean so many different things.The question is,
said Humpty Dumpty, which is to be master thats all. (Carroll, L. 1872, p. 72)
Just as Alice recognised that there was the potential for confusion in the meaning of
words, we had to make agreements about the meaning of terms because disciplines inter-
preted certain terms completely differently. An object to a ceramic artist and an object for
a programmer for example are not the same thing. In a collaborative team without a Master
making decisions, we had to come to a collective agreement about the meaning of terms in
the production context.
Another example of a cross-disciplinary issue, was one faced by the ceramic artist about
the size of the ceramic objects to be produced. The objects had to be big enough so that
when a glyph (ambisonic barcode) was attached tothebase of a tree or a house it could still
be read by the camera.The camera would recognise the glyf and then trigger a sound file to
start playing. Until the size was determined, the ceramic artist could not build the objects.
The artist had concerns about making objects too large and losing the aesthetic she desired.
The programmer was concerned that if the objects were too small the glyphs might not be
recognised by the camera. The determination of the glyph size therefore had to occur before
the ceramic sculptures could be made. Often solutions required input from various mem-
bers of the team.
715
5. Community Engagement
716
Figura 5. Students from Carlton Primary School with the houses that they made.
The workshops were hosted in Melbourne at a childrens art centre called Artplay, a
youth art centre called Signal, with classes of recently arrived refugee children at Carlton
Primary School, at Re-inforce an organisation lobbying for rights of the intellectually dis-
abled, and with the Jesuit Social Services who run a successful program for teenagers at risk
of homelessness. The workshop participants included planning, fine art and architecture
students, parents and their children, people with disabilities, refugee children, town plan-
ners, architects, elderly people living in a nursing home, and young homeless people.
Figure 6. Parent and Child workshop held at Artplay Childrens Art Centre Melbourne.
5.2. Interviews
During these workshops we took the opportunity to interview participants about their views
of urban living and their personal housing stories. Esther Anotolitus (2011) in her review of
the exhibition in the journal Architecture AU notes that, Recording ceramic workshop dis-
717
cussions and interviews with housing professionals, the installation spoke from a diversity of
perspectives and communities of interest. You cant negate personal experience, says Chris
(Knowles, sound designer). You cant just say Thats not true. Theres no questioning it.
Homeless people, newly arrived refugees, children and their parents could be heard along-
side planners and developers a striking array of voices expressing their passions, frustra-
tions, strategies and hopes. An ambitious and complex proposition, The Housing Project suc-
ceeded in giving architecture a compelling voice on contemporary residential development.
(Anotolitis, 2011).The range and authenticity of the contributing comments from the general
public add to the sense of the content being central to this interactive. This is the level where
this work can be said to be a social and political intervention.
Figure 7. Chris Knowles (sound designer) recording conversation between two students from Carlton Primary School.
5.3. Interaction
A further level of interaction and community participation take place in the exhibition ofThe
Housing Project installation. In the exhibition of the work it performsas an interactive game
that provides intellectual and emotional rewards in the form of sound, familiar yet mysteri-
ous, and spoken content in direct response to the actions of its players. In short, the sound
design that provides an emotional and intellectual journey, and can also be played as a game.
718
6. Sound Design
Hundreds of short sound files about the public and personal experiences of living in an ur-
ban environment are triggered by audience interaction with the ceramic buildings on the
table. The Housing Project software tracks the movement, location and density of the ce-
ramic factories, highrise buildings, houses and trees. It interprets the information to control
the sound clips, to create ever-changing audio mixes, to moderate the discussion themes
and voices, and to locate these sounds in space around the players and audience. Professor
Darren Tofts (2012) writing in the exhibition catalogue notes,
The sound files form the components of a modular composition that is moderated
through software, but is ultimately composed by the audience players. The Housing Project
work was made through the generosity and genius of many programmers worldwide who
publish their software through the GNU and open-source movements. At the core of this
project are two technologies, reacTIVision and ICST-ambisonics. We are grateful to them
and all the others who have without knowing given much to this work.
7. Exhibition
The Housing Project was officially launched in Melbourne in September 2012.As one visitor to
the first exhibition of the work at Pin-Up Gallery in July/August 2011 noted in the comments
book, A playful perspective on housing issues that affect us all. I really like the interviews and
719
the interactive/tactile nature that makes this a pleasure to watch and/or participate. Great
project. Another visitor to the first exhibition wrote, Great sense of togetherness emanating
from The Housing Project you can really feel the true sense of community. I really enjoyed
playing and listening to the different configurations that are possible and a third picking up
on the social and political intervention aspects of the project said, I loved the idea to play like
a child about a serious subject: housing, spreading suburbs A very independent way to give a
message! (Comments Book, 2011).
Figure 9. The houses made by community participants during the workshops. Image Tobias Titz.
An additional element of the exhibition of this work was the performances of the table
by the artists. The artists performed The Housing Project at advertised times, providing au-
diences with the opportunity to hear the work at its best, and to see how the table could be
manipulated to create a contemporary sound composition of unusual power and impact.
720
Figure 10. Chris Knowles and Keith Deverell performing The Housing Project Pin Up Project Space Melbourne.
The value of the sound composition was recognised by an Australian radio program,
called The Night Air. This was devoted to broadcasting and discussing sound art and compo-
sitions. The radio producer came to see the installation and took a feed from the table and
presented it in a radio program broadcast as a unique sound composition along with inter-
views about peoples experience of interacting with the work.
Figure 11. Child taking a photo of his city. Pin-Up Project Space Melbourne. Photo Tobias Titz.
8. The Future
The Housing Project is in many ways a prototype that tested a technical and creative idea.
The workshop process provided an effective way to engage with members of the community.
It provides a mechanism for communities to tell their own stories. Now that it has been built,
721
exhibited, revised, and exhibited in two further contexts, we can observe the interaction.
From comment books and watching people interact with The Housing Project, we know that
it is a successful model. It is fun to use. It creates beautiful evolving soundscapes. It gives a
community a voice, and is a social and political intervention in a city. It could be recreated
in other contexts.
The Housing Project takes ethnographic snapshot of a city, and can operate as a story-
telling machine, which, in further manifestations could be stocked with stories from other
cities, making the work replicable and relevant to many urban contexts. For example the
next v
ersion of this project might occur in the remote city of Alice Springs and explore the
disastrous situation of housing for indigenous Australians. It could be implemented as a work
in Cyprus, investigating the experience of life in a politically and culturally divided city.
I am open to discussion about how and where and with whom Stage two of this work
could be developed. There is the potential for a series of comparable sound/sculpture based
interventions to be created in further iterations of this work in many other cities around
the world. Stage two will present this global perspective and to do this the project will be
renamed The Global Cities Project.
References
McCauley, S. 2007, The Dynamics of Creative Carroll, L. 1872, Through the Looking-Glass,
Collaborations Sitra, The Finnish Innovation Schon, D. 1983, The Reflective Practitioner: How
Explorations of Thinking, Oxford University Bruner, J. 1979, On Knowing: Essays for the Left
Press, New York, USA Hand, Expanded Edition, Belknap Press, Har-
John-Steiner, V. 2000. Creative Collaboration, vard University Press, Cambridge, MA, USA.
722
Audioworks
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Abstract
Created from field recordings, Biding and Unseen is inspired by urban environments. The
sound material in Biding and Unseen was micro-processed via granular synthesis from
material initially containing sounds of the city. Granular synthesis emptied out the repre-
sentative aspect of the recording, forming an abstracted texture characterized by a plurality
of microscopic events, coalescing in time-stretched patterns.
As a discovered atmosphere Biding and Unseen makes it possible to hear traces of the
physical environment that are otherwise hidden within everyday city life. The visual aspect
of Biding and Unseen features the Hudson River in New York City. The visual representation
of the river gestures toward the natural environment, the presence of which is unobserved in
day-to-day human life, yet is ever-present and biding within the physical makeup of thecity.
724
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
City Soundings
Andrea Cohen
soundsonprojet@yahoo.com
Independent artist
Wiska Radkiewicz
wradkiewicz@yahoo.com
Independent artist
Abstract
725
combines several compositional styles, but also represents a mosaic of sonic representations
of urban landscapes brought by all participating artists.
List of participating artists:
Steven Brown (UK)
Marek Choloniewski (Poland)
Victoria Estok (USA)
Brad Garton (USA)
Janete El Haouli (Brazil)
Andrew Hugill (UK)
Malle Maltis (Estonia)
Hernan Risso Patron (Argentina)
Franziska Schroeder (UK)
Andrei Smirnov (Russia)
Marie Wennersten (Sweden)
Lidia Zielinska (Poland)
and Wiska Radkiewicz & Andrea Cohen (Soundson Collective), authors and initiators
of the project.
726
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Jardin de combustibles
Andrea Marsolais-Roy
a.mroy1011@gmail.com
Conservatoire de Musique de Montral
Abstract
Jardin de combustibles is an acousmatic piece alterning between fast and slow, agitated and
calm, like the alterning phases of work and rest. Some of the main action concerns construc-
tion site sounds with the sound of machinery digging ground in the city. The inspiration for
this piece is an experimental movie presenting a chain reaction with everyday life objects
and chemically reactive subtances (Der Laufe der Dinge, by Fischli and Weiss, 1987).
727
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
oneroomafteranother
Andrea Parkins
amparkins@earthlink.net
sound artist, composer, electroacoustic performer
Abstract
In October/November 2013 I created a site-determined 8-channel sound installation for the two
reverberant rooms of the Q-02 Workspace for Experimental Music and Sound Art in Brussels,
Belgium. The work in Brussels featured pitched, slowly shifting layers of electronic feedbacks
and more subtle, delicate and articulated sonic details, primarily generated from a personal
archive of recorded manipulated objects that I have been collecting for the past 25 years. It was
conceived as a memory palace, using the method of loci technique to recall yet another (third)
room, situated in another urban space and place, and moment.
The room of my memory is located on the third floor of a vast and vacant warehouse in
Queens in New York City, adjacent to the rail yards and multiple rail lines of Hunters Point. Highly
reverberant and acoustically idiosyncratic, its high ceilings and reflective concrete surfaces take
in the sounds of the passing trains through open windows, amplifying them to a volume that is
surprisingly, and nearly alarmingly loud. In June 2011, I spent a week in this room, listening and
recording, and then composing and performing a sonic response to what I heard: a slowly shifting
field of live-generated feedbacks, glissandi and drones, augmented by unpredictable acoustic en-
tries generated by trains, birds and automobile engines, all resonating profoundly in the room. To
this I added my own performative interventions on liveprocessed electronic accordion. Sounds
moved from density and stillness, to moments of gap and rift, disappearances and misfirings.
Brussels and Hunters Point, Queens now exist at Invisible Places in a single physical space
and thus are neither compositionally nor acoustically isolated from each other. Their real-time
(though synthetic) sonic interaction enable shifting and sometimes startling juxtapositions to take
place throughout the duration of the work. Circumstance and being meet, one place after another.
My focus has been to articulate and build multiple and interdependent compositional struc-
tures and systems emphasizing tenuous states, relationships between object, site, gesture and
meaning, and potential for entropy as a compositional tool. With sound, I investigate tensions
between the real and the ephemeral, and slippages between phenomenological experience and
memory into the poetic uncanny.
728
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
PENDLERDRM (1997)
Barry Truax
truax@sfu.ca
Electroacoustic Composer & Acoustic Communication Researcher, Simon Fraser University
Abstract
729
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Kaleidoscope Music
Ben Houge
ben@benhouge.com
Berklee College of Music, Valencia, Spain
Abstract
Kaleidoscope Music was originally composed as the audio component to the audiovisual in-
stallation Kaleidoscope Wallpaper, a collaboration between me and my friend the Shang-
hai-based artist Chen Hangfeng. It was originally exhibited at the Today Art Museum in Bei-
jing in a custom built hexagonal room. Hangfeng built custom kaleidoscopes and fitted them
to two closed circuit security cameras positioned inside and outside of the gallery. Next to
these I hung two microphones, and composed an algorithmic, real-time audio processing
system that attempted to mirror the way a kaleidoscope functions, fracturing and reconfig-
uring the sounds of daily life into something unexpected and beautiful. No additional sounds
are added to the original signal; harmonies are built from the existing frequencies of the
input sound by use of a bank of narrow bandpass filters. Usually when I present this work, I
incorporate either a life audio signal from the nearby environment or a field recording taken
from the same site at an earlier time. For this presentation, I have used two field recordings
I made while hiking around Hong Kongs Lamma Island in July 2012.
730
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Interlude
Bethan Parkes
bethanrachelparkes@gmail.com
University of Glasgow
Abstract
Interlude is a multi-channel audio work created from recordings made in a tunnel under-
neath a busy road in Glasgow. The tunnel runs parallel to a river, and perpendicular to the
road above, both of which present bounded, directional fields of flow. The tunnel itself in-
vites a passage through as one enters the darkness, the light from the other end offers
an irresistible draw, and the path which the stone structure encloses has its own sense of
directionality. However, the acoustic qualities of the tunnel belie these linear spatialities:
the acoustic reflections are everywhere a broad, multi-directional field of sonic feedback,
rounding out the traffic sounds from above; exploding the linear passage of footsteps and
voices; distancing and smoothing the flow of the river now out of sight into a rush of
dampened white noise that hovers in the darkness.
Sonically, then, there is something of a momentary pause in the flow of the surroundings
when in the depths of the tunnel, aided by the darkness that envelopes and expands the field
of experience. Working within this pause-space the work draws upon the resonances, re-
flections and surface textures of the arched structure that houses this space, extending the
pause into a focussed exploration. This exploration includes listening to the acoustic activa-
tions of the space as bodies pass through it; tracing the scuttling sounds of leaves and litter
blown through the tunnel by gusts of wind; extracting sonic materials from the intricate
details of this built environment; and actively playing the space, sounding out its resonances
via instrumental means.
Taking up the invitation presented by the sonic qualities of this environment to wait a
moment suspending progressive motion, absorbing the potentiality of the darkness that
lies beneath the curved ceiling fuels a revealing of the many sonic layers that may be en-
countered here. In the shadows of the tunnel, this both creates knowledge of the place and
feeds the imagination, consequently generating both a sense of emplacement and an offering,
or opening up, of the possibility of a coinciding dream-space. Indeed, in dwelling here, the
731
wandering mind follows the trails of the music of this space its potentiality, or immensity
(Bachelard) forming, in this moment, the movement of motionless man (Bachelard, 1994).
The experience of grasping hold of the momentary lull felt as one walks through the tun-
nel, and lingering in its spatio-temporal world through dwelling and daydream, finds reso-
nance in Yi-Fu Tuans notion of place as pause, elucidated in his suggestion that each pause
in movement makes it possible for location to be transformed into place (Tuan, 1977). The
potential of the acoustic qualities of an environment to draw such a pause-space in the flows
and directionalities of urban space is an important aspect of our auditory life in the places
we build and inhabit. In creating this work I was concerned with exploring how these attrib-
utes of pause/flow and both physical and imagined spaces can contribute to a sense of place.
732
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Abstract
Superfund is a work I began in the winter and spring 2011, two years into working in the
Gowanus neighborhood in Brooklyn NY. The origins of this piece predate and inspire my
short album on Flaming Pines, Rivers Home: Gowanus Canal. The title of this work refers di-
rectly to the canals Superfund designation by the EPA, which occurred while I worked there.
The work takes a wide, impressionistic view of the landscape, with field recordings taken
as near as possible to the canal forming the canvas of the piece. Added to this are materials
sourced from analog and hybrid synthesizers and prepared bass guitar.
The Gowanus is firstly an industrial space, a purpose-built landscape, surrounded by
shifting neighbourhood characteristics: the edge of gentrification equidistant from mid 20th
century public housing developments, abandoned buildings, active business operations, and
the canals clean up crew. As its own psychogeography changed around me, what is to most
a transitory space became to me more static and real as everything else seemed to move
around it.
733
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Abstract
This piece explores the idea of sound romances1 and aural memories that connect us to a
specific time and place in our lives. Changing soundscapes can tell us a lot about the history
of a place and how it is has changed over time. The sounds may have changed due to indus-
trial engineering and economic developments. As composers we can create virtual sound-
scapes that can document the sounds of the past and recreate it. We can use the medium
of Electroacoustic music to express the importance of changing soundscapes through the
creative use of field recordings and spoken word. It is interesting to see what sounds people
remember from their past. Why do they remember certain sounds more than others? Is it
because they are disturbing? Is it because certain sounds are associated with a particular
feeling from a specific time and place?
This composition brings together elements of soundscape composition, spoken word
and electroacoustic techniques within an 8-channel speaker setup.
1.Sound Romances: Any past or disappearing sound remembered nostalgically, particularly when idealized or
otherwise given special importance. Whereas new sounds are often experienced as sound phobias, old or past
sounds are often elevated to the category of sound romances in memory.
734
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Abstract
Do those of us inhabiting cities ever stop to think about how the sounds they make inform
the way we live? What is about the ordinary that affects our sense of place and understand-
ing of who we are? Amongst the traffic buzz and air conditioner hum, is there beauty in the
banal? In The Sonic City, Camilla Hannan speaks to artists and everyday people to discover
their thoughts and impressions of the sounds of the city. What she reveals is a rich roar of
the playful and sublime.
The radio feature The Sonic City had its first broadcast in March 2014 on ABC Radio Na-
tional Australia in the Sounds Like Radio slot. The program uses material from the Australian
sound festival Liquid Architecture 2013 The Sonic City including interviews and live record-
ings from Haco, Toshiya Tsonoda, Catherine Clover, Philip Brophy and Francisco Lopez.
The program was produced by Camilla Hannan and commissioned by ABC Radio N
ationals
Creative Audio Unit.
735
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Straight Line
Pietro V. Ambrosini Michele Andreata Alessandro Busana Daniele Cappelletti
Karol K. Czarzasty Enrico Lunelli Teresa Pedreti Enrico Varagnolo
Campomarzio
varagnolo@campomarzio.name
info@campomarzio.name
www.campomarzio.name
Abstract
In the Information and Communication Technology era we are living in, it is interesting to
focus on the last paradigm that has influenced the way cities have grown: the car. The social
and economic boom of the late fifties radically changed the way western citizens experi-
enced cities. Suburbs grew along the roads that were connecting urban nodes. Cities were
changing: the importance of communicating the products that were sold inside the build-
ings facing the roads was more important than the buildings themselves. Urban sprawl is the
result of those days. One of the most important issues that had to be solved in that historical
and social context was how to explain the sense of the places the citizens were living in and
to develop the tools to do that. In those years, revolutionary theories and seminal books
were written by a new generation of urban theory researchers. The most important were
MIT professor Kevin Lynch and his The Image of the City and architectural critic Reyner
Banham and his Theory and Design in the First Age Machine. During the summer of 1968
Robert Venturi and Denise Scott Brown analyzed the commercial strip of Las Vegas with-
out any prejudice and with a different perspective. They considered American urban sprawl
and its relationship with a car drivers point of view. The results of their conjectures and
researches was Learning from Las Vegas, one of the most influential books of those years.
The year before, Lynchs student Michael Southworth started soundscape studies during his
Master in City Planning at MIT, analyzing central Boston sonic environment. But it was only
in 1970 that Murray Schafer started developing the founding theory of soundscape studies.
Since the new ICT paradigm has not yet materially transformed the cities we are living in,
we think it is still important to speculate on the sense of places influenced by cars. Our case-
study is the straight road that connects Riva and Arco, two Italian towns in the Alps. We have
736
produced an audio-video survey, which is composed by two video outputs, the left and the
right sides of the road, and by two mono audio tracks. Each track is the superposition of two
layers. The first one is the noise of the road and of the car that is going through it. There is
neither attack nor decay. It is an acoustic straight line: the sonic answer to the straight car-
city. The second layer is a survey of the interior of the buildings that are facing the road. The
private and semiprivate soundscape is monotonous, the music that comes out of bars and
malls speakers is always the same, people seem scared to talk. The video was distorted by a
fish eye lens so that the strip becomes a loop. The car is stuck in a fragment of a fractal city.
737
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Lingua Franca
Catherine Clover
200clovers@gmail.com
audiovisual artist / Swinburne University Melbourne (Writing) / RMIT University Melbourne
(FineArtand Sound)
Abstract
One of the ways we position ourselves as superior to all other species is through our complex
language use, yet current scientific research tells us that some animals and in particular very
common birds that live in cities, have both the cognitive and biological capacity for complex
language akin to our own. This field recording documents the voices of a group of seagulls
and pigeons outside the State Library of Victoria in central Melbourne. A recording of a fal-
con plays sporadically from the roof of the library, and is intended to scare away both groups
of birds who are commonly considered urban pests. This is a popular place for eating lunch
and meeting after work. As they call and swoop, chatter and mutter, squabble and shove and
scavenge for scraps, the voices of the birds mix readily with the sounds of human activity.
738
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Nine Elms
Chris Wood
c.p.wood@qmul.ac.uk
Media Arts Technology Programme, Queen Mary, University of London, UK
Abstract
739
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Abstract
The space heard in this piece is remote, but concrete. It is real, but it is also constructed. The
listener might feel inside or outside, centred or peripheral, present or distant. The construc-
tion of this space is also the construction of a narrative, documental, both real and fictitious,
where the narrator (the composer, the listener) walks along with the sound, but also creates
perspective. Apartment in Lisbon (narrator is present) is an exploration of an aural architec-
ture to find the resonances of the everyday processes.
The piece was composed from recordings made in a house in the centre of Lisbon in the
summer of 2013.
740
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Abstract
The sound installation consists of various newspapers of different dialects, which areillumi-
nated from within. They signifythe means of visually recordingthe not so transparentmedia.
Contemporary media is overloaded with the visual noise of our lives but the noise we expe-
rience everyday is the one that toils inside of us. At a time in our culture where everything is
so easily made visible and transparent we often find the mediums that we choose to express
ourselves are the ones making us invisible. By choosing to use a multitude of languages
spoken in Mumbai (India) I have tried to erase meaning making systems, which could be
comprehended by some people but totally irrelevant to others. This socio-linguistic overlap
is the noise of our culture our acoustic ecology the excess material left over after our
cultural conditioning has churned it out as a surplus. All of the mechanisms for interrupting
transmission and creating interference make noise and are as much a part of the installa-
tions content as the meaning of the messages conveyed. This zone of indistinction is not the
negation of language but rather its field of emergence not its unstructured opposite, but
the event of its coming into being. The installationtries to highlight this unrest of our daily
acoustic ecology through an immersive experience.
Noise, in its metaphysical guises, is often posted as the not-yet-meaningful or as that
which lies beyond or below meaning; a whirlpool of chaos from which sense emerges. Nor
can noise be distinguished as unwanted sound, since this posits it as a purely auditory phe-
nomenon. To refer to noise as excess does not require it to come from the outside, a radical
exteriority, nor does it come from a binarism between inside/outside. Rather, noise exists
structurally or relationally; its presence relies on an assemblage of perceivers, generators,
borders, vibrations, ideas, geographies, spaces and materials. Noise does in fact create a
meaning, first, because the interruption of a message signifies the interdiction of the trans-
mitted meaning, signifies censorship and rarity; and second, because the very absence of
meaning in pure noise or in the meaningless repetition of a message, by unchanneling audi-
tory sensations frees the listeners imagination.
741
Recordings
Dublin:
Struck aluminium poles/railings
Passing trams & traffic
Supermarket fridges
Water lapping & passing jet
Hydrophone recording of pond life
Tarmac ploughing sculpture
Rain dripping in courtyard
Coil mic recording of traffic signals & ticket vending machine
London:
Joggers & cyclists on tow path
Binaural mics inside beer bottles on Thames at St.Pauls
Contact mic recording of steel cables & passing pedestrians on Millenium Bridge
742
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Concrete Sonorities
Fergus Kelly
fergus@roomtemperature.org
Independent artist
Abstract
Concrete Sonorities (2013) was composed with field recordings made in London and Dublin
in 2012, using a variety of recording techniques. Most recordings have been left untreated,
except for some, which have been pitch-shifted to draw out latent harmonic content.
This composition explores the natural sound colour and dynamic of the locations as
compositional elements, creating a dynamic and imaginative interplay between various as-
pects, a sense of incident and momentum, which moves it away from pure documentary, and
creates a set of relationships that engage the listener in a narrative flow, a sonic experience
of cinematic dimensions, a tactile trawl of shifting perspectives, moving between forensic
scrutiny and widescreen depths.
The work is about creating a space in which to connect with the sonic environment in a
considered and meaningful way. Hearing tends to be relegated to a poor relation to seeing in
a visually overloaded world, yet it is something we are surrounded by all the time, and cannot
shut off from, even in sleep. Unlike our eyes, we cant close our ears. My work encourages
focused listening and a more active and engaged relationship with the sonic environment.
743
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Abstract
One day in the Fall of 2011 I wrote a fairy tale entitled The Girl, the Witch, and the Magic Bird.
Ultimately it is about the power of the voice, the poisonous influence of the Muzak Corpora-
tion (among others) and the magic of listening and music making.
It seemed obvious that my two grandsons Caleb and Caius (10 and 7 at that time) should
be the readers of this story. To my great delight they took up the challenge and surprised me
with their hard work, endurance, and their lovely ways of speaking and reading. To read such
a long story at their age and have it recorded by a very picky Oma who wants to have every
word and syllable annunciated as clearly as possible, is not an easy task. I was delighted by
the creative energies that emerged in all of us during the process and the end result was a
series of good recordings from which to choose for this piece.
The girls voice is that of my daughter, the boys mother, recorded when she was a little
girl. Her voice is featured in an earlier piece of mine entitled Moments of Laughter (1988) and
reappears here.
The recording of the loon was made by members of the World Soundscape Project at Si-
mon Fraser University, Vancouver, Canada, in the early 1970s and is used here by permission.
Once Upon a Time was commissioned by the Western Front in Vancouver for a whole-
night event in January 2012, entitled Circle of Sleep, the concept of which was conceived by
music curator DB Boyko. On the night of the premiere event, the audience reclined comfort-
ably on floor mats with blankets and pillows listening to this bedtime story, perhaps dozing
off, relaxed and calmed by the end of it, ready to hear and dream of more sounds to come
throughout the night.
744
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Radial Transference
Hugo Paquete
paquetehugo@gmail.com
External Collaborator at CESEM Centro de Estudos de Sociologia e Esttica Musical
Abstract
Radial Transference pretends to understand the possible relationship between two distinct
spaces. These spaces, recorded using a field recording technique, with transfers and con-
tamination between them on an atomic scale, reflect conflict, causality and turbulence. Mak-
ing reference to the spaces characters and with an atomistic approach to the proliferation
of frequencies that could resemble an electrical activity that crosses the entire space, Radial
Transference articulates as a transitive reality in a multi-time scale.
The piece generates a compositional sound universe as an entropic dynamic locus of a
new ontology. Hugo Paquete explores granular projections of sound in order to build small
phrases that articulate and turn over the piece with rhythmic variations and noise. These
variations are sometimes operated until a threshold signal that is processing the sound is
lost and turns into another sound form that apparently does not associate with reality. Pro-
cesses of multiple pitch variations, amplitudes, and frequencies of sound build the idea of
atomistic electricity and the activity of small scales that relate geometrically and recreate
frequencies that cover the nexus in entropic chaos.
745
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Friction
Jason Bolte
jasonleebolte@gmail.com
Montana State University
Abstract
Friction explores the sounds and structures that are produced when a secondary force is
applied to an object in physical contact with another; overcoming the force of friction and
creating motion, heat, and sound in the process. The work is focused on the buildup of
this secondary force and the ultimate release of energy as the force of friction is exceeded.
The sonic material in the work is based on real-world sounds produced during this physical
process.
Year: 2005
Duration: 740
www.jasonbolte.com
746
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Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Jeb Middlebrook
jmiddlebrook@csudh.edu
California State University, Dominguez Hills, Los Angeles, California, United States
Abstract
In the Autumn of 2011, the world witnessed the rise and fall of the one of the largest global
protests ever recorded with the Occupy Wall Street Movement echoing as 750 + simul-
taneous, solidarity actions across 80 + countries. The recording and distribution of sounds
and sights from the various Occupy encampments connected otherwise disparate protests
across global cities, and led to a worldwide rethinking of urban space, economics, and plan-
ning. Less known are the ways in which the wide distribution of the sounds and visuals of
Occupy also led to heavy state scrutiny and surveillance, wherein the same recordings and
recording technologies that fomented Occupy protests were repurposed for state r epression.
This audio works presentation offers rare sound recordings of police dispatches from
October 2011, detailing the real-time, police eviction of one prominent Occupy encampment,
Occupy Oakland, in the state of California in the United States. The presentation builds on
the concept of the police as amplifiers, offered in Policing the Crisis (1978) by Stuart Hall,
et al. The curator theorizes that listening to the sound of the police might serve to amplify
otherwise silenced economic and political crises in urban space, and allow for a considera-
tion of how such crises may be managed (or heard) differently.
Particular to the case study of the eviction of Occupy Oakland, this sonic presentation
might be listened to on repeat as a way to understand approaches to policing of mass
protest and mass crises in the contemporary moment. The majority of the large Occupy
encampments globally were similarly evicted in the weeks following the eviction of Occupy
Oakland in 2011, and led to inquiries and later reports that local, state, and federal justice
agencies, including the FBI and the Department of Homeland Security in the United States,
collectively coordinated the policing and repression of Occupy protests.
The presentation curator, Dr. Jeb Middlebrook, is a DJ and an Assistant Professor of Soci-
ology at California State University, Dominguez Hills in Los Angeles. Jeb was a participant in
747
Occupy Los Angeles, and was part of a national network of Occupy organizers linking issues
of racial and economic justice. His current book manuscript, Prison Music: Containment,
Escape, and the Sound of America, explores the aesthetics and politics of incarceration in
U.S. society from the nineteenth to the twenty-first century, through listening to the sound
of prison in popular culture, policy, and protest.
748
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Abstract
Oil and Gas is a sonic journey through desert landscapes of fossil fuel production, composed
of field recordings made in the shale gas fields of the San Juan and Green River Basins of
Colorado and New Mexico. These lands are centers of fossil-fuel extraction for the present
and the near future, and are positioned as strategic energy resource for energy security for
the United States.
A wilderness filed with machines, vast areas of remote high desert territory are spider-
webbed with access roads, pipelines, wellheads and harvesting systems. All this industrial
infrastructure is what makes possible an energy-use profile unprecedented in the history
of life on earth. We turn our ears toward this infrastructure, to better understand ourselves
within the world.
This work is part of a series of sonic examinations of hidden works and underpinnings of
the Industrial Antrhropocene era.
Improvised vocals and percussion excerpt by Friends of The TANK: Max Bernstein, Mark
McCoin, Jeremiah Moore, Bruce Odland.
749
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Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Xiake
Jianyu Fan
fanjian08032544@gmail.com
Digital Music programs, Dartmouth College, New Hampshire, USA
Abstract
This fixed media piece is based on the Wu Xia culture in China, made known to the world
through Kung Fu stories. In this piece, the composer incorporates sounds of traditional
Chinese instruments and synthesized samples. The piece is made in pure data, and edited
in logic pro. The spatial effects indicate the free and uninhibited movements of Xia Ke a
master of Kung Fu and representative of justice who rebelled against the imperial court.
WuXia reflects the idea of individual heroism and the pursuit of freedom.
The piece and performance setup lends itself to performance in urban spaces city
parks, gardens, or similar. For Invisible Places Sounding Cities, the performance will be
adapted to the specific site.
750
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Sonic Taiji
Jianyu Fan
fanjian08032544@gmail.com
Digital Music programs, Dartmouth College, New Hampshire, USA
Abstract
This piece is a studio version of a performance using a mobile app SonicTaiji created by the
author. The app sonifies movements of the performer in 24 styles of Taiji in real-time. Each
sound is closely related to its corresponding gestures and the meaning of each gesture. This
piece can help Taiji performers better achieve meditation and learn Taiji performance using
recording samples and various synthesis techniques such as phase vocoder, comb filter, con-
volution, high/low pass filter, reverb, etc.
The piece and performance setup lends itself to performance in urban spacescity parks,
gardens, or similar. For Invisible Places Sounding Cities, the performance will be adapted to
the specific site.
751
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Noise Meditations
Jordan Lacey
jordan.lacey@rmit.edu.au
RMIT University
Abstract
Jordan Lacey is a sound-artist, musician, sonic researcher and sessional lecturer based in
SIAL Sound Studios at RMIT University, Melbourne, Australia. His research concentrates
on the recomposition of everyday urban sounds with site-specific soundscape installations
that transform the sonic environments of urban spaces. His installations and performances
reintroduce synthesized site-specific sounds into the spaces from which the sounds were
recorded, to create real-time soundscape compositions.
The stereophonic sound work Noise Meditations is composed with sound materi-
al created for two recent public urban soundscape installations completed by Jordan. The
first, Revoicing the Striated Soundscape, was a City of Melbourne Public Art commissioned
sound-work installed in a Melbourne laneway from June to November 2012. Four speakers
encased inside readymade air-conditioning units networked to a computer system played
eight soundscape compositions, which merged with the soundscapes of a laneway to create
diverse listening experiences for those transitioning the space. The second, Subterranean
Voices, was commissioned by the 2013 Liquid Architecture 14th National Festival of Sound Art.
The work was a series of live performances in The Trench; a cavernous concrete cuboid situ-
ated beneath Melbournes Federation Square hidden between platforms 12 and 13 of Flinders
Street station. Over two days Jordan performed 12 iterations of a 20-minute soundscape
composition that integrated the existing sonic site conditions of passing trains, platform
announcements and gurgling pipes stretching along the innards of the Trench.
All sounds included in the work are resynthesized site-specific sounds that were re-
corded in the locations where the installations were eventually realized, and were amongst
the synthesized sounds reintroduced into the sites. Noise Meditations emphasizes in par-
ticular the similar sonic characteristics of a stationary train and an operating air-condition-
er, which is suggestive of the ubiquity of low-frequency broadband sounds that transverse
urban environments. The piece explores the potential of sound-art to respond to low-fre-
quency sounds, typically referred to as noisy or lo-fi, in urban spaces by recomposing these
752
ubiquitous sounds into diverse and immersive listening experiences. Also emphasized in the
work is the transformation of sound signals, including train horns and PA announcements,
which signify the rhythmic cycles of everyday social organisation; such transformations aim
to evoke imaginative relationships with the urban by reconstructing sounds that typically
signify banal repetitions in the social spaces of the everyday.
In Noise Meditations studio-synthesized urban sounds are recomposed as a work of ur-
ban fantasy in which the listener enters a sonic space simultaneously familiar and alien, en-
couraging a reassembling of relationships with oft-encountered sounds. The work suggests
the meditative potential inherent in what are typically referred to as noises, while maintain-
ing the capacity of urban noise to exhilarate the senses.
Noise Meditations played as part of the Melbourne Now exhibition at the National Gallery
of Victoria in Melbourne, Australia from November 2013 to March 2014.
Format: 4-channel
Duration: 1024
www.hiddensounds.net
Left: Revoicing the Striated Soundscape Carla Gottens. Right: Subterranean Voices Ellen Dewar Photography.
753
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Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Transient Lapse
Juan Cantizzani
doralance@gmail.com
Weekend Proms (http://weekendproms.tumblr.com)
Pablo Sanz
p@pablosanz.info
Sonic Arts Research Centre (SARC), Queens University Belfast
Abstract
Transient Lapse is a site-specific sound installation created for a pedestrian and cyclist
tunnel in The Hague. The work introduces a shifting aural topography based on the daily
rhythms and the resonant architecture of the location.
The sound changes over the 24-hour cycle, interacting with the existing soundscape
and the movements of passers-by. The result is an added aural layer which is perceived as
not having physical origin and belong to the site. As an unmarked sound intervention in the
threshold of perception, the work aims to induce a switch of focus, a momentary lapse in
the urban transit experience. The piece invites to be discovered, to maybe stop and listen.
The project draws inspiration from the notion of Rhythmanalisis proposed by Henri
Lefebvre, on which he outlined a method for analyzing the rhythms of urban spaces and their
effects on the inhabitants of those spaces. The spatial behaviour of the sound and the overall
temporal structure are based on the cyclical rhythms of the site, accompanying, contrasting
and enhancing them.
The sound is generated in real-time, controlled with a software tool written specially for
the project. The piece is based on scored algorithmic processes linked to a clock. This com-
positional approach makes the sound to be similar every day/night at each of the 24-hours,
with variations in spatial and timing aspects due to the algorithmic behaviour. The source
audio materials consist of streams of computer-generated synthetic sound based on an anal-
ysis of the resonant characteristics of the tunnel and additional materials based on trans-
formed recordings made through large structures on site. Each of the eight independent
synchronized audio channels are spatialized through purpose-built loudspeakers disguised
across the 90 meter length of the tunnel.
754
The experience of being there and the subtleties which are at the core of this work
are not possible to be conveyed through any recording. The piece which accompanies this
documentation of the intervention features a layered collage of excerpts taken from a set of
durational stereo recordings made over a 24-hour period. All recordings were made at the
same fixed positions inside the tunnel with the two microphones spaced around 30 meter.
755
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JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Abstract
The composition Studio per un Paesaggio (four tablets and electronics, 2013) was born from
a project realized in 2013 and promoted by the Municipality of Pordenone (Italy) and Digital
Ensemble. This project called Il soundscape della citt di Pordenone aimed to valorize
the urban soundscape through a series of interdisciplinary initiatives that involved aspects
ranging from acoustic ecology to sound art, starting from the field recordings and leading to
a soundscape composition. The steps were retraced in the live performance by the action of
four musicians through their gestures defined in a score who reproduced and processed
sounds to be placed in a new listening space, gradually rebuilding the urban geography with
real and imaginary landscapes.
756
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Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
De Zwaan
Kevin Logan
k2.logan@yahoo.co.uk
PhD student with CRiSAP, University of the Arts London
Abstract
This recording made in 2011, crosses the Erasmus Bridge in Rotterdam known locally as
DeZwaan. Documenting my physical intervention in the environment, my small digital re-
corder is held close to the canopy of my umbrella as the heavy rain creates a sound similar
to the scratches on vinyl records, this is accompanied by the thundering beat of a pile driver
from a nearby construction site.
The journey starts as I cross from the south bank of the Nieuwe Maas, ending with the
distorted rumbles of overhead trams as the input peak indicator flashes and I take shelter
from the weather under the bridge on the north side of the river.
757
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Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Abstract
Hearken the Sound is a simple collage of field recordings taken from Detroit, Michigan. De-
troit is home to an unprecedented noise pollution problem that began in 2011. Originating
out of Zug Island, a highly secured industrialised island on the border of America and Canada.
The Windsor Hum is a persistent and invasive low-frequency (30-40Hz) humming noise
which is only audible to certain people.
758
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Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Abstract
Just Too Many Words was born from the excess of words in the TV news and comments.
How and to such extent it is worth anaesthetising yourself to keep away from the streams
of words and at the same time not to miss anything important from the current moment?
None of the events during the day I was recording the materials for my piece, had any
importance for this worlds fate, there were an ordinary journalist food, a matter to fill in
an air time, thus, an empty talking only. I was not under any historical pressure, so I could
handle unceremonious with the recorded materials.
In this piece there is no place for a silence from the ideological (subject of the piece)
but also technical reasons. The only moments of silence show that silence is also dirty, seems
to be a second-hand product, which discloses an information noise pollution of each piece of
environment. For me the only reasonable compositional procedure not to bore the audience
was to build the whole piece from the planes of different textures, referring to different ways
of speech perception.
Duration: 939
Awarded at emsPrize 2001 contest for text-sound composition (Stockholm).
lidiazielinska.wordpress.com
759
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Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
La Citt Addormentata
Ludwig Berger
post@ludwigberger.com
SeaM Weimar
Abstract
The soundscape piece La Citt Addormentata works with subtly treated recordings of a Sep-
tember night in Venice. In the nighttime, the city falls almost into complete silence: The
canals are calm and one feels the absence of the wind. As always, there are no cars and even
near the Piazza San Marco there is hardly any sign of nightlife. During the day, the bustling
of the crowds limits the listening radius to ones immediate surroundings while at night,
even quiet sounds can be heard across large distances in every direction. What dominates
the night soundscape are the machines of the tourism industry: generators, air conditioning,
refrigerators, washing machines, ATMs etc. They become elements of a massive city ma-
chine, populated only by rats and a few insects. As in absolute silence, one can hear his own
nervous system and blood circulation. The silence of the night reveals the hidden organism
of the city.
760
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Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Floating Sound
Mari Ohno
_@mariohno.com
Independent artist
Abstract
This work is a composition using the sound of the composers bloodstream as a sound source.
We release extremely subtle sounds from inside our bodies which are hard to perceive. Al-
though the sound is made by the body, it cannot be heard because of the limited audible
range that a human being can hear. This work is a composition using the sound of the com-
posers bloodstream as a sound source. The purpose of this work is to deconstruct and re-
construct the components of personal biological information via computing. These sounds
were composed to express another reality beyond the boundary of the animate/inanimate.
761
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Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Speaking Clock
Mari Ohno
_@mariohno.com
Independent artist
Abstract
This work is an electroacoustic composition created with the recordings of speaking clocks
in various sites around the world. A speaking clock is a tool of sonification of time, a phe-
nomenon people cannot hear. It has various expressions of time depending on the country
or region. In this work, the music mixes various expressions of time, based on the concept of
the expression of time perception. Through this work, I attempt to give listeners curious and
unique feelings through the same sound experience depending on their cultural background.
762
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Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Abstract
Format: Stereo
Duration: 2900
763
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Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Docklands Song
Melissa Deerson
meldeerson@gmail.com
Independent artist
Abstract
Docklands Song is an audio piece created as part of an artwork/project called Field Trip,
held in Melbourne, Australia in 2013. As part of an art residency at The Food Court, an old
repurposed dining hall in Melbournes slightly desolate city Docklands precinct, I organised
a field trip in which artists and members of the public undertook a nature survey of the area.
Two hundred years ago, the locale was a brilliant blue billabong fringed with pink flow-
ers. It then became the citys rubbish dump, and a working port. It was redeveloped around
ten years ago, but people werent drawn to the windswept, mostly treeless, exposed results.
The aim of this project was to re-examine a place that is emphatically human-made (but not
popular with humans themselves) and see what else there is to find.
Participants collected samples of soil, weeds, stones and rubbish, answered questions
about what living things were present in the area, mapped their journeys, scattered birdseed
and recorded the results, took themselves off-piste to conduct their own investigations,
drew pictures and ate trail mix. The results were collated and displayed in an exhibition
which incorporated the results of the public event and reflected on how nature and com-
merce operate in urban areas.
This sound piece, Docklands Song, formed part of the resulting exhibition. The piece
consists of audio collected from the Docklands area sparrows, the faint sound of construc-
tion, the wind whistling through the treeless concrete spaces. This is overlaid with sounds
created from objects and samples collected by field trip participants from the immediate
surrounds pouring sand, bits of metal clinking together, pebbles rolling in a jar, a small bell
tinkling, a chip packet rustling. Docklands Song forms an ad-hoc, multilayered interpreta-
tive soundscape of an inhospitable space which nonetheless hosts a plethora of non-human
beings and unsanctioned/unplanned objects.
764
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Places 1820
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JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
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PORTUGAL
Sound Inventory
Eduardo Cassina
eduardo@metasitu.com
METASITU -Future Tactics-
Liva Dudareva
liva@metasitu.com
METASITU -Future Tactics-
Abstract
[Tse-de-ha] Space Inventory is an exploration around the memory of the of the urban
experience. We recorded sounds that surround our daily lives.
Following an established route, in November 2013 we navigated the surroundings of
(The Central House of Artists) and the adjacent Muzeon Park. The iconic enclave in central
Moscow, Russia, houses among other things, a soviet-era sculpture park, a Chinese garden
and a docked boat.
By walking through the space, we recorded the soundscape, but instead of capturing
the audio indicators as they came, we filtered them: we named them. By doing so, we were
adjusting them to our experience: what we heard was what we could name, and that is what
was recorded in situ.
This resulted in an acoustic archive of words, an inventory of the soundscape, of a spe-
cific place and time. Yet the words, lexical preys, did not allow us to understand the minutia
that make the soundscape special: how hard were the children laughing? how intense was
the car sound? what was the man shouting? How did it feel when the helicopter flew over
our heads? How hard was the wind blowing? Instead we have laughter, car, shout, helicopter,
wind. The sound deprived of its soul.
Half a year after the original recording, we revisited it, and transcribed it again, word by
word. This second transcription distilled the original file even further, for the background
sounds that may have given a hint or an indication of the quality of the sound, were gone.
The resulting piece was cut and mounted into an acoustic collage, fragmented pieces of re-
ality, much like our memory and sensory perceptions of that November day.
765
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Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
48Hz
Miguel Negro
miguel.negrao@friendlyvirus.org
SARC, Queens University Belfast
Abstract
48Hz is an immersive imaginary soundscape of Belfast. A composition that uses field record-
ings from X Marks the Spot as the ground material for a drone composition.
The composition attempts to unveil and present to the listener the inner world hidden
in the drone of the telecommunication boxes.
Each drone, with a fundamental frequency close to 48Hz, is unique and presents differ-
ent sonic characteristics. For this installation I have selected two of the boxes as the single
material for the composition: Sunnyside Street and Lockview Road.
The field recordings were analyzed in order to determine the key frequencies from each
drone. By applying narrow band-pass filters it was possible to subtract the ambient noise
and isolate the drone.
The composition progresses from a more objective perspective towards a more sub-
jective one. Firstly it introduces the original recordings. Then, each individual frequency
composing the drone is presented through a partially random selection and accumulation
algorithm.
766
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Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Rift Patterns
Monty Adkins
m.adkins@hud.ac.uk
Centre for Research in New Music, University of Huddersfield
Abstract
Rift Patterns is all about the psychogeographical exploration of places and how they impact
on our identity and feelings. Psychogeography has historically been associated with the ex-
ploration of our cities and the drift, and has been described by Joseph Hart as a whole toy
box full of playful, inventive strategies for exploring cities just about anything that takes
pedestrians off their predictable paths and jolts them into a new awareness of the urban
landscape. In Rift Patterns we wanted to continue our drift from the city, into the country
and into our inner world of thoughts and relationships explored through Adkins audio and
video by Jason Payne.
Year: 2014
Duration: 1800
Music: Monty Adkins
Video: Jason Payne
767
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JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Abstract
The conceptual sound piece Moscow Street Network is based on a map of the Moscow road
network (showing only the main roads, which are in a radial-concentric configuration). Us-
ing the ASCII generator 2 ( Jonathan Mathews, 20052011) software, the image was first
converted into a text file in which all segments of the picture were represented by 32 charac-
ters from the ASCII character set (M, &, @, B, W, Q, 0, E, b, 8, Z, 9, 6, A, I, U, 2, o, z, n, 1, S, t, C,
X, 7, x, c, v, i, : and .). M was assigned to black areas, . was assigned to white ones. The other
characters represent different shades of grey depending on how much surface they cover:
768
Figure 2. Representation of the image with 32 ASCII characters.
The text was then fed into a programme developed by the author with Max/MSP in
September 2013, the ASCII controlled polysynth. This programme automatically captures
the number of lines in an ASCII text and generates a pure tone for each line, to which an
individual pitch is assigned using an exponential function (the lowest line has a frequency
of around 3040 Hz, the highest around 1213 kHz, and the frequencies of those in between
increase exponentially). To evoke an illusion of spatial sound perception, every other voice
is emitted on the left channel, whereas the rest can be heard on the right one. The software
reads all the lines in the text simultaneously from left to right and modulates the amplitudes
of the sine waves depending on the characters in the lines that represent them. The value of
the amplitude is defined by the surface area covered by the individual characters M has
the highest amplitude, . the lowest. Played at slow speed, the resulting sound, continuous
and fluctuating, creates an auditory impression of the road network.
769
Figure 3. User interface of ASCII controlled polysynth.
Although the main roads of Moscows road network form the basis of the piece, it is not
necessarily meant to allow the listener to hear the course of the streets. Rather, the aural
appropriation of the structure of the street network, which actually follows technical, social,
political and economic principles, reveals qualities that can almost be described as musical:
it operates with single voices (originally the individual streets) that spread out, swell, move
in parallel or counter to each other, cross each other, are led to a culminating point, shrink,
vanish. Ideally, the piece will draw attention to the structural commonalities of artificial con-
structs of very different in this case technical and aesthetic provenances.
770
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PORTUGAL
Sterfos
Orestis Karamanlis
o.karamanlis@gmail.com
Bournemouth University
Abstract
The piece reflects my emotions about a small coastal village somewhere in the Aegean Sea.
It encloses my memories for the place and its people, developing linearly by combining am-
bient recordings and spoken stories from the village with folk music and abstract elements.
Here, I am primarily interested in the dramaturgical structure in the long scale. The main
concern is to move away from a non-differential abstract soundworld and to retain a cul-
tural identity by guiding the listener through a journey of experiences to catharsis, though
without having any metaphysical allusions. The piece received the 2010 Giga Hertz Award for
Electronic Music at ZKM | Institute for Music & Acoustics, Germany.
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2014, VISEU,
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PORTUGAL
Limnee
Pablo Sanz
p@pablosanz.info
Sonic Arts Research Centre (SARC), Queens University Belfast
Abstract
Extraite des limbes des flaques, des mares et des tangs, se dploie une biodi-
versit fantasmagorique. Baissez-vous, un peu plus bas, un peu plus prs de la
surface, et buvez le bouillon par les oreilles.
Originally commissioned by Silence Radio for the edition Hiver 2012: In the end. Curated by
Etienne Noiseau and Irvic dOlivier (ACSR-Atelier de Cration Sonore Radiophonique, Brussels).
Based on hydrophone and above water recordings made in ponds and subaquatic envi-
ronments at multiple locations in Spain and Slovakia between 2007 and 2012.
Duration: 1000
772
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Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
[in]audible
Pablo Sanz
p@pablosanz.info
Sonic Arts Research Centre (SARC), Queens University Belfast
Abstract
[in]audible is a piece based on the exploration of hidden acoustic spaces. Departing from the
notions of indirect listening and blind field recording, unconventional listening technologies
are used to capture a variety of acoustic phenomena in the thresholds of perception. Mag-
netic fields, solid vibration, ultrasonic and underwater sound have been used as raw material
in the composition, focusing on the spatiality, details and textural patterns of the recordings.
Originally created for FONair (UK) as a radio piece for headphones with a premiere
broadcast in January 2013. New 8-channel version, Spring 2014. Source recordings made be-
tween 2008 and 2012 in Karlsruhe (Germany), Bratislava and Mala Fatra (Slovakia), Den Haag
(The Netherlands), Catalonia and Madrid (Spain).
Duration: 3115
773
Invisible
Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Offset
Pali Meursault
pali@palimeursault.net
sound artist, palimeursault.net
Abstract
Offset explores the soundscape of a printing workshop, it travels inside the industrial and mechan-
ical energy of rotary presses. Entirely composed from field recordings of two printing facilities in
Grenoble and Paris (France) in 2011 and 2012, it deliberately mixes the documentary approach of
a working place with the experimentations of the electroacoustic practice. Offset is constituted
of a set of variations about the textures, rhythms, cycles and patterns created by the machines.
After several works dealing with natural soundscapes [such as Without the Wolves (Entracte,
2011), which was composed from geophonic recordings of alpine environments] or urban pub-
lic spaces [like Midi-Minuit, recorded and composed in Brussels (Silence Radio, 2010)], Offset
was again the occasion to confront with industrial sources and the inherent ambiguity and
complexity of such environments, of which the sounds are altogether violent and alienating,
but can also be immediately and strangely musical. Listening and working on location, these
industrial sounds had to be approached as both an acoustic and a social subject matter.
Once taken out of their social context, machine sounds and noises become equivocal: we
can hear the actual printing devices, but with them some imaginary monsters are playing a
peculiar music, an unexpected by-product of the manufacturing process. Yet the musicality
of these machine sounds is not only a matter of electroacoustic process, it also as something
to do with a deeper cultural history, which has cultivated mechanical sound phantasies during
the last hundred years or so. Thus the composition of Offset also had to be about taking into
consideration distant and plural echoes of the Futurists, of industrial music, of Jean-Marc
Vivenza or techno music, which could be heard within the machines themselves and which
listening was not able to reduce to a mechanical or acoustic fact.
Recorded and composed between 2011 and 2013, Offset has been published as a LP and dig-
ital release by doubtfulsounds and Universinternational. In 2013-2014 it has been nominated
for Phonurghia Nova and the Quartz Musical Awards, and occasioned a complete re-arrange-
ment as a quadriphonic composition designed for electroacoustic performance, which pre-
miered at the Museum of modern art in Nantes, curated by #Cable at the end of 2013.
774
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Places 1820
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JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Bruce Tovsky
btovsky@gmail.com
Independent artist
Abstract
The Brooklyn Navy Yard was an active U.S. Navy shipyard from 1806 until 1966. At its peak in
WWII it employed over 70,000 people 24 hours a day and covered over 200 acres. When it
was decommissioned in 1966 New York City took over its development, and slowly over the
next few decades transformed it into a modern industrial park with more than 200 business-
es and employing over 5,000 people. Brooklyn Grange Farms operates a 65,000 square foot
commercial farm on top of Building 3; Steiner Studios runs one of the largest film produc-
tion studios outside of Los Angeles; and GMD Shipyard Corp. runs the upgraded dry-docks.
There are numerous art studios scattered throughout the Yard, and Building 30, a two-story
red brick stable house dating to the 1860s, is a purpose-built haven of art studios, full of
working artists from a wide range of disciplines.
The piece Brooklyn Navy Yard came together incredibly quickly. When multimedia artist
Bruce Tovsky, who has a studio in Building 30, heard that Patrick McGinley, an Estonia-based
sound artist friend, was passing through Brooklyn on a brief U.S. tour, he decided that they
had to do something together at his studio. Patricks work is very much an exploration of
site-specific sound and sound as definition of space, and this was the perfect urban subject;
a sprawling 160-year-old Navy Yard undergoing a transformation into a modern industrial
village on the Brooklyn waterfront. Bruce, a life-long phonographer, visual artist and film-
maker, has done several pieces that explore the visual and sonic resonances of urban spaces.
He had long wanted to do a piece in and about the Yard and this seemed to be the perfect
opportunity for an interesting collaboration. Due to their tight schedules, Bruce and Patrick
planned to spend one day gathering material in the Yard, and to use the evening and the
next day to prepare what they had captured. Then they would give a live performance in
775
the studio that night. The day before the event, Bruce led Patrick through the Yard and he
chose specific places to sonically document, using both standard microphones and large
contact mics he placed on structural elements. Bruce set up his camera positions, some-
times including Patrick recording or listening, sometimes not. They had the freedom to roam
as they pleased the Navy Yard is very supportive of their many resident artists and gra-
ciously gave access. The night of the live performance, Patrick mixed sounds drawn from
the previous days recordings with explorations of the studio itself for sound potential. He
had positioned several contact mics on various objects in the studio space, and used bowing
and other techniques to haunting effect: the groans and wails echoed the sounds created
by the huge cranes used in the Yards dry-dock facilities. As Patrick was performing, Bruce
projected his edit of the prior days footage on a large 6 x 8 screen. Bruce and his artist /
composer wife Tracy Wuischpard have been curating shows at their studio 106BLDG30 for
over a decade, and they had a full house on this night. As they usually do after an event, they
had a salon-style discussion with the artists after the performance, and this evenings was
particularly rich and informative due to Patricks passion for his work. Bruce documents all
of the events in the space, and uses a custom-made binaural head to capture the sound of
the room. For this presentation of Brooklyn Navy Yard Bruce has combined the edited video
piece with the live audio - presented in quad surround to create this standalone work, an
encapsulation of the effort to capture a slice of this historic, fascinating space.
Year: 2014
Duration: 3300
Sound: Patrick McGinley
Video: Bruce Tovsky
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2014, VISEU,
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PORTUGAL
Three Cities
Pete Stollery
p.stollery@abdn.ac.uk
University of Aberdeen
Abstract
Three Cities is part of the Three Cities Project, a multimedia research project undertaken by
members of SERG (Sound Emporium Research Group) Suk-Jun Kim, Pete Stollery and Ross
Whyte at the Department of Music, University of Aberdeen, Scotland. The project involves
contribution, participation and experience from the three cities of Aberdeen, Bergen and St
Petersburg with the main aim being for participants (composers, listeners, general public) to
learn about and engage with audio culture from each city through engagement with sound
recordings at the three locations.
Two central ideas drive the project. The first is Edward Caseys phenomenon of re-im-
placement within visual representations of place and his three distinctions of:
place at - exact depiction;
place of - representational transformation;
place for - contemplating the ideal, the vision, the poetic truth.
The second is Suk-Jun Kims three engagements with place when creating soundscape
composition:
visiting, dwelling on and experiencing a place;
composing with sounds recorded at the place;
listening to the recreation/representation of the experience of the place.
Sounds were captured from visits made to the three cities but only Kim and Whyte vis-
ited Bergen. They had a different engagement with the sounds of Bergen from Stollery; sim-
ilarly Stollery and Whyte visited St Petersburg without Kim. Future research, following the
creation of works using the sounds recorded in the cities will investigate how these different
engagements affect compositional approaches.
On listening to the sounds recorded in each of the three cities, it became apparent that
most fell neatly into Bernie Krauses three categorisations of sound:
Biophonic (generated by animals); birds, mainly seagulls, but also sparrows and other
woodland birds.
777
Anthrophonic (generated through human agency); alarms from pedestrian crossings,
traffic.
Geophonic (generated by natural forces); water
I chose to use these sounds in clusters to maintain a certain integrity and the piece
opens with stretched pedestrian crossing signals from each of the three cities followed by a
section of minimally transformed field recordings of birds; then traffic sounds, which both
articulate gesturally (cars) and also operate in a textural context (underground train).
This leads to the second section of the piece, after a pause, made up entirely from the
sound of the Vesta passenger ferry, a soundmark of the city. The piece draws to a close with
a coda made up of sounds from all three groups, from all three cities.
Three Cities was commissioned by the sound festival and first performed in Sheffield in
February 2013
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JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
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PORTUGAL
Omelia al Vento
Pietro Bonanno
akoustikos@gmail.com
Fabio R. Lattuca
rflattuca@gmail.com
Vacuamnia
vacuamoenia.net
Abstract
Omelia al Vento (litterally Homily in the wind) was conceived in the wake of the Ass.Cult.
Vacuamoenia project to aesthetically revalue - in particular from the point of view of the
sound as a transmediatic sense places that have been abandoned for various reasons in the
Sicilian ruralscapes.
The idea of those years, developed by the Fascist regime, expressed a conviction that
it was possible to build a city life on board, decentralizing the corporation of farmers and
inserting it in a context in which it was sufficient a school, a military police station, a church
and a few other services to fulfill the needs of life.
This decentralization had as purpose to resize the cultivations of the campaigns (from
extensive to intensive), to facilitate the work and the rest of the peasants who were no longer
forced, so to move daily from the countries to the lands, but the project soon failed because
of its isolationism and dissolved completely during the years of economic italian miracle and
urban intensification of the 60s.
It is in this regard that the Borghi (italian name of these villages) pose a question: if it is
true that few services for a few people to a single category in the middle of nowhere neces-
sarily lead to abandonment (and smell like constriction), is it possible that a different attitude,
an infinite mole of information, services, need (more or less induced), places of aggregation
and inside (overcrowding) and external ( growth of cities) expansion is as such a value?
The answer is in Vacuamoenia work. The idea of using sounds of the Borghi through
digital and acoustic technologies daughters of the city while it does not solve the problem
in a social and in an anthropological way, on the other hand serve to create an intellectual
779
friction, a link between two extremes, which inevitably should be considered. The act of
recording and the act of manipulation and formal construction insert abandonment sound
material in a performance driven both by the wind and by the binary code, from wood to
personal computers.
The work we do by using the medium of the composition of soundscapes , wants to be
a re-built as citizens of the life of an urban centralization when there is no more life, an
atmosphere of abandonment that serves as a reference for possible positive high quality
atmospheres in our urban living.
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1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Abstract
Bell Tower of False Creek is a multimedia research/creation project investigating the rich
history and complex sociocultural dynamics in play in the area surrounding Burrard Bridge,
which spans False Creek in Vancouver, BC, Canada. For Invisible Places 2014 I am presenting
the first component of this project: an 11 minute stereo soundwalk composition exploring
the acoustic profile of a particularly sonorous pot hole next to a metal connector on the
surface of the bridge. A mighty klang rings out when the hole is activated by passing traffic,
casting a wide radius that extends further than any other sound emanating from the bridge.
This klang is called forth by the bureaucracy of municipal roadworks and the limits of its
neglect. Thus at the heart of the piece lies an investigation of how the overlapping identities
of the region can be mapped by largely invisible processes of city planning and maintenance.
The walk moves west to east along the seawall that passes under the bridge (with de-
tours south along the paths beneath the bridge and north along the bridges surface to the
site of the pot hole itself). The boundaries of the walk are set by the limits of the klangs
extension, treating this region as an acoustic community defined by this particular sound
just as parishes of old were established by the acoustic profile of the village church bell. We
pass through a public park, private marina, reserve lands of the Squamish nation, camp-
grounds for the homeless, and a public pier, all of which intersect in various ways. As it
moves through these areas the piece invites listeners to meditate on the tensions between
urban infrastructure, public space, private property and Native land claims revealed by the
shifting dynamics of the klang as it interacts with the microcosmic details of these various
acoustic environments, and as I interact with a variety of people using these spaces.
The piece also invites contemplation on the processes of representing acoustic envi-
ronments through technologies of sound. Constructed from recordings made in the spring
of 2013 while on assignment to expand the archives of World Soundscape Project at Simon
Fraser University (on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of their first recordings in this
area), the piece aims to contribute to the WSPs ongoing longitudinal analysis of Vancouvers
781
soundscapes while also challenging the norms and conventions the project has established
for the acoustic presentation of recorded environments. The pot hole was filled in shortly
after these recordings were made, so this composition ultimately stands as document of a
sound that exists no more. But there have been other pot holes in the past, and there will be
more again in time. And so this piece marks the beginning of a long-term project to chart the
cycle of maintenance that sets these bells ringing, to consider the meaning of these sounds
within the context of the ever shifting dynamics of this most fascinating part of Vancouver,
and to engage critically with the legacy of the WSP.
782
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JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
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PORTUGAL
Dronestrikes on Saturn
raxil4 (Andrew Page)
arrelkoto@yahoo.co.uk
London, United Kingdom
Abstract
Dronestikes on Saturn is the collaboration in between raxil4 and his Nameless Is Legion, an
audio work that uses reverb laden drones with pedals, sine generators and a four track with
loop tapes of some fine recordings or sonifications of the Saturn radio waves recorded near
the poles of the planet via the Cassini spacecraft. It is a media ecology audio work offering an
ethical composition and an aesthetical piece for preservation of the space, the urban space
or the outer space, where these waves have been captured. In this case, preservation laws
could develop a strong policy to facilitate the research for audioork in the conservation of
sound as (eco)system.
783
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Invisible Places
Places 1820
1820JULY
JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Inner Noises
Robin Koek
info@robinkoek.nl
Soundlings
Abstract
Inner Noises is an 8-channel composition exploring the hidden resonances produced by the
urban life. The ever-present, surrounding noise of contemporary city life distills to tones
oscillating within the architecture. Capturing this activity with surface and boundary micro-
phones the composer tuned in to resonating body of the city. Urban sound spaces of differ-
ent cities across the globe collide and fuse in to an immersive sonic environment, allowing
the listener to hear from the inside.
784
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JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Abstract
This piece derives from a single recording of the dawn chorus in my back garden. Various
transformations, subtle and otherwise, have been made to the birdsong. The title is a play on
John Cage, but also a reminder that a recording is a sound that is no longer at liberty.
Duration: 620
Format: Four mono files for quad playback, each 44.1 KHz 16-bit WAV PCM
The stereo version of Caged Birds (Augmentation) was composed for 100x John: A Global Salute to John Cage
in Sound and Image in New York City (2012). It was subsequently played in Ireland at the Hilltown New Music
Festival 2013 and in the UK at the Symposium on Acoustic Ecology, University of Kent (2013). This is the premire
of the four-channel mix, created specially for Invisible Places 2014.
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Places 1820
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JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
Schizophonics
Rui Dias
ruidias74@gmail.com
School of Applied Arts, Polytechnic Institute of Castelo Branco
Abstract
Schizophonics is a piece inspired by and composed with daily city sounds recorded in several
parts of Porto. It presents a sort of a trip across the city, seen through the eyes of a foreigner
visitor. The term schizophonic, introduced in the 1970s by Raymond Murray Schafer, refers
to the dissociation of a sound from its source, made possible through the use of telecom-
munications and media technologies, and the way it affects our sonic environment as well
as our perception of it.
In this piece, the term receives a triple meaning. Besides being an acousmatic piece, in
which the sound sources are not present any more, it explores the combination of different
sounds from different locations in Porto, as well as the relation between the original sounds
and their electronic counterpart.
786
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JULY 2014,
2014, VISEU,
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PORTUGAL
Deriv
Sam Salem
sam.salem@gmail.com
Canterbury Christ Church University
Abstract
Drive is a stereo acousmatic work, started at the studios of La Muse en Circuit and finished
in the composers own studio.
During my residency at La Muse en Circuit, I criss-crossed the city of Paris in search of
sounds or sound environments. My itinerary was built from walks, all having as their point of
departure the official centre of Paris, the point 48.8534N 2.3488E on the square in front of
Notre-Dame Cathedral.
I do not wish to explain too much about this piece: instead, I prefer for the listener to
be led through the work by their ear and imagination, much as I was led around the streets
of Paris. The piece seeks to explore the connections between different places and acoustic
environments. But Drive is not only a documentary work: above all, it is quite poetic and
mythological, a reading of the city at the present time, an exploration of the sounds, spaces,
histories and cultures that shape Paris.
I walked over 100 kilometers in order to gather the materials for Drive. I walked the full
length of both banks of the Seine within the boundary of Boulevard Priphrique, record-
ing the sounds of boats, gulls, the constant fluctuations of the river, its voice rushing and
changing, reverberating in tunnels and under bridges, merging with the sounds of traffic in
the open air. I recorded the tombs of the Panthon, the streets of Montmartre, the ambience
and beautifully melancholic songs of Sacr-Couer, Notre Dame and its surrounding areas;
the creaking floorboards of the house Gustave Moreau, the city sounds from the top of the
Eiffel Tower, the tunnels of the Metro, dozens of street performers, office workers playing
ping pong during lunch breaks, children playing in Place des Vosges and
At the conclusion of this work, it seems to me that Paris is a city of flow and friction, of
movement and interruption. But perhaps more than this, it is a place of saturation and jux-
taposition. I could walk 100 kilometers more, following the flow and haltering rhythms of the
city, in silent reverie.
Drive was commissioned by La Muse En Circuit as the prize in Concours Luc Ferrari.
787
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JULY 2014,
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PORTUGAL
Abstract
When I began making audio recordings of New York City, all I heard was traffic. Slowly, I be-
gan to realize that the city pulsates with many different kinds of sounds. Individually, each
sound is its own object with a shape and texture, but collectively they form a concrete whole:
this is the sound of the city with its fierce resonances, attacks, tones, rhythms, and timbres. I
have come to understand this sound as a constantly shifting form with many evolving facets
and shapes. It is a dense form with many strata. As a sculptor it is my inclination to reveal
these strata and expose the inner edges and planes of sound that create this elusive shape.
I walk around New York. Sometimes I sit in the park. I often find myself in museums. I
ride the subway and bus, sit in coffee shops and wander through bookstores and galleries. I
have an Olympus LS-10 recorder in my bag, Telinga EM-23 microphones, and some home-
made binaural microphones. I capture sound sketches with these tools.
Later, in my studio, I listen to my collected sounds. The specifics of the recorded spaces
often return to me, immediately. As I listen I pick up my sculptors tools and break off pieces
of sound sometimes revealing an unexpected shape, but often I am captured by a detail of
the detritus.
I have worked with studio materials for many yearsmetal, wood, paper, clay, plaster. I
have often been drawn to the insubstantial and ephemeral light and shadow qualities
to be manipulated in revealing the shape and form of a material. Now, I add the concept of
sound to this vocabulary. Surprisingly I find that my ultimate subject is not just form, but the
qualities of space, itself. Space exists outside the certainty of form. I like to experience it as
this intangible that is apprehended, but not really known.
New York City is unknowable, ever-changing with infinite sides and angles. New York
City Glyptic is not an attempt to know this city, but an attempt to be within it, to give it my
attention, and to experience it grandness, mystery, beauty and its accompanying pain, fear,
and anguish.
788
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PORTUGAL
Abstract
June 1st, 2013, my editor-wife and I drive three and a half hours out of Baltimore seeking the
sounds of Brood II, a 17-year cicada bloom that has emerged in Northern Virginia, Delaware
and New York, but not in Central Maryland. With new recording gear, I set out to find these
ancient creatures infamous for their primal drone and dying squeals.
The smartphone GPS shows the route and with my right ear out the passenger-side win-
dow, I tell Eugenie where I sense the best sounds might be. We end up at Mason Neck State
Park next to Pohick Bay, its surface dotted with belching speedboats, water-skiers, people
fishing and others in anchored boats partying with loud musica raucous flotilla bobbing
next to a rare sonic event taking place just on shore.
The clash of this man-made noise and natures noise is one of the most intense sensory
immersions that I have experienced and aurally recorded. The complex sounds of the Brood
II cicadas, along with crickets, woodpeckers, banjo frogs, lapping water and wind and tree su-
surrations create what I call ultimate music. This natural composition juxtaposed with human
acoustic and olfactory exhaust wafts through the marshlands and woods into my ears and nose
to create a synesthetic apprehension of my immediate environment that can never be replicated.
I listen for those moments that contrast the far-off drone of thousands of cicadas with
the close-up buzz-grind of the individual males urgently seeking their mates. At first I try to
avoid motor sounds and voices, but soon give up knowing that regardless of what I record
and hear, there will be human-made sounds in the recording. In the end, those sounds be-
come the moog synthesizer in the landscape orchestra.
For the next five hours with headphones on, I continue to record while slowly walking
through the park, listening for anomalies and nuances of Brood II in relation to other natural
and un-natural sounds. Though Mason Neck is 30 miles from D.C., the ubiquity of powerboats
and periodic planes in the sound recording makes it clear that the boundaries of urban and
natural places have become blurred. Where does the edge of the city end and nature begin?
Duration: 900
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PORTUGAL
snowSongs
Vivienne Spiteri
vivie@isidorart.qc.ca
Independent artist
Abstract
The Inuit have many words for snow. Do the different snows also have different voices?
Curious, I went to Nunavut to find out, to hear and listen for myself. With recordings made in
Arviat and in Igloolik, I composed the acousmatic piece snowSongs, which is in seven contin-
uous parts: in the beginning / two clumps of earth / snowSongs / sister sun brother moon
/ shaman / qalunaat / swanSong.
The piece traces the sounds of snow as experienced through the ancient inuit life cycle
lived out on the land, the complex inuit mythology, and up to the present environmental and
sonic deterioration of the north. These are sounds intimately linked to place, and that iden-
tify a place slowly eroding into invisibility.
790
Sounding Cities Program
1112 July
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Our proposal was to increase awareness of the importance of our local and global sound-
scapes and our role in their experience and design. As listeners, we are also responsible for
the shape and beauty of our own soundscape. Therefore, we must open our ears.
Through workshops, performances, concerts, soundwalks and sound installations we
intended to transform Viseu into an acoustically conscious city. For this time, it was a special
place of intersection between art, science and life.
Installations
SOUND INSTALLATION MESAS
Pedro Rebelo e Ricardo Jacinto
Local: Rua Direita
MESAS is an urban intervention that promotes the relationship with everyday sound through
indispensible pieces of furniture for the domestic, the professional and the playful in our lives
the table. Different uses and contexts determine the many variations in form; from dinning,
to coffee tables, kitchen, garden, meeting, bar, side or game tables. This project, by artists
Pedro Rebelo and Ricardo Jacinto was conceived for Rua Direita in Viseu and consists of a
sequence of tables suspended throughout the street, which reveal experiences and memories
through sound.
The materiality, context and utility of each table articulate sonorities that include the
manipulation of objects on their tops or the conversations happening around them, as well
their impact on the soundscapes of the places in which they are situated.
The project makes audible these particular experiences through a set of sound installa-
tions associated with places such as the jewellers, the school, or the tailors.
Installation. Cymbals, stands, transducers, speakers, audio DVD, computer, software, light.
Respiro (Breath) is developed from the mapping of networks of urban relations, of resi-
dues and reverberative effects. Its modular structure recalls the apparent urban self-similarity,
that conceals an accumulation of individual micro-variations articulated in a circuit of con-
frontations, dialogues and tensions from where a complex and dynamic composition emerges.
792
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2014, VISEU,
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PORTUGAL
Starting from the sound archive of the streets Arco and Arrabalde, as well as the main square
and surrounding area of Pavia River in the city of Viseu, Lus Antero creates a sound instal-
lation composed by field recordings made in these areas of the city. In his recordings, he
searched for the sound dynamics of everyday life, the perpetual motion of sounds, but also
the sounds of memory connected to these locations through the oral testimony of those who
work here, or simply dwell. This sound installation reflects the social and urban identity of
these ancientstreets.
The Work Quartet brings together four major audio-visual projects by the artist Mikhail Karikis
filmed in locations that range from an English coal mine, to a shell-fishery in a remote volcanic
island in the North Pacific, to an impersonal office in London City and an imposing geothermal
power station in Valle del Diavolo in Tuscany. Each film engages with a different community
that is connected to a site of production or former manufacturing, and explores the role
sound plays in creating a sense of collectivity and a professional identity while at the same
time resonating each communitys socio-political, cultural and psychological circumstances
generated by the effects of post-industrialisation, automation, unemployment and censorship
at the workplace. Created in collaboration with three generations of communities, Karikiss
Work Quartet asserts peoples connection with the site of work and their search for dignity
through a profession, while evoking different possible, desired or imagined futures.
The installation tries to give back life to the small yard of the cloister of Gro Vasco Museum.
The sounds are put out by small speakers that will play back power impulses to delay and reverb
within the space. The sounds interact with the spatial acoustics in the almost square-shaped
space and will evoke a meditating atmosphere through the slow alteration of the pattern.
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VISEU, PORTUGAL
PORTUGAL
The Listening Room showcased a program of piers selected from the open call of Invisible
Places / Sounding Cities. During nine days it presented more than 50 audio and audiovisual
works, in a continuous program, in a space designed to provide a unique listening experience.
Concerts
CONCERT LPEZ IMMERSIVE SOUND
Francisco Lpez
Local: Big cloister of Gro Vasco Museum
Schedule: 18 July 18h30
Francisco Lpezs sound performances are something beyond a normal music concert. An
intense and rich sonic immersive experience in the dark, with a surround multi-channel sound
system and blindfolds provided for the audience. Virtual worlds of sound created out of a
myriad of original sources collected all over the world -from rainforests and deserts to fac-
tories and buildings from multiple locations in the five continents- and mutated and evolved
during years of studio work through the master compositional skills of Lpezs universe.
The space is reconfigured with a multi-channel surround system around the audience,
which is placed in seats arranged in concentric circles facing the outside array of speakers.
The performer operates from the center of the space (not on stage), in order to be able to
control live the sound as is heard by the audience.
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humble constitution belies the richness of its sounds, a signature of the authors activities
in live and recorded works across many art disciplines. When played with cello bows and
homemade friction mallets, Eric Leonardson produces extraordinary sounds that belie the
humble origin of these materials.
From the sound archive of the Ruas do Arco e Arrabalde and incursions by the weekly market
and by Largo Major Leite Monteiro, in Viseu, Lus Antero created a single and unique concert
at Jardim da Ribeira, where the audience could lye down and enjoy the green space. The public
had the opportunity to comfortably watch a concert late afternoon, completely filled with the
sights and sounds of these ancient arteries of the city, where it were also used instruments
as braguesa and electric guitar. It was an invitation to travel through the sounds that mark
everyday life in this part of town. Laying down with open ears and with the eyes closed.
102 Years Out of Synch is a new audio-visual performance by Mikhail Karikis exploring the
striking connections between the invention of sustainable energy production, the first Italian
feature film, and the sonic imaginary of Hell. The work takes place at the Italian geothermal
site of Larderello at Vale del Diavolo in Tuscany, where the first and still one of the largest
electricity power plants in the world is based. Local legend claims that in the 14th Century
Dante visited the site and drew inspiration from its arresting geology for his famous epic
poem Inferno. Countless visual representations of Hell were inspired by the Inferno and un-
knowingly referenced the site of Larderello, including the homonymous first Italian feature
film made in 1911 by Giuseppe de Liguoro. Both in the paintings of Hell and the first Italian
feature however, the rich sonorities of Vale del Diabolo remained mute.
In his performance, Mikhail Karikis retraces Dantes steps in an attempt to hear what the
poet might have heard. The artist visits the site to record its volatile geothermal sounds and
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the rumbling industrial noises that mark the contemporary local soundscape. Combining
newly filmed footage and fragments of the 1911 silent film, environmental sound recordings,
narration and extended vocals, the performance 102 Years Out of Synch mines the strata of
legend, industrial archaeology, subterranean resonance and the aural imaginary of Hell.
Workshops
Listening Education is one of the main focus of Acoustic Ecology, initiated by Murray Schafer
in the 70s. For Schafer,to educate children to listen is one of the main ways to combat the
sonic problems that societies face today. After all, we are all responsible for our acoustic
environment, simultaneously composers and performers of this huge global concert.
It was with this idea in mind that we created 3 workshops for all ages:
Following the line of thought of Murray Schafer, the proposal in Silences that Sound is to
open childrens ears to the experimentation with variations of timbre, amplitude, melody,
texture and rhythm of the various silences that surround us and are not muted. Improvisa-
tion and creativity are unavoidable practices in this experiment.
The workshop consisted of a variety of exercises in interior and exterior spaces. Promoted
interactive engagement among participants in order to increase the capacity of listening,
learning how humans use the acoustics to sense the environment they inhabit and the im-
portance of preserving the acoustic space.
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Workshop of initiation into field recording, providing participants with the theoretical and
practical foundations of this universe. Development of the recording technique, from 4 dif-
ferent and complementary stages: Learning, Playing, Recording and Editing.
Radio Terramoto is a radio transmission soundwalk research and art project based on the idea
of listening to sound from a past historical event, in this case the Great Lisbon Earthquake
on All Saints Day, 1755. This is an audience immersive event in which the original procession
made up of the creators and audience followed a path from the Convento do Carmo down
to the river in Lisbon, Portugal. For the Invisible Places: Sounding Cities Symposium, we will
transpose the original sound from the Lisboa path to follow a similar path in Viseu (an area
hardly effected by the earthquake and its following distasters), from the S to the Rio Pavia.
Thus we bring in a transposition of not just time, but of geography as well.
The sound design is based on research on the earthquake, using documents of both first-
hand experiences and the first seismic and earthquake proof architecture that came after
what may be the largest earthquake recorded in history, which destroyed a quarter of the city,
from 10,000 to 100,000 lived, and beget consequential tsunamis and fires. The creators walk
with the audience bearing a transmitter, the audience carry radios and cell phones tuned into
the specific frequency of the transmission.
The original Radio Terramoto soundwalk in Lisbon included hand-held sculptural oc-
tahedra created using a geometric framing system designed by Jake Dotson, assembled as a
singular form approximating a Pombaline cage, the first modern earthquake resistant archi-
tecture. The radio transmitter, and other key electrical devices were suspended in these 1
foot3 (30 cm3) octahetra made of brightly colored sticks of wood held together with friction
and tension. The large cage broke apart into the individual octahedra to aid in the transpor-
tation of equipment and in providing a visual wayfinding aide for the participants.
The project and research looks into the question, what can listening to the past reveal
about the now, both in artistic practice and scientific research? The sound weaves between
the present and the past, and it is from this experience that we are interested in researching.
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The project and research looks into the question, what can listening to the past reveal about
the now, both in artistic practice and scientific research?
Parallel circles offers a parallel audio reality in real time that responds to the listeners move-
ments through the city. This interactive composition of forms and sounds works in harmony
with the listeners surroundings and the structure of each site. This project reimagines the
city, enriching it with a creative, audible, sensory experiencea city that thrives on mobile
satellite technology!
The project involves the placement of geometric shapes in open spaces such as parks,
woods, and parking lotsspaces that are significant to the area. These shapes are generated
using a programme we have developed and may be accessed through an iPhone application
that is available free from the App Store. They will be generated by a series of geolocated
points to form circles, triangles, squares, rectangles, straight lines, and a combination of
these shapes that will blend in with the aesthetic organization of the area in which they are
situated, reflecting its geometry, dialoguing with it, or offering a new formal proposition that
contrasts with the existing one.
This project addresses environmental questions around ambient sound, atmosphere, tone,
and the act of listening to city sounds in general. It has a certain utopic element, allowing the
listener to reconfigure the city with a new audio reality, modifying his or her movements to
create the sound texture of his or her journey. Defying urban geometry and producing a new
order of sound, these geometric shapes offer a new way to experience the city!
Field Frequency Flux is site specific radio art composition, transmitted on local FM radio
frequency- Radio VFM94.6FMwith live in-situ micro local FM interventions. Performance
experience is based on walking and in the same time in-situ listening to FM radio broadcast
and surroundings sounds.
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Field Frequency Flux presents a park as a space where to withdraw from the citys hustle
and bustle, overfilled with information, communication and other stimuli that pull us away
from listening. In the park, one enters the silence and emptiness of a night. It is equipped with
a radio receiver that translates and catches remote electromagnetic sound contents. During
the walk, the intercepted messages merge with the sounds of the sleeping nature outside
the urban area, which brings an individual toward an organic, earthly sound that contains a
syntax very different from everyday language. In this intersection space, full of distant elec-
tromagnetic contents and atmospheric sounds of nature, a space for fantasy and for working
with memories emerges, which brings about an original and intense experience.
Field Frequency Flux is based on everyday activity of walking and everyday sounds, which
we often ignore because of an increased noise pollution and our daily routines. Through these
unpretentious actions, a spectator is transformed into a composer and visual artist who
reads and composes sound and space images.
Good Vibrations is a mobile listening kit that allows users to tap into of the least audible
sounds of a city. With the use of three different types of microphone: a contact mic, a hydro-
phone and a probe mic, the user can tune in to subtle acoustic vibrations in the environment
and explore the citys cracks and surfaces. A field guide for urban listening directs users to
acoustic points of interest.
The mobile listening kits are custom-designed, featuring hand-made audio amplifier cir-
cuits inside hand-made digitally fabricated boxes. The microphones are also each hand-made.
In addition to the mobile listening kits, an iPhone app was created to allow users to record
their sounds with the kit and upload them to a remote server. These sounds are saved and
displayed on a map for an interactive listening experience.
SOUNDWALK sound_WALK_studio
Franois Tariq Sardi
Local: Streets of Viseu
A device.
The sound_WALK_studio is a real-time sound composition device for two walkers, a city, an
iphone and a microphone.
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While walking through an unknown territory with a participant (both with headphones
plugged into the iphone), the artist listens, samples, loops and edits the surrounding sounds,
creating during the walk a unique composition.
A game of influences.
The purpose of the proposition is to create a disruption of ones sense of self and place by
submerging the participant into multiple layers of sounds extracted in real-time from the
surrounding elements - fragmentation and repetition - where there is much more going
on that what appears to be. The device therefore aims at uncovering and activating hidden
worlds, questioning how perceptions and discreet mythologies - low intensity interactions -
are affecting and recombining the way the city is experienced.
The device modifies the sense of place and time. Where am I, when am I ? are questions
rooted in a practice involving, through the recombination and alteration of immediate sounds,
a renewal of the attention to a familiar environment suddenly gone strange.
A local point of infinity.
By applying a pressure on a boarder - a contact point - where the relationship with the en-
vironment is active, what happens to this relationship ? What kind of narratives and images
are produced by the transformation of this relationship ?
Now I am standing in a place, I know this place, or at least I think I know this place. But
where is this place standing ? What kind of long lasting connections have been established
here ? When I stand in this place where else might I be ? What is it that lingers on from past
and future interactions, events, memories ? Eveything keeps moving and changing, everything
has already changed, leaving faint traces of things to be. What residual part of these frag-
mented elements can we feel around us ? From where do we stand ? How do we acknowledge
the interweaved network of forms that influence us ? How do we take the quantum leap into
other realms of existence ? And where am I really standing right now if I cant recognize my
presence to the world ? If I am standing upside down ?
What does it really means to be present in a place? Being Here / Estar aqui is a site-specific
sound project created in the very particular space of Tipografa Minerva da Beira en Viseu.
Many days of recordings and actions in the traditional printing works will lead to the crea-
tion of a singular and collective listening situation deeply embedded in the material, human,
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sound, spatial and affective experience of place. This project explores the ambiguous relation
between fiction and reality (is reality a question of time? a question of space?), drawing a
porous line on the border between what is and what could be.
Keep an ear to the ground is an expanded performance that presents a set of strategies to
experience place and sound through mapping/tagging, listening, recording and reminiscing.
It aims to establish a shared reading of place and everyday life through recording and listening.
The recordings, paired with visual interventions in the city, take place before the symposium,
leading to a dialogue-presentation that extends the individual experiences of sound/place
to a shared context.
Showcases
Local: Listening Room
Adriana S
Adriana Sa is transdisciplinary artist, performer musician/composer. Designing and building
the instruments is part of her creative process. Using digital and analogue, and often architec-
turally-scaled instruments with sensor technologies, Adriana has explored music as connect-
ed to light, movement, architecture, weather and social context. Currently, she explores how
a moving image can be a reactive stage scene without distracting attention from the music.
Sampladlicos
Musician Slvio Rosado and visualist Tiago Pereira create an audiovisual performance with
recordings of musical practices and sound environments of a specific place. The project first
builds a living archive of a local musical/sound identity that can be consulted and functions as
memory. In the second phase, this archive/memory is deconstructed in a format that allows
the community to look and listen to itself, to dance to its memories or to follow a story of
images and sounds.
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It is said that Anthonys blessed bells had the power to work miracles, to cleanse the air of
demons and evil spirits, protecting animals and children from weather and fire.
Off This Parish follows St. Anthony as he travels from a church tower out to the thresh-
old at which its bells can be heard. The film is both a sonic portrait of Sulthe Parish in the
Gralheira mountains of Portugal where it is setand a meditation on the changing role of
bells in a rural community.
The film begins with the idea of a Parish as territory defined by sound, a community whose
borders are drawn by the earshot of a bell. As we travel from the epicenter of the community
to its outer limits, we encounter bells used as a call to prayer, bells as time-keepers and alarms
and also bells as pre-Christian protectors, casting the talismans inscribed in their metal across
the phonosphere, purifying the air.
Off This Parish was filmed on location in the parish of Sul during a residency hosted by
Binaural/Nodar. It features the voice of Luis Costa who was born in the region and is now
one of the founders of the Binaural/Nodar.
Off This Parish was made possible with support from the Arts Council England.
On June 21, 2013 Lisbon Portugal, on the southwestern edge of Europe, hosted a unique con-
cert that gathered thousands of people to experience new but familiar sounds in the form of a
seven minute musical composition that used horns from 22 ships, 6 fire department vehicles,
2 trains, 106 church bells from 19 churches, and 6 electric tram bells. The project involved
about 300 volunteers, including 100 musicians who performed live from an original score, as
well as radio signals coordinated and scattered all over the historical riverside area of the city.
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Photos
Invisible Places
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Masterclass by Francisco Lopez.
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Sounding Cities
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Respiro Installation by @c.
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Pedro Rebelo & Ricardo Jacinto.
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