Showing posts with label Politics-ACT. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Politics-ACT. Show all posts

Monday, 11 August 2025

15 YEARS AGO: Here's how Key helped fuel the gravy-train

One advantage of having blogged so long is having written about so many things.

One disadvantage of having blogged so long is watching things you've warned about being ignored.  Here's from 2010, with Eric Crampton's warning in particular now looking especially prescient....

AS YOU MAY HAVE NOTICED, the Government you voted for has signed you up to the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples—something Helen Clark herself was opposed to, citing fears it would create “two classes of citizenship and … give indigenous people veto rights over laws made by Parliament.” 

But we already have two legal classes of  citizen, don’t we—something confirmed by Doug Graham when, as Minister in Charge of Treaty Capitulations, he told taxpayers, “The sooner we realise there are laws for one and laws for another, the better." 

So one law for all is officially dead. Pita Sharples grand-standing announcement merely throws another shovelful of dirt on that particular colour-blind aspiration. 

Instead, we now have another aspiration. One endorsed by your government without any conditions whatsoever, despite John Key’s insistence that the Declaration itself is “aspirational and non-binding.” 

Now naturally, Hone Harawira and co have a different view.  Hone has already been on radio insisting the Declaration will be used to support a gravy train of claims for other people’s property, and for truckloads of taxpayers’ money—and one suspects he speaks for many others when he says that, including those who will sit in judgement on such claims. 

And Mai Chen, eager to get in on the gravy, insists the declaration will “have an impact.”

   "‘Declarations … are international obligations and they do form part of the backdrop, the context within which courts do interpret, but it's not just courts its the Waitangi Tribunal and its also direct negotiations… [T]he entire country would appear to fall within the scope of the article, and [the text of the Declaration] generally takes no account of the fact that the land might be occupied or owned legitimately by others.’ 
    “Ms Chen said the Declaration would 'shape Maori expectations in negotiations.”

And the Declaration itself begins by affirming its “good faith in the fulfilment of the obligations assumed by States in accordance with the Charter.” 

So one suspects that this government signing up to the Declaration is going to involve more than just a little “aspirational” window-dressing. 

SO WHAT DOES IT CONTAIN,THIS DECLARATION? It should be no surprise to find that a UN Declaration with “rights” in the title contains a welter of manufactured “rights” that trample over genuine rights And if it were simply an enumeration of genuine rights—rights to life, liberty, free speech, the pursuit of property and happiness—it would hardly need the modifier “rights of indigenous people” added to it, as if by virtue of their indigeneity some individuals are more endowed with rights than others. 

As if to confirm that, The Declaration’s preamble talks about being “the basis for a strengthened partnership between indigenous peoples and States”—affirming as clearly as one could that “there are laws for one & laws for another.” 

It speaks of affirming to “peoples their right to self-determination”—ignoring that such a right pertains only to individualsnot to a collective

And the Declaration itself outlines specific “rights” which it says shall be upheld by “the States” which have affirmed it: 

  • “the right [of indigenous people] to freely determine their political status”

Which “right” is a recipe for separatism.

  • “the right to autonomy or self-government in matters relating to their internal and local affairs”

Which “right” is a guarantee that separatism will be upheld by “the State.”

  • “the right not to be subjected to forced assimilation or destruction of their culture… States shall provide effective mechanisms for prevention of, and redress for [this]”

Which “right” requires the State to subsidise for ever whatever parts of indigenous culture claimants will assert are being destroyed.

  • “the right to belong to an indigenous community or nation, in accordance with the traditions and customs of the community or nation concerned”

The “right” to subsidised separatism, in whatever form of tribalism that will manifest itself.

  • “the right to revitalize, use, develop and transmit to future generations their histories, languages, oral traditions, philosophies, writing systems and literatures, and to designate and retain their own names for communities, places and persons.”

A “right” to the subsidised education of tribalism and mysticism, and to the re-naming of New Zealand.

  • “States shall … take effective measures, in order for indigenous individuals, particularly children… to an education in their own culture and provided in their own language.”

The “right” to kohanga reo for ever.

  • “the right to establish their own media in their own languages”

The “right” to Maori TV for ever.

  • “the right to participate in decision-making in matters which would affect their rights, through representatives chosen by themselves in accordance with their own procedures, as well as to maintain and develop their own indigenous decision-making institutions.”
  • “States shall consult and cooperate in good faith with the indigenous peoples concerned through their own representative institutions in order to obtain their free, prior and informed consent before adopting and implementing legislative or administrative measures that may affect them.”

The explicit creation of two classes of citizenship, and the “right” to veto that Helen Clark was so concerned about.

  • “the right … to the improvement of their economic and social conditions, including, inter alia, in the areas of education, employment, vocational training and retraining, housing, sanitation, health and social security. 
    States shall take effective measures and, where appropriate, special measures to ensure continuing improvement of their economic and social conditions…”

The “right” to special racist welfare. 

  • “the right to maintain and strengthen their distinctive spiritual relationship with their traditionally owned or otherwise occupied and used lands, territories, waters and coastal seas and other resources”

The “right” to dream up a new basis of land claim for any part of New Zealand whatsoever.

  • the right "to own use, develop or control lands and territories they have traditionally owned, occupied or used"

As New Zealand's former permanent representative to the UN, diplomat Rosemary Banks, says “the entire country was potentially caught within the scope of that article. ‘The article appears to require recognition of rights to lands now lawfully owned by other citizens, both indigenous and non-indigenous ... Furthermore, this article implies indigenous peoples have rights that others do not.’"

  • “the right to redress, by means that can include restitution or, when this is not possible, just, fair and equitable compensation, for the lands, territories and resources which they have traditionally owned or otherwise occupied or used, and which have been confiscated, taken, occupied, used or damaged without their free, prior and informed consent.”

Providing the basis for a whole new cycle of claimants to ride a new gravy train. 

I COULD GO ON, BUT I suspect you already get the point. 

This is simply a whole litany of bogus “rights” with which the Hone Harawiras and Tame Itis of this country will have a field day.  For them and their lawyers, this is like Christmas in April. 

The affirmation of these bogus rights is John Key writing a blank cheque on taxpayers to buy the Maori Party for a generation. And just in case you think this isn’t the sound of someone putting their hand in your pocket, take a look at Article 39

    “Indigenous peoples have the right to have access to financial and technical assistance from States and through international cooperation, for the enjoyment of the rights contained in this Declaration.”

The Declaration is nothing less than a manifesto for subsidised separatism. 

As Ayn Rand said of a similar list of entitlements “rights”: 

    “A single question added to each of the above eight clauses would make the issue clear: At whose expense?     “[These so-called rights] do not grow in nature. These are man-made values—goods and services produced by men. Who is to provide them?     “If some men are entitled by right to the products of the work of others, it means that those others are deprived of rights and condemned to slave labor.     “Any alleged "right" of one man, which necessitates the violation of the rights of another, is not and cannot be a right.”

Take note here that “The State” itself has no money of its own—every dollar must first be taken from others. The bogus “rights” affirmed here, to which New Zealand is now a signatory, require of taxpayers that they provide a cradle-to-grave ATM machine for whatever tribalists want, including the property of taxpayers, creating “two classes of citizenship and … giving indigenous people veto rights over laws made by Parliament,” just as Helen Clark feared it would. 

One law for all is officially dead. 

And parliament’s One-Law-For-All party?  The party propping up a government giving tribalists more even than Helen Clark was prepared to? What about them? Fear not, punters, for fearless leader Rodney Hide says the Declaration and the secrecy with which it was announced “is not a deal-breaker." 

Given what ACT supporters have already swallowed, one wonders if anything ever would be.

NBEric Crampton sees informative parallels “between New Zealand signing on to the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People and Canada's constitutional wranglings over Quebec as a'"Distinct Society'." 

Friday, 6 June 2025

Yes, this is pathetic.

The reason for the punishment. Threats not immediately obvious.
Yes, it's accurate to call Te Pāti Māori a racist party — both its constituencies and policies are race-based. Like Wee Willy Jackson, who spoke yesterday against them being banned for 21 days, they view everything through a lens focussed on race.

"The world is watching'" said Jackson, "and this type of punitive punishment will enshrine and entrench in world political commentators, and certainly the Māori Party, that this place is indeed racist and that there's no hope for this place. That's how bad that decision is."* TPM MPs and other were happy to pile on and magnify his point. "Everyone can see the racism," said Takuta Ferris. " It is hardly being hidden." "Racism-whistling," said Marama Davidson. "Racism," said Ms Hapi-Clarke. Racism, racism, racism.

Baloney.

It's just a Parliament trying to maintain the illusion that its members deserve any sort of respect. 

As Chloe Swarbrick pointed out, it's a place full of of humbug: Winston stood up and preached about "contempt" — TPM's "utter contempt for the whole institution." Yet "the last time ... that the Privileges Committee did not make a consensus-based decision," cited Swarbrick in her speech, "in fact it was—and here I am reading explicitly from the Privileges Committee report back then—'for the Member, the Rt Hon Winston Peters, who knowingly provided false or misleading information on a pecuniary interest.'" MPs of course caring nothing for how much they lie to you, but who get upset (or pretend to) when they're seen to lie to each other.

But as for those wanting to punish these MPs by removing them from the House for an unprecedented period?

Don't be so bloody precious.

The Parliament needs some formality in order to function, to allow violently-opposed views to be heard and debated. But it also needs some theatre — and no-one could argue that Han-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke's defiant rip-up-and-haka conclusion to the Treaty Principles Bill wasn't great theatre.

And let's not get all uptight about the alleged "threats" against the ACT Party front bench. If threats alone were enough to ban an MP for three weeks then Julie Anne Genter might be permanently on leave.

It was National Party MPs who escalated all this by arguing for a 21-day ban. And let's not forget it was ACT Party MP Parmjeet Parmar who investigated imprisonment as a possible punishment. Imprisonment!

Was that racism? No, it was simply irresponsible. (And in Parmar's case, authoritarian.)

Yesterday the Māori Party co-leader was still berating the "coloniser government" for punishing them. Maybe they should take a leaf out of Sin Fein's book, who also refused to concede the legitimacy of their Parliament. But in the Westminster Parliament Sinn Fein take their stand seriously: their seven MPs refuse to front at all.

* * * * 

* To be fair, Jackson was a bit more subtle than that. "These people on the other side," he said, "they're not all Ku Klux Klan members .... Some of them are quite good."

Tuesday, 3 June 2025

Seymour’s a what?

NOT SURE ABOUT YOU, but it looks to me like a whole lot of the commentariat are melting down about David Seymour becoming Deputy Prime Minister — despite the role being as much use as a glass eye at a keyhole.

The most absurd critiques, and here I'm looking at Wee Willie Jackson and Mihinarangi Forbes, goes at him for being "a libertarian." Which poses some kind of a dangerous threat, apparently, despite libertarians famously not caring what goes on behind your closed doors. 

You can just watch Jackson, especially, foaming at the mouth over the weekend:

"David Seymour is an extremist ... 

"his far right libertarian 'solutions' ... 

"his Free Market Libertarian extremism ...  

"David is a dangerous libertarian extremist ... 

"David Seymour is a very dangerous libertarian extremist."

Etc.

Wow. 

At least Willlie seems fully aware of hyperbole. 

But is Seymour really a libertarian?

And if so, how would that be a threat to anyone?

It's pretty clear his critics have no idea, since they can't articulate any.

After all, what is it to be a libertarian?

The most topical answer comes from Javier Milei:
What's a libertarian?
Someone who believes in unrestricted respect for the life projects of others.
A libertarian is someone who believes in unrestricted respect for the life projects of others. It's damned hard to see how that's a threat to anyone.

Unless, that is, your life project is like Willie's, which is to place your snout permanently into a race-based trough.

Click through for video ...


ANYWAY, TO FURTHER ASSIST poor Mihi and Wee Willie, who remain confused on this point, Javier Milei explains in the video above the difference between right wing, left wing, and libertarian. (Maybe Mihi could use it in her next scare story re-running her vacuous Atlas conspiracy): 
Interviewer: What is it to be libertarian? ... Why do you define yourself as a libertarian?

Milei: I define it for you by default [by opposites].

What would someone on the right be like? Someone who doesn't mind who you trade with -- is a liberal economically speaking -- but it bothers him who you get into bed with. Who is a "cultural conservative."

Int.: Repeat that?

Milei: A right-wing person is someone who is economically liberal, someone who doesn't care who you trade with, but cares who you sleep with. Who is a "cultural conservative." 
Int.: Okay. I get it.

Milei: On the other hand, a left-wing person is liberal culturally --- they don't care who you get into bed with -- but is interventionist economically; they don't let you trade with whomever you want.

So, what would a libertarian be?

Someone who believes in unrestricted respect for the life project of others. [W]ho believes consenting adults can get into bed with whoever you want -- with every one you want. 
Int.: Is that how a libertarian thinks? 
Milei: Exactomento.

And obviously you can trade with whoever you want. 
Int.: You are libertarian then?

Milei: Exactomento. 
So in Spanish ...
[Pic by LaNewzViewz]

Friday, 30 May 2025

"New Zealand’s low wages can be blamed on low productivity, and low productivity can be blamed on poor regulation."

"New Zealand’s low wages can be blamed on low productivity, and low productivity can be blamed on poor regulation. To raise productivity, we must allow people to spend more time on productive activities and less time on compliance. ...
    "In a nutshell: If red tape is holding us back, because politicians find regulating politically rewarding, then we need to make regulating less rewarding for politicians ... "

~ David Seymour from his press release ' Bill for transparent principled lawmaking to be read in the House'

Tuesday, 25 February 2025

"In November 2023 a new Govt was sworn in with a promise to 'get our country back on track.' In 15 months, their highlights have been few."


"In November 2023 our new Government was sworn in ... with a promise that they would 'get our country back on track'....
    "In 15 months, their highlights have been few. ...
    "To be fair, they inherited a hell of a mess. ...
    "But the big problems remain. The health system remains a mess which has already taken a minister’s scalp. As Mayor Wayne Brown pointed out this week, the road cones remain. Despite tinkering around the edges of staff numbers, the bureaucracy continues to grow. Government debt continues to escalate and interest is now one of our top five expenditure items. ...
    "The Prime Minister has put his stock in the pursuit of a growth agenda. And he’s right. ... [But] the pace of change is frustrating to watch. ...
    "Argentine economist Javier Milei became that country’s President around the same time as our current Government was sworn in. Since then he’s eliminated 28% of government spending and reduced the number of ministries by half. He’s achieved the first budget surplus in 16 years and reduced monthly, yes monthly, inflation from 25% to 2.4%.
    "And despite the tough decisions, he ... is maintaining and building his popularity. Because the people like seeing action. ... The best thing about Trump and Milei is they are showing a new approach to political behaviour that is giving permission to other countries to follow suit. In our current state, we should be grabbing that opportunity with both hands. ...
    "When compared to similar-sized countries, we have twice as many Government departments as we need. ... We can’t afford to spend $4 million playing sperm whale noises in forests to combat kauri dieback. We can’t afford for the Department of Internal Affairs to spend almost $1m teaching 'indigenous knowledge to become change agents.' MBIE has 30 people focused on grocery prices who haven’t made a 1c difference to the cost of groceries. They have similar teams working on banking and retailing. Why?"
~ Bruce Cotterrill from his op-ed 'Time for Decisive Govt Action to Get NZ Back on Track'


Monday, 13 January 2025

"Balancing" Regulatory Standards [updated]


Have you ever noticed that Jane Kelsey (sorry, thaat's Emeritus Professor Jane Kelsey to you and I) makes everything to which she's opposed sound better than it is?

David Seymour's proposed Regulatory Standards Bill is, she claims, is a reflection of the ACT Party's commitment to light-handed regulation and private property rights. "It's basically about the protection of private property and wealth," she insists.

Joining in her criticism of the Bill is one Melanie Nelson, who is apparently something called a "cross-cultural consultant." Her concern is that the Bill if enacted would be "constitutional straitjacket" on what government can do.

That's all sounding good so far, right?

Constitutional safeguards should be specifically directed at what government can do, because constitutions are the way by which governments are chained up to do only the things government should be doing: which is to protect individual and property rights.

Which is precisely what David Seymour claims the Bill will prioritise "because 'New Zealanders deserve the ability to make a difference in their own lives,' he said in a statement."

Far be it from me to carp. But that's not what the bill actually does.  

The Bill's co-author Bryce Wilkinson instead says it's about "balance." "What's the balance [?] ... That's an open question."
Good quality regulation to economists like myself [says Wilkinson] is one in which the benefits to people who are affected by it exceed the costs to people who are affected by it. So it's regulation which makes people better off.
Read that equation again: to be balanced, it's asserted the benefits to people who are affected by a regulation should exceed the costs to people who are affected by that regulation. So to be accurate, and to correct Wilkinson's mathematics, it's regulation which will by design make some people worse off

Or to put it another way: if the majority will benefit at the expense of a minority, then (by this equation) that minority can go hang.

And the smallest minority is an individual.

It's hard to see from this equation how on earth individual rights can be assured, not when they may be stripped any time a majority might (allegedly) benefit. 

This only adds to concerns about the bill I've already raised

Maybe for once Jane Kelsey is right. Maybe the Bill is dangerous. Not because it protects individual and property rights. But because it won't.

UPDATE: 
Kelsey also says she's "worried about the goal of having minimal regulation of everything," citing in particular concerns about the environment and the "public interest," and "the legacy of leaky homes, the deaths at Pike River, and the lack of regulation around finance companies or aged care facilities." All things, I've argued before, that are caused by over-regulation that makes it hard (or sometimes even illegal) to do the right thing.

More on those arguments below, but let's first let's acknowledge the only coherent meaning of “the public interest”:
[T]here is no such thing as ‘the public interest’ except as the sum of the interests of individual men. And the basic, common interest of all men—all rational men—is freedom. Freedom is the first requirement of 'the public interest'—not what men do when they are free, but that they are free. All their achievements rest on that foundation—and cannot exist without them.
The principles of a free, non-coercive social system are the only coherent form of “the public interest.” More here:

Thursday, 21 November 2024

Regulatory Reform: Timid and too easily tamed?

 

David Seymour's regulatory reform bill: less chainsaw and more milquetoast

While one crowd over there are making a fuss about one of David Seymour's bills—his Treaty Principles Bill—another one is heading to be cemented in as law. And it's ... not bad. 

It's his bill for "regulatory reform." And, you know, it's not Javier Milei's "chainsaw" model of bureaucratic reform, unfortunately, that's seen around 50,000 government jobs slashed and more than half Argentina's ministries shuttered — and inflation plummeting from a high of up to one-percent per day to arond 2.7% per month. That would be something to see.

But it might be longer lasting.

“The Bill will codify principles of good regulatory practice for existing and future regulations,” says Mr Seymour.
    “It seeks to bring the same level of discipline to regulation that the Public Finance Act brings to public spending, with the Ministry for Regulation playing a role akin to that of Treasury."

Wishful thinking, I suspect. 

There's already one problem here, of course: that before any regulations are even reformed we already have a whole new bureaucracy: a Ministry of Regulation. And there's a strong suspicion that this new ministry might be less a Treasury-like entity chainsawing offending clauses from new legislation, and more an ombudsman-like sounding board for regulatory nerds.

We shall see.

Seymour is optimistic however. (Well, he has to be.) He says his proposed Regulatory Standards Bill will include:
  • a benchmark for good regulation [sic] through a set of principles of responsible regulation 
  • mechanisms to transparently assess the consistency of new legislative proposals and existing regulation with the principles
  • a mechanism for independent consideration of the consistency of existing regulation, primarily in response to stakeholder [sic] concerns.
The last two will see whether or not the ministry will be any more than another drain on taxpayers' wallets. ("Issuing non-binding recommendations" suggests not.) It's the first one I want to look at here. What "principles of responsible regulation" could give a reliable standard for "good" regulation? (Given that, by my standards, I would say "none.")
The principles [says the Bill's preamble] cover 7 key areas, including the rule of law, protection of individual liberties, protection of property rights, the imposition of taxes and charges, the role of the courts, review of administrative decisions, and good law-making processes.

Rule of law, individual liberties, property rights ... sounds good. As enumerated principles. Except "Any incompatibility with the principles is justified to the extent that it is reasonable and can be demonstrably justified in a free and democratic society." Justification for which is to be cleared by either a court so constituted, or a minister signing a certificate. (A bit like our toothless Bill of Rights.)

So expect to hear that exception wheeled out many times, as future ministers explain why keeping society "free and democratic" requires violating your individual liberties.

If they bother at all.

The problem of course is that "You can't address a fundamental problem by making marginal changes." Which is all this really is: raising the political cost of making bad laws, as Seymour admits, without actually stopping the bad laws being made. As Gus Van Horn comments on a somewhat similar approach being made in the US:
Absent a fundamental shift in which our politicians are guided by restoring government to its proper purpose, the protection of individual rights, there will only be this nibbling at the margins. Meanwhile the leviathan will grow out of control until the unsustainable mess mercilessly self-corrects.

Tuesday, 19 November 2024

"We have a choice. We can choose to remain a liberal democracy, or become an ethnocentric nation riven by ethnic tensions."

 

"We have a choice. We can choose to remain a liberal democracy where everyone counts, or we can become an ethnocentric nation based on identity politics and riven by ethnic tensions. Make no mistake; the current path where particular ethnicities are granted 'partnership' status can only lead to the eventual appearance of more ethnic parties fighting it out for a seat at the table."

~ Ananish Chaudari from his post 'Debate around ACT’s Treaty Principles Bill essential for a multi-ethnic nation'

 

Friday, 1 November 2024

"Does denying human equality and rejecting the principles of colour-blind citizenship place you among the baddies? Yes, I’m afraid it does."




"[T]he period of roughly five months between the election of Abraham Lincoln as President in November 1860, and his inauguration in March 1861 ... were the months in which, one after the other, the slaveholding states of the South voted to secede from the Union. ...
    "The most disconcerting feature ... are the many parallels between the America of then, and the New Zealand of now. ... 

"From a strictly ideological standpoint, it is the Decolonisers who match most closely the racially-obsessed identarian radicals who rampaged through the streets of the South in 1860-61, demanding secession and violently admonishing all those suspected of harbouring Northern sympathies. Likewise, it is the Indigenisers who preach a racially-bifurcated state in which the ethnic origin of the citizen is the most crucial determinant of his or her political rights and duties.
    "Certainly, in this country, the loudest clamour and the direst threats are directed at those who argue that New Zealand must remain a democratic state in which all citizens enjoy equal rights, irrespective of wealth, gender, or ethnic origin, and in which the property rights of all citizens are safeguarded by the Rule of Law.
    "These threats escalated alarmingly following the election of what soon became the National-Act-NZ First Coalition Government. ... The profoundly undemocratic nature of the fire-eaters’ opposition was illustrated by their vehement objections to the ACT Party’s policy of holding a binding referendum to entrench, or not, the 'principles' of the Treaty of Waitangi. Like the citizens of South Carolina, the first state to secede, the only votes they are willing to recognise are their own. ...

"Those New Zealanders who believe unquestioningly in the desirability of decolonisation and indigenisation argue passionately that they are part of the same great progressive tradition that inspired the American Abolitionists of 160 years ago. But are they?
    "Did the Black Abolitionist, and former slave, Frederick Douglass, embrace the racial essentialism of Moana Jackson? Or did he, rather, wage an unceasing struggle against those who insisted, to the point of unleashing a devastating civil war, that all human-beings are not created equal?
    "What is there that in any way advances the progressive cause about the casual repudiation of Dr Martin Luther King Jnr’s dream that: 'one day my four little children will be judged not by the colour of their skin, but by the content of their character'? ...

"Does denying human equality and rejecting the principles of colour-blind citizenship place you among the baddies? Yes, I’m afraid it does."
~ Chris Trotter from his post 'Are We The Baddies?'

Thursday, 26 September 2024

Treaty Principles: Unequal + Divisive?


"Reasons both for and against the Bill to define the Treaty's principles vary in their worth.
    "One of the worst against it is that it will cause division.
    "Those who use this as a reason to kill the Bill are either in ignorance of, or ignoring, the division that already exists over the rights and wrongs of Māori rights and the disquiet over the way the principles, which are undefined, have crept into legislation and practice in all levels of government, the public service and private organisations.
    "Stopping debate because there is division won’t stop the division, it will make it worse."
~ Ele Ludemann, from her post 'Stopping debate won’t stop division'
"The original intention of the ACT Bill was to assert three basic principles, which can be derived from the original Treaty:
  • The New Zealand government has the right to govern New Zealand.
  • The New Zealand government will protect all New Zealanders’ authority over their land and other property
  • All New Zealanders are equal under the law, with the same rights and duties.
But those who profit from the Waitangi Tribunal could not have remained employed and in power for 49 years if that task was so simple ... The danger was soon evident. ... The suggested second principle [became]: 
'The New Zealand Government will honour all New Zealanders in the chieftainship of their land and all their property.'
    "The first version spoke of equality; this rewritten text makes a claim for separation and superior Māori rights ...
    "That rather strange version of property rights has, since the above was written, taken another step away from universality. The second principle has [now] become (11 September 2024): 
'Rights of Hapu and Iwi Māori: The Crown recognises the rights that hapu and iwi had when they signed the Treaty. The Crown will respect and protect those rights. Those rights differ from the rights everyone has a reasonable expectation to enjoy only when they are specified in legislation, Treaty settlements, or other agreement with the Crown.'
"This [version] insists on special rights defined by race. The Bill has been destroyed, and the promise to the New Zealand people has been betrayed. ...
    "The country grows crazier with each new year. We have been living in [George Orwell's] Animal Farm for too long. When the pigs strut about and proclaim that 'All animals are equal, but some are more equal than others,' our only response must be – don’t be so silly."
~ John Robinson from his article 'Just Equality: The simple path from confusion to common sense.' [Emphases in Robinson's original]

Thursday, 12 September 2024

Mush ado about ACT's (revised) Treaty Principles Bill.

 

Cartoon by Nick Kim

We now have our first look at the wording to be used in ACT's proposed Treaty Principles Bill. 

You'll recall that the aim of the Bill is not for Parliament to redefine Te Tiriti, which lacks too much to ever become a fully-founding document in any case, but to define —for the first time — the Principles that Geoffrey Palmer and followers began inserting into law without definition, and without any guidance to the courts. Which left the courts (and the self-serving Waitangi Tribunal) to simply make them up. And has transformed Te Tiriti into a welfare cheque for tribal leaders.

The Bill's proposed wording is grouped under three headings, to match the three Treaty/Tiriti articles: 

  1. Civil Government; 
  2. Rights of Hapu and Iwi Māori; and
  3. Rights to Equality.

David Farrar has helpfully laid out the proposed wording against both ACT's initial proposal and the official "Kawharu" translation of Te Tiriti. It's quickly apparent that the weasel words of "partnership" and "participation" haven't been slipped in. And that "protection" only occurs in association with the word "rights," as it did in the original document. But also that a whole lot of precision has been lost. Much has been added to dilute the impact of the previously clear exposition of principle. Politically-necessary mush perhaps, but mush is mush, gumming up the finely-grinding machinery of law.

And what's been lost, I think, is the clear Lockean principle of the Treaty: i.e., that tribal sovereignty was being ceded in return for protection of natural rights, including the right to private property. In which case, is anything to be gained by the Bill?

Let's have a look article by article ...


The First Article is the sovereignty article. About who governs. Which this says, in so many words. But in bending over backwards to avoid the 's' word, a whole lot of mush has been added. Remember that good, objective law should be rights-based, and allow you to know in advance what you can and can't do by law — and since law is, or can be, a matter of life and death, one needs to know with precision. So what the hell does "in the best interests of everyone" mean precisely? How will the courts decide (since it is they, and the Waitangi Tribunal who will interpret this in their own best interests) what should be done for "the maintenance of a free and democratic society."


The Second Article used to be known as the Property Article. The recognition of the property held by tribes and tribal leaders,  and the insistence that government agents would have a coercive monopoly in buying it from them. So, about property rights, and how they're transferred. The Bill however now suggests the principle to be drawn from this clause is one about rights in general. Which is a different thing (especially since bogus "rights," requiring the labour of others, are being constantly added and expanded).

"The Crown recognises the rights that hapū and iwi had when they signed the Treaty." What were those rights? More mush. The Bill would again require the courts and Waitangi Tribunal to decide — oh, and they will! And remember that these are phoney collective rights, not individual rights. (And to thrive here as equals, as I've said before, we need to take off our collectivist lenses.)

And what's this? "Those rights differ from the rights everyone has a reasonable expectation to enjoy ..." Really? Oh: " ... only when they are specified in legislation, Treaty settlements, or other agreement with the Crown."  Ah: meaning that any explicitly race-based legislation etc. has to be explicit in its racial favouritism. Which is probably about as much as one can now expect, but much less than one would have hoped for. 

And, as everywhere else in New Zealand law, property rights have disappeared.


This Article has suffered the least damage in the re-write. And as an added bonus, the concept of "duties" has been lost, and "protection" clarified to be about protection by law, an equal protection, not about unspecified welfare claims for "ordinary New Zealanders," i.e., Māori (which is how this clause has begun to be interpreted by activists and the Tribunal). So maybe an improvement through the added mush — though a clear contradiction with the second article: how, for example does one enjoy "the same fundamental human rights without discrimination" if government can legislate for collective 'rights' for hapū and iwi that "differ from the rights everyone [else] has a reasonable expectation to enjoy"?

The answer, of course, is at the back of the next Tribunal report. Just under the money-amount awarded to claimants.

Remember that the words "the principles of the Treaty of Waitangi" have been inserted at the heart of every second bill that's passed through Parliament, so any mush injected here would infect every second law everywhere.

And it's now full of mush.

That's not an improvement.

The Bill may not be successful by the standard of "will it be passed into law." But it's already wildly successful by the standard of "let's talk about these made-up principles, and about what they should be."

But I'm not sure these re-writes should be part of law.


Friday, 23 August 2024

Helen Clark is now *against* corruption!

 

Helen Clark's eponymous foundation has come out against corruption in politics, which is a bit like coming out in favour of apple pie with cream.  

As I outline below, you'd think an organisation using Ms Clark's name might stay quiet on the subject of corruption. What her foundation's report calls corruption however included in one neat package deal the putrid practices of political lobbyists, and the act of people donating to their favourite political party.

These are two very different things.

One has the stench of cronyism. Of peddlers of political relationships forming a parasite class that Ayn Rand once called an "aristocracy of pull." The other is, well, for the most part it is just people donating to a political party because they like the party's policies and/or people.

Yes, cause and effect sometimes goes the other way. There are parties who do sell policies to donors. The ACT party's pathetic capitulations to Auckland council amalgamation and on abolishing the RMA has for years been predicated upon the many consultants who donate to and infest the party, and who never see a trough they don't like. The National Party's silence on China's many misdeeds may be connected to large donations from organisations like the Inner Mongolia Rider Horse group. The link between Winstons First's racing and fishing policies and his racing and fishing donors is oft ignored simply because major parties seek a sweetheart deal with him every three years,  but is tangible, not to mention the link between Labour's policies (education policies for example, favouring teachers unions) and trades union donations of time and money to Labour's campaign. And not to mention all the "green" projects subsidised with taxpayer money to help out the businesses and of Green donors.

But for the most part, donations are small beer. And are fairly transparent. It's the hole-and-corner parasites of political pull who are the biggest evil. And they're everywhere.

PJ O’Rourke used to delight in pointing out that this corruption, the buying and selling of political favour, is simply the price of Big Government — the sort of government that Clark herself has always favoured. Favours for cronies. Jobs for the boys (and girls). Big Government's power and money on sale to the highest bidders.

No one should be surprised. As O'Rourke used to remind us, when legislation proscribes what is bought and sold, the first things to be bought will be the legislators -- and the more legislation is written the higher the demand, and the higher the price.

The answer of course is a separation of state and economy, in the same way and for much the same reasons as the separation of church and state.

But that is not what Clark's foundation prescribes. 

It's not what Clark herself is after.

Helen Clark and her followers have long favoured direct payment of political parties by taxpayers. That's what this is about. Taxpayers forced to donate to parties whose views they may abhor. To political parties whose power would only become more entrenched by the regular involuntary AP from taxpayers' pockets. Clark favours this because her own Red Team suffers by comparison with donations to the Blue Team. (Not that money on its own can win elections, otherwise the ACT Party would have been in power for the last three decades.)

This was the impetus behind then-Prime Minister Clark's infamous user of illegal taxpayer money for her own election campaigns — "illegal" was the Auditor-General's word — passing retrospective legislation to legalise what commentator Chris Trotter called "acceptable corruption." ("Acceptable" because it was his own favoured political regime ransacking the public purse.) And for then-Prime Minister Clark's subsequent passing of the Electoral Finance Act to muzzle her opponents during election campaigns.

Corruption? If there's anyone in New Zealand politics who knows about corruption it's Helen Clark. When I read that Helen Clark's Foundation is "targeting corruption," I immediately searched here at NOT PC for "Helen Clark corruption." It's quite a trove. It runs for three pages. if you feel like diving in, start with the post near the top: ' Cancerous and corrosive and un-democratic and, and, and ...

Or of you want a fuller story, download this PDF copy of The Free Radical from 2006 explaining, as the cover story describes 'How Labour Stole the Election.'



Wednesday, 12 June 2024

Thieving scum

 

Twenty-three parasites. (Back pockets not pictured.) [PIC: Dom Post]

Go on, when you read the headline you already had a fair idea about whom this would be.

Yes, readers: politicians.

A person with a smile painted on at the front and a bulging back pocket in behind.

Thieving scum.

A fair proportion of whom are taking your money to stay in their own Wellington home:

DOM POST: Twenty-three MPs are claiming an allowance [sic] of between $34,000 and $52,000 [per annum] to stay in their own Wellington homes, a perk that sees the taxpayer help politicians pay off their mortgages.

Nice. I'm sure to most of these entities that kind of money is the sort of chump change that fills up the back of the couch; but there's many a taxpayer who would that like that kind of money back to pay their own goddamned mortgage. 

Dom Post reports the scum includes "six National Party ministers, the Speaker Gerry Brownlee and deputy speaker Barbara Kuriger [who] claim the capped allowance to [supposedly] cover living costs in the city," poor lambs. "They then use it," says the Dom Post, "to pay rent on property they already own. Seven Labour MPs and two from ACT are also receiving up to $34,000 a year, the maximum paid to backbenchers." 

Yes folks, the entitle-itis is parliament-wide. The Dom Post names the roll call of thieving scum to be these:

ACT
Simon Court
Todd Stephenson
NATIONAL
Mark Mitchell
Melissa Lee
Louise Upston
Stuart Smith
Barbara Kuriger
David MacLeod
Tim Costley
Paul Goldsmith
Judith Collins
Catherine Wedd
Andrew Bayley
Vanessa Weenink
Paul Garcia
Gerry Brownlee
LABOUR
Keiran McAnulty
Willie Jackson
Duncan Webb
Arena Williams
Jan Tinetti
Jenny Salesa
Deborah Russell
As the Post wryly notes, "Many of these MPs have extensive property portfolios."

Some of these parasites have form already, claiming large "expenses" and the accommodation allowance, including ACT's big-spending Todd Stephenson and National's Judith Collins and Louise Upston; and Labour's Willy Jackson, Jan Tinetti, Deborah Russell, Jenny Salesa, Arena Williams and Duncan Webb are all there again, treating the taxpayer as an ATM machine. (This attitude is truly everywhere, isn't it.)

Scum. 

Every.Single.One.Of.Them.

Monday, 15 April 2024

"The RMA’s starting position is that you need permission. It is going to be dumped." But ...


"Did you know it costs 50% more to build a house here than it does in Australia? ...
    "We [sic] have successfully regulated our housing market so tightly that only the children of existing homeowners can obtain the financing to purchase property. We [sic] have created a landed gentry. ...
    "There are two reasons for this; land use restrictions and building regulations.
    "Let’s start with land use. The Resource Management Act, or RMA, began life in 1991 as a blueprint for preventing Kiwis doing anything with their land unless it complied with a national environmental plan and had the consent of the local council. ...
     Again. ...
    "Simon Court, the Act MP and Undersecretary with the responsibility for drafting the replacement, has a different outlook. You can do whatever you want with your land, so long as it does not interfere with someone else’s property or rights.
[Not true. See below.* - Ed.]
    "[But] this reform is 18 months away and will be in place for less than a year before the next election. ... National and Act have had six years to draft their RMA replacement. [And they haven't. - Ed.]
    "There are plenty of interested parties who would have contributed to this effort and a bill should have been ready to present to a select committee in the first hundred days. [Yes, it damn well should have been. - Ed.]
    "The longer any RMA replacement has to gain acceptance the more durability it will enjoy upon a return to a Labour-led government, and Labour have their RMA bill already drafted and ready to go; that being the one Court and his mates deleted on Christmas Eve. [Not to mention the not-insignificant regime uncertainty in the market until the replacement Act filters down to council's 'planners.' - Ed.]
~ Damien Grant, from his over-optimistic column 'Housing market so tightly regulated we’ve created landed gentry'
* Court's most-developed explanation of his proposed 'Urban Development Act' begins this way:
"Under ACT’s Urban Development Act, limits for urban development would continue to be based on locally-decided [council] plans."
So rather than a plethora of sackings of the unproductive, Court — a 'planner' himself by profession — proposes instead to keep his colleagues planners hard at work.
"These plans [his 'reform' plan continues] have democratic mandates [sic] and protect the legitimate expectations of property owners, while allowing councils to plan for infrastructure delivery."
Translation: Our party's two leading MPs represent home-owners in the country's leafiest suburbs, pledged to protect the unreasonable expectations of those suburbs' home-owners about what can be built next door.
"Councils [says Court] will not be permitted to restrict housing density more than the Auckland Mixed Housing Suburban zone."
Auckland's MHS "zone," by the way, essentially mandates for more of the same tightly restricted suburbia. And this confirms that zoning will still be with us, as well as planners. (How this reflects, as Grant says, 'doing what you want on your land as long as it doesn't affect someone else's property right,' Court alone knows. I suggest they both read Bernard Siegan.) 
"These zoning rules [Court says] have already been validated [sic] through extensive litigation in the Environmental Court ..."
One would have expected to see the back of that meddling court damned soon. Sadly, it seems however, we have a Court who refuses to meddle enough in his 'reforms,' and is doing it so damn slowly we will have years of uncertainty in what folk can plan to build on their own land.