Hung-yi Chien
Name in Chinese: 簡宏逸
Pen-name: FreeLeaf (1997-)
Academic identity: historian and linguist
Research interests:
1. History of ethnography,
2. History of sinology,
3. History of Taiwan esp. pre-1800,
4. Dutch Formosa,
5. Placename,
6. Writing system and orthography,
7. Grammatology,
8. Missionary studies,
9. Education history of Taiwan under Japanese colonization
10. and many others....
Degrees:
Ph.D. - National Taiwan Normal University, Taiwan culture (2017)
M.A. - National Taipei University of Education, Taiwan Culture (2012)
M.A. - National Taiwan Normal University, International Sinology (2011)
B.A. - University of Washington -Seattle, Linguistics (2006)
A.A.S - Bellevue Community College (2003)
Honors:
Fellowship for Doctoral Candidates in the Humanities and Social Sciences, Academia Sinica (2015-2016)
JASSO Scholarship (2014-2015)
Excellent Degree Thesis of Taiwan Studies, National Taiwan Library (2013)
Excellent graduate student, National Taiwan Normal University (2012)
The Phi Tau Phi Scholastic Honor Society (2011)
Annual dean's list, University of Washington (2003-2004)
Phi Theta Kappa Honor Society (2003)
Language: native of Mandarin Chinese and Southern Min Taiwanese; excellent English; good Japanese; some German, Dutch, and Latin
Research Base: Taipei City, Taiwan (native of the city)
Species: Felis catus 喵~meow~miau~miauw~ニャ~~
Gender: Transgender woman
Hobby: Pop-culture tourism(聖地巡禮、舞台探訪)
Supervisors: Ann Heylen, Henning Kloeter, and Ang Kaim
Pen-name: FreeLeaf (1997-)
Academic identity: historian and linguist
Research interests:
1. History of ethnography,
2. History of sinology,
3. History of Taiwan esp. pre-1800,
4. Dutch Formosa,
5. Placename,
6. Writing system and orthography,
7. Grammatology,
8. Missionary studies,
9. Education history of Taiwan under Japanese colonization
10. and many others....
Degrees:
Ph.D. - National Taiwan Normal University, Taiwan culture (2017)
M.A. - National Taipei University of Education, Taiwan Culture (2012)
M.A. - National Taiwan Normal University, International Sinology (2011)
B.A. - University of Washington -Seattle, Linguistics (2006)
A.A.S - Bellevue Community College (2003)
Honors:
Fellowship for Doctoral Candidates in the Humanities and Social Sciences, Academia Sinica (2015-2016)
JASSO Scholarship (2014-2015)
Excellent Degree Thesis of Taiwan Studies, National Taiwan Library (2013)
Excellent graduate student, National Taiwan Normal University (2012)
The Phi Tau Phi Scholastic Honor Society (2011)
Annual dean's list, University of Washington (2003-2004)
Phi Theta Kappa Honor Society (2003)
Language: native of Mandarin Chinese and Southern Min Taiwanese; excellent English; good Japanese; some German, Dutch, and Latin
Research Base: Taipei City, Taiwan (native of the city)
Species: Felis catus 喵~meow~miau~miauw~ニャ~~
Gender: Transgender woman
Hobby: Pop-culture tourism(聖地巡禮、舞台探訪)
Supervisors: Ann Heylen, Henning Kloeter, and Ang Kaim
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簡宏逸、2020.12、〈從蟒甲到社船:1650 年代至1750 年代臺灣北迴沿海航路的商業活動〉、《臺灣史研究》、第27卷第4期、頁1-34。
https://www.academia.edu/45087574/
關鍵詞:圭母子(奇武卒、奇武子、奎府聚)社、大浪泵社、番通事、原住民菁英
The Basay, ethnic aboriginals of northern Taiwan are good at trading and cooperating with foreigners. Studies of early Taiwan history in the last two decades have examined their enterprising character and their role as business intermediaries, as evidenced in Dutch historical materials. However, there is a lacuna in existing research on the history of northern Taiwan: the period between Dutch colonization of Taiwan and early Qing rule, roughly equivalent to the mid-seventeenth to early eighteenth century.
This study attempts to fill this gap by examining the records of a Dutch official’s visit to Cavalangh (or more commonly “Kavalan”, today’s Yilan) and Terraboang Gold River (in today’s northern Hualien) in 1657. These records reveal that the Basay controlled trade along the northeastern coast of Taiwan and remained the dominant business power in the area until the early eighteenth century despite of persistent penetration of the Hans. As early as the 1710s, there was trade cooperation in northeastern Taiwan between the Hans and the aborigines, most likely the Basay.
This study also explores the relations between Ming loyalists and the Ho family, who might have been active in land reclamation in northern Taiwan from the late Cheng regime to early Qing rule. The Basay-Han cooperation led to the introduction of Shechuan, a group of officially registered Chinese junks, for trading merchandise between China and Taiwan along the northeastern coast of Taiwan. The Shechuan signified a technology upgrade from indigenous canoes to Chinese junks for higher efficiency and larger capacity of shipping and trade. The Shechuan brought to China rice exported from northern Taiwan and carried back imported clothes, ironware, tobacco, and daily goods. Such trade evidenced the gradual infiltration of Chinese merchants in business of northeastern Taiwan. In 1754, when the Governor-General of Fujian and Zhejiang suspended the Shechuan to increase the
reserve of rice in Taiwan, trade nevertheless continued outside government control. Such clandestine trade contributed to the Han penetration into Cavalangh in the late eighteenth century and merits further investigation.
當皇家學會院士進行薩瑪納札報告的驗證工作時,他們可能未察覺到自己實為在歐洲以科學態度研究福爾摩沙/臺灣的先驅。在學會進行調查之前,大部分關於福爾摩沙的族群與文化的報告皆出自荷蘭牧師干治士於1628年所寫的《福爾摩沙地理與歷史短論》(“Discours ende Cout Verhael, van’t Eyland Formosa”) 。干治士的記錄首先在 1645年出版,然後翻譯成各種語言,並在往後數十年間被多本旅行記與地理書所採用。雖然干治士對福爾摩沙的報導並非十七世紀唯一的一份,但在薩瑪納札事件之前,歐洲一直未有人嘗試比較不同的報告,或對這些報告進行批判性的考證。皇家學會的院士嘗試取得可靠的第一手實證記錄,建構「事實」(matters of fact)駁斥薩瑪納札的說法,從而成為學術角度研究福爾摩沙/臺灣的先驅。
This paper documents the historical geography of deforestation, cultivation, and urbanisation along a river that passes through the Da'an District (Da'an Qu) in central Taipei City. The etymology of Da'an ('great peace' in Chinese) is Tōa-oan ('big pool' in Hokkien/Taiwanese), named after a pool that formed part of this now forgotten river, which a Dutch administrator first noted on a map prepared in 1653. The forest upstream to the big pool was cut down and irrigation systems were built to water new paddy fields. As a significant part of the landscape in premodern Taipei, Tōa-oan determined the directions of the irrigation channels constructed by Han colonisers (Chinese immigrants) from the eighteenth century. On the downstream side of Tōa-oan, farmers benefitted from the big pool because they avoided levies for watering their land. To safeguard this resource, downstream farmers maintained the big pool like a semiartificial reservoir; this undertaking was noted in the local gazetteer. However, downstream interests conflicted with upstream interests. Upstream, landlords wanted to expand their estates by reclaiming the big pool. This conflict resulted in a lawsuit that spanned Qing and Japanese rule. The Japanese colonial government unified the irrigation systems in Taipei in the 1900s, and thus Tōa-oan was fully reclaimed, leaving a narrow watercourse to drain the runoff upstream. When high-rise buildings replaced paddy fields in the mid-twentieth century, the drainage filled up with sewage. In 1983, Taipei City culverted this open-air sewage channel, and this historic waterway was completely submerged with a concrete forest. By revisiting the history of Tōa-oan, we can rediscover the forgotten past of the modern metropolis of Taipei and be reminded of the likely fate of minor streams in areas of rapid urbanisation.
Keywords: Ernst Johannes Eitel, history of Hakka studies, history of ethnography, Hakka customs, construction Hakka migration history
**Date of Submission: October 20, 2015
Accepted Date: April 15, 2016
This article is the English translation of the Author’s 2016 Chinese paper:
簡宏逸,〈歐德理與他的傳教士民族誌:客家研究的德意志起源〉,《全球客家研究》7卷,2016.11,頁1-40。 https://www.academia.edu/31502560/
English version is uploaded in July 2019.
See also the paper in a similar topic:
Chien, Hung-yi. "Sinologist Ernst Johannes Eitel’s Hakka Studies: A Perspective of Missionary Ethnography." In Joint East Asian Studies Conference (JEAS) 2016, SOAS, London, United Kingdom, September 8th 2016. https://www.academia.edu/28250738/
Keywords: François Valentyn (1666-1727), Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indien, Textual Criticism, Formosan Ethnography, VOC Knowledge Network
This document is the English translation of the Author’s Chinese paper published as: 簡宏逸,〈細考法蘭斯瓦‧貓蘭實叮(François Valentyn)的福爾摩沙民族誌:史源、傳承、個人意見〉,《歷史臺灣》17卷,2019,頁65-88。(https://www.academia.edu/39788456/)
Between 1724 and 1726, François Valentyn published Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indien, an encyclopedia-like 5-volume set collection about the Dutch expansion in Asia. Taiwanese readers must be familiar with the section about Formosa in the Fourth Boek, Fourth Deel, for this section was incorporated and translated to English in William Campbell’s Formosa under the Dutch (1903). However, Campbell did not faithfully copy Valentyn’s Formosan ethnography, but he replaced it with Georgius Candidius’ “Discours ende Cort verhael, van't Eylant Formosa” (1628). By a comparison between Candidius’ and Valentyn’s ethnography, I found that the Formosan ethnography in ’t verwaerloosde Formosa (1675) is the bridge between Candidius and Valentyn. Valentyn compiled his Formosan ethnography largely from abridging the one of C. E. S. Nevertheless, in the description of Formosan religious practices, Valentyn neglected the account of C. E. S. but relied on Candidius’ sensational report. Valentyn’s editorial selection clearly demonstrated his strong personal opinions and chauvinism.
全文:https://sosreader.com/n/hindsight-bias/5b577658fd89780001e43988
Reading maritime materials from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, we usually encounter names with -qua and -sia suffixes. These distinctive honorific suffixes belonged to Hokkien merchants who took a significant part in the East Asian maritime trade. However, the meanings, usages, and etymologies have not yet clarified. This study first criticizes the existing theory proposed by Liang Chia-pin in the 1930s and points out its problems. However, I find no support to Liang’s theory and evidences in the historical materials. They are merely folk stories without historical basis and cannot explain the usages of -qua and -sia. I believe The Gazette of Amoy (Xiamen-zhi) and The Chinese-English Dictionary of the Vernacular of Spoken Language of Amoy offer the correct meanings and usages of these honorific suffixes: -qua is applicable to all gentlemen, but -sia is exclusive to the relatives of mandarins. I have found many supportive evidences in the Hokkien language materials, such as scripts, land deeds, merchants’ trade names, Chinese records from Batavia (Jakarta), etc. According to the usages of these suffixes, I also trace their etymologies to the Song dynasty, and try to explain their diachronic changes with historical evidences.
簡宏逸、2020.12、〈從蟒甲到社船:1650 年代至1750 年代臺灣北迴沿海航路的商業活動〉、《臺灣史研究》、第27卷第4期、頁1-34。
https://www.academia.edu/45087574/
關鍵詞:圭母子(奇武卒、奇武子、奎府聚)社、大浪泵社、番通事、原住民菁英
The Basay, ethnic aboriginals of northern Taiwan are good at trading and cooperating with foreigners. Studies of early Taiwan history in the last two decades have examined their enterprising character and their role as business intermediaries, as evidenced in Dutch historical materials. However, there is a lacuna in existing research on the history of northern Taiwan: the period between Dutch colonization of Taiwan and early Qing rule, roughly equivalent to the mid-seventeenth to early eighteenth century.
This study attempts to fill this gap by examining the records of a Dutch official’s visit to Cavalangh (or more commonly “Kavalan”, today’s Yilan) and Terraboang Gold River (in today’s northern Hualien) in 1657. These records reveal that the Basay controlled trade along the northeastern coast of Taiwan and remained the dominant business power in the area until the early eighteenth century despite of persistent penetration of the Hans. As early as the 1710s, there was trade cooperation in northeastern Taiwan between the Hans and the aborigines, most likely the Basay.
This study also explores the relations between Ming loyalists and the Ho family, who might have been active in land reclamation in northern Taiwan from the late Cheng regime to early Qing rule. The Basay-Han cooperation led to the introduction of Shechuan, a group of officially registered Chinese junks, for trading merchandise between China and Taiwan along the northeastern coast of Taiwan. The Shechuan signified a technology upgrade from indigenous canoes to Chinese junks for higher efficiency and larger capacity of shipping and trade. The Shechuan brought to China rice exported from northern Taiwan and carried back imported clothes, ironware, tobacco, and daily goods. Such trade evidenced the gradual infiltration of Chinese merchants in business of northeastern Taiwan. In 1754, when the Governor-General of Fujian and Zhejiang suspended the Shechuan to increase the
reserve of rice in Taiwan, trade nevertheless continued outside government control. Such clandestine trade contributed to the Han penetration into Cavalangh in the late eighteenth century and merits further investigation.
當皇家學會院士進行薩瑪納札報告的驗證工作時,他們可能未察覺到自己實為在歐洲以科學態度研究福爾摩沙/臺灣的先驅。在學會進行調查之前,大部分關於福爾摩沙的族群與文化的報告皆出自荷蘭牧師干治士於1628年所寫的《福爾摩沙地理與歷史短論》(“Discours ende Cout Verhael, van’t Eyland Formosa”) 。干治士的記錄首先在 1645年出版,然後翻譯成各種語言,並在往後數十年間被多本旅行記與地理書所採用。雖然干治士對福爾摩沙的報導並非十七世紀唯一的一份,但在薩瑪納札事件之前,歐洲一直未有人嘗試比較不同的報告,或對這些報告進行批判性的考證。皇家學會的院士嘗試取得可靠的第一手實證記錄,建構「事實」(matters of fact)駁斥薩瑪納札的說法,從而成為學術角度研究福爾摩沙/臺灣的先驅。
This paper documents the historical geography of deforestation, cultivation, and urbanisation along a river that passes through the Da'an District (Da'an Qu) in central Taipei City. The etymology of Da'an ('great peace' in Chinese) is Tōa-oan ('big pool' in Hokkien/Taiwanese), named after a pool that formed part of this now forgotten river, which a Dutch administrator first noted on a map prepared in 1653. The forest upstream to the big pool was cut down and irrigation systems were built to water new paddy fields. As a significant part of the landscape in premodern Taipei, Tōa-oan determined the directions of the irrigation channels constructed by Han colonisers (Chinese immigrants) from the eighteenth century. On the downstream side of Tōa-oan, farmers benefitted from the big pool because they avoided levies for watering their land. To safeguard this resource, downstream farmers maintained the big pool like a semiartificial reservoir; this undertaking was noted in the local gazetteer. However, downstream interests conflicted with upstream interests. Upstream, landlords wanted to expand their estates by reclaiming the big pool. This conflict resulted in a lawsuit that spanned Qing and Japanese rule. The Japanese colonial government unified the irrigation systems in Taipei in the 1900s, and thus Tōa-oan was fully reclaimed, leaving a narrow watercourse to drain the runoff upstream. When high-rise buildings replaced paddy fields in the mid-twentieth century, the drainage filled up with sewage. In 1983, Taipei City culverted this open-air sewage channel, and this historic waterway was completely submerged with a concrete forest. By revisiting the history of Tōa-oan, we can rediscover the forgotten past of the modern metropolis of Taipei and be reminded of the likely fate of minor streams in areas of rapid urbanisation.
Keywords: Ernst Johannes Eitel, history of Hakka studies, history of ethnography, Hakka customs, construction Hakka migration history
**Date of Submission: October 20, 2015
Accepted Date: April 15, 2016
This article is the English translation of the Author’s 2016 Chinese paper:
簡宏逸,〈歐德理與他的傳教士民族誌:客家研究的德意志起源〉,《全球客家研究》7卷,2016.11,頁1-40。 https://www.academia.edu/31502560/
English version is uploaded in July 2019.
See also the paper in a similar topic:
Chien, Hung-yi. "Sinologist Ernst Johannes Eitel’s Hakka Studies: A Perspective of Missionary Ethnography." In Joint East Asian Studies Conference (JEAS) 2016, SOAS, London, United Kingdom, September 8th 2016. https://www.academia.edu/28250738/
Keywords: François Valentyn (1666-1727), Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indien, Textual Criticism, Formosan Ethnography, VOC Knowledge Network
This document is the English translation of the Author’s Chinese paper published as: 簡宏逸,〈細考法蘭斯瓦‧貓蘭實叮(François Valentyn)的福爾摩沙民族誌:史源、傳承、個人意見〉,《歷史臺灣》17卷,2019,頁65-88。(https://www.academia.edu/39788456/)
Between 1724 and 1726, François Valentyn published Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indien, an encyclopedia-like 5-volume set collection about the Dutch expansion in Asia. Taiwanese readers must be familiar with the section about Formosa in the Fourth Boek, Fourth Deel, for this section was incorporated and translated to English in William Campbell’s Formosa under the Dutch (1903). However, Campbell did not faithfully copy Valentyn’s Formosan ethnography, but he replaced it with Georgius Candidius’ “Discours ende Cort verhael, van't Eylant Formosa” (1628). By a comparison between Candidius’ and Valentyn’s ethnography, I found that the Formosan ethnography in ’t verwaerloosde Formosa (1675) is the bridge between Candidius and Valentyn. Valentyn compiled his Formosan ethnography largely from abridging the one of C. E. S. Nevertheless, in the description of Formosan religious practices, Valentyn neglected the account of C. E. S. but relied on Candidius’ sensational report. Valentyn’s editorial selection clearly demonstrated his strong personal opinions and chauvinism.
全文:https://sosreader.com/n/hindsight-bias/5b577658fd89780001e43988
Reading maritime materials from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, we usually encounter names with -qua and -sia suffixes. These distinctive honorific suffixes belonged to Hokkien merchants who took a significant part in the East Asian maritime trade. However, the meanings, usages, and etymologies have not yet clarified. This study first criticizes the existing theory proposed by Liang Chia-pin in the 1930s and points out its problems. However, I find no support to Liang’s theory and evidences in the historical materials. They are merely folk stories without historical basis and cannot explain the usages of -qua and -sia. I believe The Gazette of Amoy (Xiamen-zhi) and The Chinese-English Dictionary of the Vernacular of Spoken Language of Amoy offer the correct meanings and usages of these honorific suffixes: -qua is applicable to all gentlemen, but -sia is exclusive to the relatives of mandarins. I have found many supportive evidences in the Hokkien language materials, such as scripts, land deeds, merchants’ trade names, Chinese records from Batavia (Jakarta), etc. According to the usages of these suffixes, I also trace their etymologies to the Song dynasty, and try to explain their diachronic changes with historical evidences.
German missionary Ernst Johannes Eitel (1838-1908) is an important scholar in the history of Hakka studies. His “Ethnographical Sketches of the Hakka Chinese” (1867-1869) and “An Outline History of the Hakkas” (1873) laid the foundation to develop Hakka identity in the early twentieth century, and Eitel’s methodology was also adopted by later scholars in their Hakka studies. In this paper, I start with the etymological clarification of Eitel’s terminology, “ethnographic sketches”, and trace its scholarly root to the mid-eighteenth century Germany. Then I make a comparison among Eitel’s works, the German Ethnographie/Völkerkunde tradition, and the British questionnaire of ethnological inquiry. The result reveals Eitel was strongly influenced by his native German tradition. Finally, I find the historical criticism of the Tübingen School, from which Eitel was nourished, was unable to help Eitel critically read the fictitious parts in Hakka genealogies and made him constructed the myth of Hakka migration.
The old contracts from the pre-twentieth century Taiwan form an enormous corpus of placenames for studying the linguistically internal and external mechanisms to regulate the written forms of placenames. This paper tries to explain, when an authoritative orthography was absent, how the written forms of some placenames kept stable, but some did not. This study extracted representative cases from these old contracts and classifies these placenames according to their etymological origin (Sinitic or Austronesian) as well as their stability in written forms. The result shows that knowing the etymology of a placename helped the writer to pick correct characters for the placename upon writing, resulting in the uniformity of its written form. I would call this mechanism “semantic calibration”. This mechanism served as the semiotic interface to introduce the conventional association between character and meaning to regulate the written form of placename. This proposal is supported by the routine practice of instructing someone to write correct characters in the culture using Chinese characters. Moreover, “semantic calibration” also stimulated folk etymologies of placename to explain the written form which they observed, and it is called “rationalized etymology” in this paper. Beside the internal mechanism, the other regulatory force came externally from the stamps held by local headmen. The scribes of contracts could refer to these stamps to find the correct characters of the placename in question, and these stamps successfully regulated the written form of the Austronesian-origin placenames. However, if the written forms inscribed on the stamps varied, a stable form is not expectable because the scribes had no standard to follow.
Keywords: history of Taiwan studies, folklore, kyūkan (existing customs), Kokugo Gakkō (the Normal School at Taihoku)
This study considers the Psalmanazar affair as the catalyst of the first ‘scientific’ study of Taiwan in Europe and elucidates this by using the archive of the Royal Society. By ‘scientific’, I mean the methodology developed by the Royal Society since the late seventeenth century, which was based on collective witness and required a witness’ qualifications. Before the Psalmanazar affair, public knowledge about Taiwan/Formosa relied on reports of travelers who had visited there for commercial or religious purposes. Among these early reports, Candidius’s account was the most cited and disseminated. However, Candidius could not witness his account for cross-examination. To verify Psalmanazar’s account about Formosa/Taiwan, the Royal Society not only collected existing literature but, also, sought qualified witnesses to form the matter of facts. The Royal Society’s conclusion differed from Psalmanazar’s, leading to the rejection of his account. However, the Royal Society did not publish its conclusion, instead, leaving it in their archives. This study will examine the scientific witness about Taiwan/Formosa in the archive to reconstruct the process of verification and to highlight the importance of this study in the history of Taiwan Studies.
Keywords: Hokkien merchants, Overseas Chinese, co-colonialism, Dutch East India Company (VOC), Greater-Hokkien cultural sphere
Keywords: Chinese script, ideographic myth, universality myth, language contact, legal linguistics
This paper takes a historical and bibliographical approach to review the case of Philipp Franz von Siebold’s nineteenth-century adaptation of a Dutch naval officer’s journal from the mid-seventeenth century to write about Ainu culture. In 1643, Cornelis Jansz. Coen, a Dutch officer, sailed on the ship Castricum to today’s Hokkaido, Sakhalin, and the southern Kuril Islands; he wrote in his journal about the Ainu people he encountered. Coen’s journal is still considered one of the few descriptions of the Ainu before the Japanese focused their attention on the north of the country in the late eighteenth century. After Coen’s journal was discovered in an archive and subsequently published in 1858, the famous Japanologist Philipp Franz von Siebold wrote a geographical and ethnographical elucidation of the culture of the Ainu based on Coen’s journal. In this article, von Siebold cited Coen’s journal to analyze eight topics of Ainu culture; this analytic frame makes his discourse appear scientific in its language. However, as we return to Coen’s original journal, it is obvious that he recorded his personal experiences on the voyage and that the journal served no ethnographical purpose beyond investigating the commercial opportunities for the Dutch East India Company.
Reviewing this historical and bibliographical context, this paper reveals that von Siebold’s account of Ainu culture was actually constrained by his sources, and his objectivity was a rhetorical product rather than an empirically studied science. This finding alerts modern scholars of the dangers of using historical sources to study the vanished culture of a particular ethnic group; it also highlights that treating a historical source in its true context is the only mean to avoid the danger.
Placing the Ulmoçu back to its cultural-historical context, this thesis investigates how Trigault’s educational background offers the framework to deal with the Chinese script. This study finds that the art of memory, which Trigault had studied in school like other Jesuits, provided a framework of the lexicography. Trigault is clearly influenced by the Combinatory Art, which became the phonetic wheels and the tabulations of Chinese syllables that Trigault devised for language analysis. Trigault is also influenced by alphabetization, the method to arrange words in its alphabetical order. For Trigault, these intellectual heritages were his toolkit in tackling the exotic Chinese script. Moreover, I also justify Trigault and his contemporary Jesuits’ belief about Chinese characters, namely, the ideographic and universal myth. Pre-occupied with this idea, Trigault and the early modern European travelers’ observed the international intelligibility of the Chinese script and develop the idea that “the Chinese hieroglyphs” are also ideographic. In Trigault’s lexicography, this idea permitted him to place Chinese characters in the places denoted by romanized syllables. Finally, the approach taken in this thesis explores a new horizon in the study on the Ulmoçu and underscores how a missionary’s intellectual background contributes to his analysis of foreign language.
主講人:簡宏逸博士(本所博士後研究人員)
題 目:貓猫征服我們的語言:從過玉門關到過黑水溝
時 間:2018年6月19日(二)上午11:00-13:00
地 點:本所817室
Toko is such a placename in the Hokkien language. Its origin is unknown, yet it is commonly used across Taiwan and even for locations and buildings in areas to where Hokkien merchants had sailed, such as Japan, Indonesia, and Thailand. Therefore, by studying the placename Toko, one can examine this name in a larger context and reconstruct the things linked together by toko in terms of both time and space.