Over the past 30 years, changes in judicial power have been accompanied by a competition between ... more Over the past 30 years, changes in judicial power have been accompanied by a competition between the several modes by which that power is legitimated: sometimes polite and sometimes fractious. Each mode of legitimation brings to bear its own view of the judicial role, its source of authority and supporting normative framework which together constitute a particular interpretation of judicial culture and its contribution to the British constitution. As both judicial powers and modes have changed, so the constitutional tensions have increased with Parliament and the executive becoming belatedly aware that their relationship with the judiciary is not all that they would wish. Under the impact of Brexit and the demands this placed on the judiciary, the character of the political contest between the competing modes of legitimation on which judicial power relies has become more intense, visible and disputatious as the modes have been stretched and tested by the institutional collisions Brexit has evoked. With the implementation of Brexit now in train and devolution firmly on the political agenda, the politics of legitimation can only become yet more evident as the role and power of the judiciary are drawn inexorably further into the public domain.
Health technologies—whether medical devices, drugs, or tissue-based therapeutics, such as stem ce... more Health technologies—whether medical devices, drugs, or tissue-based therapeutics, such as stem cells—pose particular challenges in regard to their safety, efficacy, and long-term benefits and costs (and risks), both to patients and to the wider healthcare system. The four books in this section offer a detailed exploration of how health technologies are regulated. Governance points towards the ways in which such technologies and their producers are more, or less, accountable to those that use them, a process less to do with formal state regulation and more about process and practice within and between different social actors in scientific, clinical, and commercial domains. Faulkner (Medical technology into healthcare and society. A sociology of devices, innovation and governance. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009) discusses the regulation of medical devices, which includes the mundane as well as the more sophisticated—for example, everything from ‘the bandage to the bioreactor’. Davis and Abraham (Unhealthy pharmaceutical regulation. Innovation, politics and promissory science. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013) offer a detailed analysis of pharmaceutical drug regulation over the ‘neo-liberal era’ of the past 40 years, contrasting drug approval processes in the USA and EU. Webster (The global dynamics of regenerative medicine. A social science critique. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013) examines the broad global ‘dynamics’ of regenerative medicine. Gottweis et al. (The global politics of human embryonic stem cell science. Regenerative medicine in transition. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009) explore the relationship between emerging regulatory regimes and the global political economy of embryonic stem cells.
In the 1960s the study of political socialisation blossomed into an important subdiscipline withi... more In the 1960s the study of political socialisation blossomed into an important subdiscipline within the political science profession. Thanks to his synopsis of the pertinent literature, which was published in 1959 under the title Political Socialization Herbert Hyman is invariably credited with triggering off this research boom.2 After ten years of flourishing field work Fred Greenstein, probably the most prolific and sophisticated political scientist engaged in this subdiscipline, could still describe the research in political socialisation as a growth stock.3 His quantitative measure was the number of American Political Science Association members who in 1968 listed political socialisation as one of their professional interests.4 Furthermore as the 1960s progressed so the number of political socialisation publications increased.5 On the basis of these kinds of quantitative measures this interest has not abated, and in 1973 Dennis felt that the foundations of political socialisation research were so secure that the future could be devoted to filling in ‘the gaps in present empirical knowledge’ and to crystallising ‘current new developments’.6
It is estimated that when all of the EU’s Framework Programme (FP) 6 (2002–6) projects have come ... more It is estimated that when all of the EU’s Framework Programme (FP) 6 (2002–6) projects have come to an end, about €21 million will have been spent on hESC research. This figure constitutes 0.85 per cent of the €2.45 billion Health Research Programme budget within FP6 and 0.10 per cent of the total €17.5 billion budget (Europa, 2007). If the financial commitment of the EU to hESC science can be shown to be very small, the EU’s moral commitment has nonetheless been very large. For at least a decade, debates have raged throughout EU institutions about the values that should inform the funding of this field. Indeed, such have been the divisions on the issue that they threatened to prevent the approval of FP5 (1998–2002), FP6 and its successor FP7 (2007–13).
In the previous chapters, we have mapped some of the diversities and uncertainties of the hESC fi... more In the previous chapters, we have mapped some of the diversities and uncertainties of the hESC field. We have seen the range of cultural reactions to embryo research and the volatility of national political responses to the challenge of integrating a stem cell research programme into society. We have also seen that, to an extent, national regulatory regimes appear to be converging and losing some of their volatile character. We saw in Chapter 5 that the rise of bioethical governance has produced a certain regularization of the international debates, identifying particular moral demarcation points in the new hESC technologies — SCNT but not reproductive cloning, for example, or the acceptability of discarded reproductive embryos but not the manufacture of embryos for research — and ordering national legislative responses accordingly. Many nations have moved, over time, towards the liberal end of the regulatory spectrum. While the previous two chapters focused on the global regularizing effects of bioethical governance, in this chapter we focus on another force for global convergence and governance — the demand for standardization. Standardization processes are essential for any scientific field to develop and are applicable to all stages of the knowledge-production process from the basic science to the market product.
Subtitle: ACI's environment manager, Xavier Oh, reports on what the world's airports are ... more Subtitle: ACI's environment manager, Xavier Oh, reports on what the world's airports are doing to combat climate change.
Although announcements of the birth of a cloned sheep, a baby born to a 62-year-old woman, plans ... more Although announcements of the birth of a cloned sheep, a baby born to a 62-year-old woman, plans by a researcher to try to clone a human baby, as well as the prospect of reproductive cloning, had all sent considerable shock waves throughout the Western world, none of the countries discussed in this book had clear majorities that supported a total ban on therapeutic cloning, or on hESC research in general. By the late 1990s it was far from certain that, for example, the United Kingdom would embrace hESC research, or that the United States would, at least on the federal level, develop a restrictive approach. As we will see in this chapter, much depended on careful narrative maneuvering, framing, interpreting and the construction of stories and scenographies in which the growing conflicts between a variety of groups and individuals were enacted. After 1998, regulatory frameworks began to take shape worldwide, with significant differences displayed across nations. In the last chapter we have shown how these differences in regulation originated to a considerable degree in contrasting strategies to deal with the dislocatory event of the first cloned sheep Dolly, the adoption of different tactics to respond to the consequent issues about the boundaries of life and the buildup of strikingly different policymaking dramas. We will continue our discussion by looking closely at the shaping of hESC regulations in the United Kingdom, the United States, Germany, Italy, Korea and Japan.
Introduction The political relationship between citizenship and welfare is characterised by a dyn... more Introduction The political relationship between citizenship and welfare is characterised by a dynamic tension between individual rights and state obligations. As fresh social rights are incorporated into British citizenship, so new demands are placed on the political system. Yet the state's capacity to translate those demands into new forms of welfare provision funded out of general taxation has rarely expanded at the same rate as citizenship has evolved. And with taxation now an established political issue, and close to what would seem to be its electorally acceptable limit, the imbalance between citizen demand and the available public resources is likely to become ever more acute. That the state has found itself in the position of promising more to its citizens than it can deliver is due in part to the political culture which guides and constrains its actions. The hegemony of the values of the welfare state, the requirements of democratic accountability, and the consumerist emphasis of the political thinking of both left and right have restricted the state's ability to deny the validity of its citizen's welfare demands or to succeed in significantly reshaping those demands. Where the state has had an impact is in the reformulation of welfare supply and the restructuring of the government machinery concerned with the funding, provision and regulation of welfare delivery. In taking this approach, the state has worked diligently with the grain of the political culture in order that its authority, legitimacy and citizen support should not be jeopardised. Nonetheless, for all this activity, in the face of the unremitting demand for welfare the state's central political problem remains unchanged: how to redefine its responsibilities for welfare whilst retaining the support of its citizens. In undertaking what it describes as 'the first comprehensive review of the welfare state since Beveridge' (Secretary of State for Social Security and Minister for Welfare Reform 1998, p.iii), the Labour government now confronts that problem directly. Its intention, as announced in the Green Paper New
The foundation of the National Health Service (NHS) in 1948 was contingent upon an appropriate co... more The foundation of the National Health Service (NHS) in 1948 was contingent upon an appropriate concordat being struck to resolve the tensions between medicine and the state. In essence, the political solution was the time honoured one of mutual advantage: the medical profession gained money, status and the power to protect and regulate its privileges; the state gained a health care system to protect and regulate its populace. Convenient to both sides, the concordat has remained substantially unchanged over the last four decades. But in recent years
Over the past 30 years, changes in judicial power have been accompanied by a competition between ... more Over the past 30 years, changes in judicial power have been accompanied by a competition between the several modes by which that power is legitimated: sometimes polite and sometimes fractious. Each mode of legitimation brings to bear its own view of the judicial role, its source of authority and supporting normative framework which together constitute a particular interpretation of judicial culture and its contribution to the British constitution. As both judicial powers and modes have changed, so the constitutional tensions have increased with Parliament and the executive becoming belatedly aware that their relationship with the judiciary is not all that they would wish. Under the impact of Brexit and the demands this placed on the judiciary, the character of the political contest between the competing modes of legitimation on which judicial power relies has become more intense, visible and disputatious as the modes have been stretched and tested by the institutional collisions Brexit has evoked. With the implementation of Brexit now in train and devolution firmly on the political agenda, the politics of legitimation can only become yet more evident as the role and power of the judiciary are drawn inexorably further into the public domain.
Health technologies—whether medical devices, drugs, or tissue-based therapeutics, such as stem ce... more Health technologies—whether medical devices, drugs, or tissue-based therapeutics, such as stem cells—pose particular challenges in regard to their safety, efficacy, and long-term benefits and costs (and risks), both to patients and to the wider healthcare system. The four books in this section offer a detailed exploration of how health technologies are regulated. Governance points towards the ways in which such technologies and their producers are more, or less, accountable to those that use them, a process less to do with formal state regulation and more about process and practice within and between different social actors in scientific, clinical, and commercial domains. Faulkner (Medical technology into healthcare and society. A sociology of devices, innovation and governance. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009) discusses the regulation of medical devices, which includes the mundane as well as the more sophisticated—for example, everything from ‘the bandage to the bioreactor’. Davis and Abraham (Unhealthy pharmaceutical regulation. Innovation, politics and promissory science. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013) offer a detailed analysis of pharmaceutical drug regulation over the ‘neo-liberal era’ of the past 40 years, contrasting drug approval processes in the USA and EU. Webster (The global dynamics of regenerative medicine. A social science critique. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013) examines the broad global ‘dynamics’ of regenerative medicine. Gottweis et al. (The global politics of human embryonic stem cell science. Regenerative medicine in transition. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009) explore the relationship between emerging regulatory regimes and the global political economy of embryonic stem cells.
In the 1960s the study of political socialisation blossomed into an important subdiscipline withi... more In the 1960s the study of political socialisation blossomed into an important subdiscipline within the political science profession. Thanks to his synopsis of the pertinent literature, which was published in 1959 under the title Political Socialization Herbert Hyman is invariably credited with triggering off this research boom.2 After ten years of flourishing field work Fred Greenstein, probably the most prolific and sophisticated political scientist engaged in this subdiscipline, could still describe the research in political socialisation as a growth stock.3 His quantitative measure was the number of American Political Science Association members who in 1968 listed political socialisation as one of their professional interests.4 Furthermore as the 1960s progressed so the number of political socialisation publications increased.5 On the basis of these kinds of quantitative measures this interest has not abated, and in 1973 Dennis felt that the foundations of political socialisation research were so secure that the future could be devoted to filling in ‘the gaps in present empirical knowledge’ and to crystallising ‘current new developments’.6
It is estimated that when all of the EU’s Framework Programme (FP) 6 (2002–6) projects have come ... more It is estimated that when all of the EU’s Framework Programme (FP) 6 (2002–6) projects have come to an end, about €21 million will have been spent on hESC research. This figure constitutes 0.85 per cent of the €2.45 billion Health Research Programme budget within FP6 and 0.10 per cent of the total €17.5 billion budget (Europa, 2007). If the financial commitment of the EU to hESC science can be shown to be very small, the EU’s moral commitment has nonetheless been very large. For at least a decade, debates have raged throughout EU institutions about the values that should inform the funding of this field. Indeed, such have been the divisions on the issue that they threatened to prevent the approval of FP5 (1998–2002), FP6 and its successor FP7 (2007–13).
In the previous chapters, we have mapped some of the diversities and uncertainties of the hESC fi... more In the previous chapters, we have mapped some of the diversities and uncertainties of the hESC field. We have seen the range of cultural reactions to embryo research and the volatility of national political responses to the challenge of integrating a stem cell research programme into society. We have also seen that, to an extent, national regulatory regimes appear to be converging and losing some of their volatile character. We saw in Chapter 5 that the rise of bioethical governance has produced a certain regularization of the international debates, identifying particular moral demarcation points in the new hESC technologies — SCNT but not reproductive cloning, for example, or the acceptability of discarded reproductive embryos but not the manufacture of embryos for research — and ordering national legislative responses accordingly. Many nations have moved, over time, towards the liberal end of the regulatory spectrum. While the previous two chapters focused on the global regularizing effects of bioethical governance, in this chapter we focus on another force for global convergence and governance — the demand for standardization. Standardization processes are essential for any scientific field to develop and are applicable to all stages of the knowledge-production process from the basic science to the market product.
Subtitle: ACI's environment manager, Xavier Oh, reports on what the world's airports are ... more Subtitle: ACI's environment manager, Xavier Oh, reports on what the world's airports are doing to combat climate change.
Although announcements of the birth of a cloned sheep, a baby born to a 62-year-old woman, plans ... more Although announcements of the birth of a cloned sheep, a baby born to a 62-year-old woman, plans by a researcher to try to clone a human baby, as well as the prospect of reproductive cloning, had all sent considerable shock waves throughout the Western world, none of the countries discussed in this book had clear majorities that supported a total ban on therapeutic cloning, or on hESC research in general. By the late 1990s it was far from certain that, for example, the United Kingdom would embrace hESC research, or that the United States would, at least on the federal level, develop a restrictive approach. As we will see in this chapter, much depended on careful narrative maneuvering, framing, interpreting and the construction of stories and scenographies in which the growing conflicts between a variety of groups and individuals were enacted. After 1998, regulatory frameworks began to take shape worldwide, with significant differences displayed across nations. In the last chapter we have shown how these differences in regulation originated to a considerable degree in contrasting strategies to deal with the dislocatory event of the first cloned sheep Dolly, the adoption of different tactics to respond to the consequent issues about the boundaries of life and the buildup of strikingly different policymaking dramas. We will continue our discussion by looking closely at the shaping of hESC regulations in the United Kingdom, the United States, Germany, Italy, Korea and Japan.
Introduction The political relationship between citizenship and welfare is characterised by a dyn... more Introduction The political relationship between citizenship and welfare is characterised by a dynamic tension between individual rights and state obligations. As fresh social rights are incorporated into British citizenship, so new demands are placed on the political system. Yet the state's capacity to translate those demands into new forms of welfare provision funded out of general taxation has rarely expanded at the same rate as citizenship has evolved. And with taxation now an established political issue, and close to what would seem to be its electorally acceptable limit, the imbalance between citizen demand and the available public resources is likely to become ever more acute. That the state has found itself in the position of promising more to its citizens than it can deliver is due in part to the political culture which guides and constrains its actions. The hegemony of the values of the welfare state, the requirements of democratic accountability, and the consumerist emphasis of the political thinking of both left and right have restricted the state's ability to deny the validity of its citizen's welfare demands or to succeed in significantly reshaping those demands. Where the state has had an impact is in the reformulation of welfare supply and the restructuring of the government machinery concerned with the funding, provision and regulation of welfare delivery. In taking this approach, the state has worked diligently with the grain of the political culture in order that its authority, legitimacy and citizen support should not be jeopardised. Nonetheless, for all this activity, in the face of the unremitting demand for welfare the state's central political problem remains unchanged: how to redefine its responsibilities for welfare whilst retaining the support of its citizens. In undertaking what it describes as 'the first comprehensive review of the welfare state since Beveridge' (Secretary of State for Social Security and Minister for Welfare Reform 1998, p.iii), the Labour government now confronts that problem directly. Its intention, as announced in the Green Paper New
The foundation of the National Health Service (NHS) in 1948 was contingent upon an appropriate co... more The foundation of the National Health Service (NHS) in 1948 was contingent upon an appropriate concordat being struck to resolve the tensions between medicine and the state. In essence, the political solution was the time honoured one of mutual advantage: the medical profession gained money, status and the power to protect and regulate its privileges; the state gained a health care system to protect and regulate its populace. Convenient to both sides, the concordat has remained substantially unchanged over the last four decades. But in recent years
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