Videos by Tamar Rotman
במסגרת המפגש "מצב הרוח" שארגנה האקדמיה הצעירה הישראלית התקיים פאנל של חוקרות וחוקרים העוסקות בהיס... more במסגרת המפגש "מצב הרוח" שארגנה האקדמיה הצעירה הישראלית התקיים פאנל של חוקרות וחוקרים העוסקות בהיסטוריה כללית ובו הצגתי בקצרה את המחקר שלי העוסק בקשר שבין קדושים, הגיוגרפיה וזהויות בשלהי העת העתיקה וימי הביניים המוקדמים.
את הפאנל המלא אפשר לראות פה:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eo4N8H8LGtk 5 views
Publications by Tamar Rotman
Gregory of Tours, the sixth-century Merovingian bishop, composed extensive historiographical and ... more Gregory of Tours, the sixth-century Merovingian bishop, composed extensive historiographical and hagiographical corpora during the twenty years of his episcopacy in Tours. These works serve as important sources for the cultural, social, political and religious history of Merovingian Gaul. This book focuses on Gregory’s hagiographical collections, especially the Glory of the Martyrs, Glory of the Confessors, and Life of the Fathers, which contain accounts of saints and their miracles from across the Mediterranean world. It analyses these accounts from literary and historical perspectives, examining them through the lens of relations between the Merovingians and their Mediterranean counterparts, and contextualizing them within the identity crisis that followed the disintegration of the Roman world. This approach leads to groundbreaking conclusions about Gregory’s hagiographies, which this study argues were designed as an “ecclesiastical history” (of the Merovingian Church) that enable...
The Merovingian Kingdoms and the Mediterranean World - Revisiting the Sources, 2019
"This book explores the Merovingian kingdoms in Gaul within a broader Mediterranean context. Thei... more "This book explores the Merovingian kingdoms in Gaul within a broader Mediterranean context. Their politics and culture have mostly been interpreted in the past through a narrow local perspective, but as the papers in this volume clearly demonstrate, the Merovingian kingdoms had complicated and multi-layered political, religious, and socio-cultural relations with their Mediterranean counterparts, from Visigothic Spain in the West to the Byzantine Empire in the East, and from Anglo-Saxon England in the North to North-Africa in the South.
The papers collected here provide new insights into the history of the Merovingian kingdoms by examining various relevant issues, ranging from identity formation to the shape and rules of diplomatic relations, cultural transformation, as well as voiced attitudes towards the “other”. Each of the papers begins with a short excerpt from a primary source, which serves as a stimulus for the discussion of broader issues. The various sources' point of view and their contextualization stand at the heart of the analysis, thus ensuring that discussions are accessible to students and non-specialists, without jeopardizing the high academic standard of the debate."
For table of contents, see:
https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/the-merovingian-kingdoms-and-the-mediterranean-world-9781350048409/
The Merovingian Kingdoms and the Mediterranean World - Revisiting the Sources, eds. Stefan Esders, Yitzhak Hen, Pia Lucas & Tamar Rotman (Bloomsbury), 2019
Gregory of Tours, the sixth-century Merovingian historian, had witnessed and recorded in his writ... more Gregory of Tours, the sixth-century Merovingian historian, had witnessed and recorded in his writings what Peter Brown, many centuries later, explained as the rise and function of the holy man in Eastern Christendom. While Gregory showed great appreciation for eastern holy men such as Simeon Stylites (Glory of the Confessors 26), when the eastern phenomenon of stylites reached Gaul, Gregory and his fellow bishops were not enthusiastic about it, as the story of Vulfilaic, the Stylite of Trier, shows (Histories VIII.15). This chapter seeks to examine the story of Vufilaic, a story that has been overlooked by scholars, and to exhibit through it the process of dissemination of religious and social practices from the Byzantine East and their reception in Merovingian Gaul. This examination reveals the depth of the Merovingian understanding of Byzantine matters, and leads to the conclusion that Vulfilaic was deposed because of the clergy’s fear of religious competition that would endanger their episcopal authority.
![Research paper thumbnail of Voluntary Martyrdom in Ancient Christianity and the Deaths of Agathonice, HISTORIA 35 (2015), pp. 5-30 [In Hebrew]](https://attachments.academia-assets.com/47134399/thumbnails/1.jpg)
Two surviving accounts – one written in Latin and another in Greek – describe the martyrdom of Ca... more Two surviving accounts – one written in Latin and another in Greek – describe the martyrdom of Carpus, Papylus and Agathonice. Although the description of the martyrdom of Carpus and Papylus hardly changed in the transmission process, there is one noticeable difference in the depiction of the martyrdom story of Agathonice in each account. Whereas the Latin account depicts Agathonice as a martyr who experienced a martyrdom similar to that of Carpus and Papylus, the Greek account portrays a separate martyrdom for Agathonice. There, Agathonice is depicted as seeing the martyrdom of the two men as she stood among the crowd. Impressed by their devoutness, she decided to become a martyr herself and thus jumped into the fire and was burnt to death, like Carpus and Papylus. The different depiction of the martyrdom of Agathonice raises two questions that the presented paper seeks to answer: which account describes the earliest version of the story, and why did the other change it?
Previous scholarship tends to see the Latin account as the more reliable source for the martyrdom of Agathonice. However, seeing her story in the context of Christian martyrdom and hagiography shows that the act performed by Agathonice in the Greek account, although unusual, is part of the minor phenomenon of voluntary martyrdom. Moreover, scholarship concerning tendencies in hagiographical writings reveals that those unique and unusual elements in hagiographical accounts are usually an indication of their authenticity. Thus, the conclusion of the first part of the paper is that the Greek account presents an earlier version of the story of Agathonice. The second part of the paper explains why the Latin author chose to change the story of Agathonice. As the paper will show, the author did not change it for reasons such as opposing voluntary martyrdom, nor did he do it due to misogynic attitudes he might have had. The answer lies in the process of transmitting martyrological stories. As will be shown at the end of the paper, when the Latin author transmitted the story of the three martyrs he chose to change the story of Agathonice in order to secure the acceptance of the story by Latin Christian communities.
Book Reviews by Tamar Rotman
Bryn Mawr Classical Review, 2021
Allen E. Jones's recent study tackles a subject that is hardly studied: the theological views of ... more Allen E. Jones's recent study tackles a subject that is hardly studied: the theological views of the sixth-century Merovingian bishop, Gregory of Tours. When it comes to Gregory, scholars tend to focus on his role as a historian and hagiographer, but they rarely delve into his theological views, and they overlook his pastoral responsibilities and the fact that he was also, and perhaps more so, a spiritual leader. Thus, Gregory's theology surely deserves further consideration, and Jones' study is a welcome beginning in this respect. His study offers a fresh new perspective on Gregory of Tours and his works, and it paves the path for further studies on the theology of Gregory of Tours.
Scripta Classica Israelica, 2019
MA Thesis by Tamar Rotman
During the first three centuries AD, Roman authorities persecuted and executed Christians all acr... more During the first three centuries AD, Roman authorities persecuted and executed Christians all across the Roman Empire. The Christians' crime was refusing to pay offerings to the Roman gods, which the Romans perceived as disloyalty to, and betrayal against, both the emperor and the entire empire. Martyrs were put to death in different ways: there were those who were caught and executed by pagan mobs during riots; there were those who were arrested by the authorities, brought to trial and then executed; and there were those who voluntarily chose to hand themselves over to the authorities, knowing that this would lead to their death. In this last category, which modern scholars refer to as "voluntary martyrdom", we can also find several martyrs who took their own lives.
This paper will focus on one female martyr, Agathonice, who was a voluntary martyr. Her martyrdom occurred during the Second or Third Century in the city of Pergamon, located in Asia Minor. Carpus and Papylus, male Christian martyrs, were martyred during the same incident. There are two accounts of the martyrdom of those three martyrs, one in Latin and the other in Greek, and the descriptions of Agathonice's death in these two accounts differ. While according to the Latin account Agathonice was brought to trial and executed by fire together with Carpus and Papylus, according to the Greek account Agathonice first watched the execution of Carpus and Papylus, and then, filled with heavenly inspiration, decided to jump into the fire herself.
The significance of the difference between the two accounts of Agathonice's death is the scope of this paper, in which I have tried to examine which of the two versions of Agathonice's story is more reliable, and to explain the reasons for the change in the story that occurred in the other account. In order to do this, I dedicate he first chapter to the description of the martyrdom of Carpus, Papylus and Agathonice as it appears in each of the two texts, and compare the two stories. Next, with the assumption that in order to understand the meaning of this difference some knowledge of the phenomenon of Christian martyrdom is needed, I introduce the wide context of Agathonice's martyrdom. The second chapter examines the reasons that lead the Romans to persecute Christians, the ways in which the persecutions were carried out, and the legal basis for the persecutions. In the third chapter I introduce the attitudes of early Christianity towards martyrdom. This chapter explains the origins of the phenomenon, and the theological significance it had both for the martyrs themselves, and for the communities that continued to worship the martyrs after their deaths.
Rooted in this understanding of the general context that lead to Christian martyrdom, the fourth and the fifth chapters examine the phenomenon of voluntary martyrdom, doing so with the assumption that understanding the extent of this phenomenon and the attitudes of the early church fathers to it might explain the reasons for the difference between the two accounts of Agathonice. In the fourth chapter I present several stories of voluntary martyrdom and show that in most of these incidents the martyr usually handed himself over to the authorities, or did something to draw their attention, and then was tried and executed like other martyrs. The martyrdom of Agathonice, who chose to be her own judge and executioner, was an unusual event even within the context of voluntary martyrdom. Her exceptional story is much more outstanding when we understand that there was a very small number of voluntary martyrdoms. In the fifth chapter I examine the attitudes of early Christian writers towards the phenomenon of voluntary martyrdom and show that the small number of references, positive or negative, to voluntary martyrdom strengthens the argument that this phenomenon was, ultimately, an unusual and uncommon phenomenon that did not really concern the Christian community.
My conclusion regarding the question of which account is more reliable is that the Greek text, in which Agathonice jumps into the fire, is the one that give us the correct version of her martyrdom. I claim further that the Latin writer modified the story of Agathonice in order to conform to conventional literary tropes (topos) describing martyrdoms. With this in mind, and because we cannot find any discussion of or disputation against voluntary martyrdom, I also claim that there is no reason to assume that the change was made due to the Latin writer's objection to the institution of voluntary martyrdom.
In the sixth and last chapter I try to strengthen my argument that the change in the Latin account was a literary change by examining the role of women in early Christian society. I have tried to examine whether it is possible that the Latin writer modified the story of Agathonice, downplaying the tale of a female figure acting of her own free will, due to his own expectations of the way a woman must behave in society. Throughout this chapter I show that although the Greco-Roman understanding of women's role in society was upheld by Christian society, female martyrs did break social conventions, such as stepping outside of their role as mothers, without garnering the disapproval of either Christian society or Christian authors. In light of this I claim that it is unreasonable that the Latin writer changed Agathonice's death story due to any misogynic motive, and that the change was a literary modification intended to make Agathonice's story in the Latin version more suitable to literary conventions. Moreover, I claim that if the Latin writer did want to have a say against voluntary martyrdom or women's role in society, concealing the whole story would not have served this desire. In order to give such a message, he should have written the story as it really did happen, criticizing the choice Agathonice made, demonstrating proper and improper behavior to his audience. This, I believe, strengthens my argument that the change in the Latin account was made solely for literary reasons.
The paper is written in Hebrew
Conference Presentations by Tamar Rotman
Gregory of Tours wrote numerous vitae of saints, martyrs, nuns, abbots and bishops, in which he g... more Gregory of Tours wrote numerous vitae of saints, martyrs, nuns, abbots and bishops, in which he glorified his protagonists, recounted their lives and deaths and narrated their miraculous deeds. Being a bishop himself, Gregory was aware of the chances of him becoming a saint after his death. Perhaps preparing for this moment, Gregory included in his famous Histories as well as in his hagiographical corpus many autobiographical anecdotes, that could have been later used by his future hagiographer. In other words, Gregory’s works are full with autohagiographical records. Whereas the subject of autohagiography received some scholarly attention regarding late Medieval hagiography, it was hardly studied in the context of the early Middle Ages, and especially in the context of Gregory of Tours and his writings. Therefore, in the following paper, I wish to elaborate on that matter and examine how Gregory wrote his autohagiography and how he perceived his own sanctity.
Gregory of Tours, the sixth-century bishop, historian, and hagiographer, lived in a changing, pos... more Gregory of Tours, the sixth-century bishop, historian, and hagiographer, lived in a changing, post-Roman world and was affected by the identity crisis that followed the disintegration of the Roman Empire. His response to these changes is evident throughout his historiographical and hagiographical writings, and this paper aims to examine how Gregory used his hagiographical corpus in order to face this identity crisis and construct a Gallo-Christian identity for his Gallic audience. The focus of this paper is set on three hagiographical works of Gregory of Tours – the Glory of the Martyrs, the Glory of the Confessors and the Vita Patrum. Works which scholars, who try to reconstruct the history of sixth-century Gaul by using the writing of Gregory of Tours, tend to overlook. However, examination of these works is crucial, especially for the purpose of reaching better understanding of the identity discourse of that time. As will be demonstrated in this paper, there is a certain geographical and chronological sequence that binds together Gregory’s hagiographical collections in the form of an ecclesiastical history. This history, I shall argue, was meant to promote a specific Gallo-Christian identity. In order to do so, Gregory included in his hagiographical collections miracle accounts of non-Gallic saints and martyrs, among them one can find accounts of incidents that took place or involved saints from Spain, Syria, Constantinople, Palestine, Armenia and several other places. These accounts helped Gregory to define “others” against which he was also able to define a Gallo-Christian identity that was simultaneously based on local, geographical markers as well as universal religious ones.
The paper examines the manner in which Gregory of Tours interlaced autobiographical accounts into... more The paper examines the manner in which Gregory of Tours interlaced autobiographical accounts into his hagiographical narratives in order to set the grounds for his future commemoration as a saint.
הבישוף גרגוריוס מטור חי ופעל בגאליה המרובינגית במהלך המאה השישית. גרגוריוס מוכר בעיקר בזכותו חיבו... more הבישוף גרגוריוס מטור חי ופעל בגאליה המרובינגית במהלך המאה השישית. גרגוריוס מוכר בעיקר בזכותו חיבורו ההיסטורי עשרת ספרי ההיסטוריה, חיבור בו שטח את קורותיה של הממלכה המרובינגית מראשיתה ועד ימיו-שלו ושהפך לימים לאחד המקורות ההיסטוריים החשובים להיסטוריונים החוקרים את ההיסטוריה הפוליטית, חברתית ותרבותית של ימי הביניים המוקדמים במערב הלטיני. אולם, במהלך כהונתו כבישוף טור, גרגוריוס חיבר קורפוס חיבורים נוסף שזכה להתייחסות פחותה במחקר. זהו קורפוס חיבוריו ההגיוגרפיים הכוללים שלל מעשי ניסים של מרטירים וקדושים, רובם מגאליה אך לא כולם. חיבורים אלה יוצאי דופן בתוכן ובמבנה שלהם מחיבורים הגיוגרפיים אחרים וככאלה - מעלים שלל שאלות. בהרצאה אבקש לדון בחיבורים אלה, להתמקד בפרקים העוסקים במרטירים וקדושים לא גאלים ולעמוד על תפקידם של קטעים אלה בנרטיב שגרגוריוס יצר. כל זאת על מנת להגיע בסופו של דבר להבנה מעמיקה יותר של המטרות לשמן חיבר גרגוריוס את אוספי הניסים שלו.
Many hagiographical texts were composed in late antique and early medieval Gaul, among them there... more Many hagiographical texts were composed in late antique and early medieval Gaul, among them there are two peculiar and interesting hagiographical collections that were composed, approximately, during the same period. The first is the book of the Glory of the Martyrs written in the late sixth-century by the bishop Gregory of Tours; and the second is an extensive and eclectic calendar known as the “Maryrologium Hieronymianum” which was composed in Gaul sometimes between the end of the sixth century and the beginning of the seventh century.
The major feature that distinct the Glory of the Martyrs and the Martyrologium from other contemporary hagiographical works is the variety of geographical origins of the saints that were included in them. Usually, hagiographical records focused on the lives, deaths and miracles of local saints and responded to their local cults. Yet the Glory of the Martyrs and the Maryrologium Hieronymianum contain records of saints and martyrs from the entire Christian world, who were not necessarily venerated in Gaul. Thus, it is not clear why the authors of these texts included such accounts in their works. This question hardly got any scholarly attention, even though understanding the reasons that lead to the inclusion of these accounts is crucial for our understanding of the aims and purposes of each text. Therefore, I wish to elaborate on this matter and demonstrate that examining these texts in a broader historical context may help us understand why foreign saints were included in these hagiographical collections.
Several centuries before Peter Brown published his famous paper about the rise and function of th... more Several centuries before Peter Brown published his famous paper about the rise and function of the holy man in Eastern Christendom, Gregory of Tours witnessed that process and recorded it in his works. While Gregory showed great appreciation for Eastern holy men such as Simeon Stylites (GC 26), when the Eastern phenomenon of stylites reached Gaul, Gregory and his fellow bishops were not enthusiastic about it, as the story of Vulfiliac, the Stylite of Trier, shows (DLH VIII.15). This paper seeks to examine the story of Vufiliac and to exhibit through it the process of dissemination of religious and social practices from the Byzantine East and their reception in Merovingian Gaul. This examination reveals the depth of the Merovingian understanding of Byzantine matters, and leads to the conclusion that Vulfiliac was deposed because of the clergy feared from religious competition that could endanger their episcopal authority.
During the late sixth and early seventh century, two interesting compositions that focus on saint... more During the late sixth and early seventh century, two interesting compositions that focus on saints were composed in Merovingian Gaul: the first, the book of the Glory of the Martyrs written by the bishop Gregory of Tours; the second is an extensive and eclectic calendar known as “The Martyrology of Jerome”. In contrast to many other hagiographical works that were written at that time and usually include accounts about local saints, both the Martyrology of Jerome and The Glory of the Martyrs contain entries about saints and martyrs from the entire Christian world. This paper seeks to examine why the non-Gallic saints were included in these works, and demonstrate that their inclusion was part of an attempt to construct a Christian identity rather than promote or record existing cults of foreign saints.
This paper seeks to explain Gregory of Tours' use of non-Gallic saints and martyrs, as well as mi... more This paper seeks to explain Gregory of Tours' use of non-Gallic saints and martyrs, as well as miracle stories that took place outside of Gaul. The Spanish and the Byzantine accounts in his miracle collection "The Glory of the Martyrs" were meant to construct a local Gallic Christian identity, to explain major theological ideas and to justify foreign relations with the East and the West.
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Videos by Tamar Rotman
את הפאנל המלא אפשר לראות פה:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eo4N8H8LGtk
Publications by Tamar Rotman
The papers collected here provide new insights into the history of the Merovingian kingdoms by examining various relevant issues, ranging from identity formation to the shape and rules of diplomatic relations, cultural transformation, as well as voiced attitudes towards the “other”. Each of the papers begins with a short excerpt from a primary source, which serves as a stimulus for the discussion of broader issues. The various sources' point of view and their contextualization stand at the heart of the analysis, thus ensuring that discussions are accessible to students and non-specialists, without jeopardizing the high academic standard of the debate."
For table of contents, see:
https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/the-merovingian-kingdoms-and-the-mediterranean-world-9781350048409/
Previous scholarship tends to see the Latin account as the more reliable source for the martyrdom of Agathonice. However, seeing her story in the context of Christian martyrdom and hagiography shows that the act performed by Agathonice in the Greek account, although unusual, is part of the minor phenomenon of voluntary martyrdom. Moreover, scholarship concerning tendencies in hagiographical writings reveals that those unique and unusual elements in hagiographical accounts are usually an indication of their authenticity. Thus, the conclusion of the first part of the paper is that the Greek account presents an earlier version of the story of Agathonice. The second part of the paper explains why the Latin author chose to change the story of Agathonice. As the paper will show, the author did not change it for reasons such as opposing voluntary martyrdom, nor did he do it due to misogynic attitudes he might have had. The answer lies in the process of transmitting martyrological stories. As will be shown at the end of the paper, when the Latin author transmitted the story of the three martyrs he chose to change the story of Agathonice in order to secure the acceptance of the story by Latin Christian communities.
Book Reviews by Tamar Rotman
MA Thesis by Tamar Rotman
This paper will focus on one female martyr, Agathonice, who was a voluntary martyr. Her martyrdom occurred during the Second or Third Century in the city of Pergamon, located in Asia Minor. Carpus and Papylus, male Christian martyrs, were martyred during the same incident. There are two accounts of the martyrdom of those three martyrs, one in Latin and the other in Greek, and the descriptions of Agathonice's death in these two accounts differ. While according to the Latin account Agathonice was brought to trial and executed by fire together with Carpus and Papylus, according to the Greek account Agathonice first watched the execution of Carpus and Papylus, and then, filled with heavenly inspiration, decided to jump into the fire herself.
The significance of the difference between the two accounts of Agathonice's death is the scope of this paper, in which I have tried to examine which of the two versions of Agathonice's story is more reliable, and to explain the reasons for the change in the story that occurred in the other account. In order to do this, I dedicate he first chapter to the description of the martyrdom of Carpus, Papylus and Agathonice as it appears in each of the two texts, and compare the two stories. Next, with the assumption that in order to understand the meaning of this difference some knowledge of the phenomenon of Christian martyrdom is needed, I introduce the wide context of Agathonice's martyrdom. The second chapter examines the reasons that lead the Romans to persecute Christians, the ways in which the persecutions were carried out, and the legal basis for the persecutions. In the third chapter I introduce the attitudes of early Christianity towards martyrdom. This chapter explains the origins of the phenomenon, and the theological significance it had both for the martyrs themselves, and for the communities that continued to worship the martyrs after their deaths.
Rooted in this understanding of the general context that lead to Christian martyrdom, the fourth and the fifth chapters examine the phenomenon of voluntary martyrdom, doing so with the assumption that understanding the extent of this phenomenon and the attitudes of the early church fathers to it might explain the reasons for the difference between the two accounts of Agathonice. In the fourth chapter I present several stories of voluntary martyrdom and show that in most of these incidents the martyr usually handed himself over to the authorities, or did something to draw their attention, and then was tried and executed like other martyrs. The martyrdom of Agathonice, who chose to be her own judge and executioner, was an unusual event even within the context of voluntary martyrdom. Her exceptional story is much more outstanding when we understand that there was a very small number of voluntary martyrdoms. In the fifth chapter I examine the attitudes of early Christian writers towards the phenomenon of voluntary martyrdom and show that the small number of references, positive or negative, to voluntary martyrdom strengthens the argument that this phenomenon was, ultimately, an unusual and uncommon phenomenon that did not really concern the Christian community.
My conclusion regarding the question of which account is more reliable is that the Greek text, in which Agathonice jumps into the fire, is the one that give us the correct version of her martyrdom. I claim further that the Latin writer modified the story of Agathonice in order to conform to conventional literary tropes (topos) describing martyrdoms. With this in mind, and because we cannot find any discussion of or disputation against voluntary martyrdom, I also claim that there is no reason to assume that the change was made due to the Latin writer's objection to the institution of voluntary martyrdom.
In the sixth and last chapter I try to strengthen my argument that the change in the Latin account was a literary change by examining the role of women in early Christian society. I have tried to examine whether it is possible that the Latin writer modified the story of Agathonice, downplaying the tale of a female figure acting of her own free will, due to his own expectations of the way a woman must behave in society. Throughout this chapter I show that although the Greco-Roman understanding of women's role in society was upheld by Christian society, female martyrs did break social conventions, such as stepping outside of their role as mothers, without garnering the disapproval of either Christian society or Christian authors. In light of this I claim that it is unreasonable that the Latin writer changed Agathonice's death story due to any misogynic motive, and that the change was a literary modification intended to make Agathonice's story in the Latin version more suitable to literary conventions. Moreover, I claim that if the Latin writer did want to have a say against voluntary martyrdom or women's role in society, concealing the whole story would not have served this desire. In order to give such a message, he should have written the story as it really did happen, criticizing the choice Agathonice made, demonstrating proper and improper behavior to his audience. This, I believe, strengthens my argument that the change in the Latin account was made solely for literary reasons.
The paper is written in Hebrew
Conference Presentations by Tamar Rotman
The major feature that distinct the Glory of the Martyrs and the Martyrologium from other contemporary hagiographical works is the variety of geographical origins of the saints that were included in them. Usually, hagiographical records focused on the lives, deaths and miracles of local saints and responded to their local cults. Yet the Glory of the Martyrs and the Maryrologium Hieronymianum contain records of saints and martyrs from the entire Christian world, who were not necessarily venerated in Gaul. Thus, it is not clear why the authors of these texts included such accounts in their works. This question hardly got any scholarly attention, even though understanding the reasons that lead to the inclusion of these accounts is crucial for our understanding of the aims and purposes of each text. Therefore, I wish to elaborate on this matter and demonstrate that examining these texts in a broader historical context may help us understand why foreign saints were included in these hagiographical collections.
את הפאנל המלא אפשר לראות פה:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eo4N8H8LGtk
The papers collected here provide new insights into the history of the Merovingian kingdoms by examining various relevant issues, ranging from identity formation to the shape and rules of diplomatic relations, cultural transformation, as well as voiced attitudes towards the “other”. Each of the papers begins with a short excerpt from a primary source, which serves as a stimulus for the discussion of broader issues. The various sources' point of view and their contextualization stand at the heart of the analysis, thus ensuring that discussions are accessible to students and non-specialists, without jeopardizing the high academic standard of the debate."
For table of contents, see:
https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/the-merovingian-kingdoms-and-the-mediterranean-world-9781350048409/
Previous scholarship tends to see the Latin account as the more reliable source for the martyrdom of Agathonice. However, seeing her story in the context of Christian martyrdom and hagiography shows that the act performed by Agathonice in the Greek account, although unusual, is part of the minor phenomenon of voluntary martyrdom. Moreover, scholarship concerning tendencies in hagiographical writings reveals that those unique and unusual elements in hagiographical accounts are usually an indication of their authenticity. Thus, the conclusion of the first part of the paper is that the Greek account presents an earlier version of the story of Agathonice. The second part of the paper explains why the Latin author chose to change the story of Agathonice. As the paper will show, the author did not change it for reasons such as opposing voluntary martyrdom, nor did he do it due to misogynic attitudes he might have had. The answer lies in the process of transmitting martyrological stories. As will be shown at the end of the paper, when the Latin author transmitted the story of the three martyrs he chose to change the story of Agathonice in order to secure the acceptance of the story by Latin Christian communities.
This paper will focus on one female martyr, Agathonice, who was a voluntary martyr. Her martyrdom occurred during the Second or Third Century in the city of Pergamon, located in Asia Minor. Carpus and Papylus, male Christian martyrs, were martyred during the same incident. There are two accounts of the martyrdom of those three martyrs, one in Latin and the other in Greek, and the descriptions of Agathonice's death in these two accounts differ. While according to the Latin account Agathonice was brought to trial and executed by fire together with Carpus and Papylus, according to the Greek account Agathonice first watched the execution of Carpus and Papylus, and then, filled with heavenly inspiration, decided to jump into the fire herself.
The significance of the difference between the two accounts of Agathonice's death is the scope of this paper, in which I have tried to examine which of the two versions of Agathonice's story is more reliable, and to explain the reasons for the change in the story that occurred in the other account. In order to do this, I dedicate he first chapter to the description of the martyrdom of Carpus, Papylus and Agathonice as it appears in each of the two texts, and compare the two stories. Next, with the assumption that in order to understand the meaning of this difference some knowledge of the phenomenon of Christian martyrdom is needed, I introduce the wide context of Agathonice's martyrdom. The second chapter examines the reasons that lead the Romans to persecute Christians, the ways in which the persecutions were carried out, and the legal basis for the persecutions. In the third chapter I introduce the attitudes of early Christianity towards martyrdom. This chapter explains the origins of the phenomenon, and the theological significance it had both for the martyrs themselves, and for the communities that continued to worship the martyrs after their deaths.
Rooted in this understanding of the general context that lead to Christian martyrdom, the fourth and the fifth chapters examine the phenomenon of voluntary martyrdom, doing so with the assumption that understanding the extent of this phenomenon and the attitudes of the early church fathers to it might explain the reasons for the difference between the two accounts of Agathonice. In the fourth chapter I present several stories of voluntary martyrdom and show that in most of these incidents the martyr usually handed himself over to the authorities, or did something to draw their attention, and then was tried and executed like other martyrs. The martyrdom of Agathonice, who chose to be her own judge and executioner, was an unusual event even within the context of voluntary martyrdom. Her exceptional story is much more outstanding when we understand that there was a very small number of voluntary martyrdoms. In the fifth chapter I examine the attitudes of early Christian writers towards the phenomenon of voluntary martyrdom and show that the small number of references, positive or negative, to voluntary martyrdom strengthens the argument that this phenomenon was, ultimately, an unusual and uncommon phenomenon that did not really concern the Christian community.
My conclusion regarding the question of which account is more reliable is that the Greek text, in which Agathonice jumps into the fire, is the one that give us the correct version of her martyrdom. I claim further that the Latin writer modified the story of Agathonice in order to conform to conventional literary tropes (topos) describing martyrdoms. With this in mind, and because we cannot find any discussion of or disputation against voluntary martyrdom, I also claim that there is no reason to assume that the change was made due to the Latin writer's objection to the institution of voluntary martyrdom.
In the sixth and last chapter I try to strengthen my argument that the change in the Latin account was a literary change by examining the role of women in early Christian society. I have tried to examine whether it is possible that the Latin writer modified the story of Agathonice, downplaying the tale of a female figure acting of her own free will, due to his own expectations of the way a woman must behave in society. Throughout this chapter I show that although the Greco-Roman understanding of women's role in society was upheld by Christian society, female martyrs did break social conventions, such as stepping outside of their role as mothers, without garnering the disapproval of either Christian society or Christian authors. In light of this I claim that it is unreasonable that the Latin writer changed Agathonice's death story due to any misogynic motive, and that the change was a literary modification intended to make Agathonice's story in the Latin version more suitable to literary conventions. Moreover, I claim that if the Latin writer did want to have a say against voluntary martyrdom or women's role in society, concealing the whole story would not have served this desire. In order to give such a message, he should have written the story as it really did happen, criticizing the choice Agathonice made, demonstrating proper and improper behavior to his audience. This, I believe, strengthens my argument that the change in the Latin account was made solely for literary reasons.
The paper is written in Hebrew
The major feature that distinct the Glory of the Martyrs and the Martyrologium from other contemporary hagiographical works is the variety of geographical origins of the saints that were included in them. Usually, hagiographical records focused on the lives, deaths and miracles of local saints and responded to their local cults. Yet the Glory of the Martyrs and the Maryrologium Hieronymianum contain records of saints and martyrs from the entire Christian world, who were not necessarily venerated in Gaul. Thus, it is not clear why the authors of these texts included such accounts in their works. This question hardly got any scholarly attention, even though understanding the reasons that lead to the inclusion of these accounts is crucial for our understanding of the aims and purposes of each text. Therefore, I wish to elaborate on this matter and demonstrate that examining these texts in a broader historical context may help us understand why foreign saints were included in these hagiographical collections.
In the first part of the paper, I will present a short introduction to the writings of Gregory of Tours and their importance for historians of the early middle ages, stressing the importance of the hagiographical works that were written by him and were neglected by modern scholars. In the second part, I will discuss Gregory’s accounts of Sergius, as they appear in The Glory of the Martyrs (in chapter 96) and in Gregory’s Decem Libri Historiarum (7.31). I will explore the diffusion of the cult of Sergius in the Christian world, and examine whether the accounts written by Gregory can indicate the existence of a cult of Sergius in Merovingian Gaul. This examination will lead to the conclusion that Sergius was known in Gaul and venerated there by some Syrian people who lived in Gaul, but his cult most probably did not gain support from the local Frankish churches.
The fact that Gregory wrote about Sergius, as I will note at the end of my discussion, shows that people in Gaul were aware of stories about saints from all around the Christian world. Moreover, it was probably the presence of Syrian people in Gaul that made it possible for Gregory to hear about Sergius and other Syrian martyrs that are mentioned in The Glory of the Martyrs.
Scholars tend to see the Latin account as the more reliable source for the events, since it fits better to martyrological topoi. However, this paper will aim to show that, in fact, the Greek account of the martyrdom is the one which proves to be more credible. By examination of a minor phenomenon within the Christian martyrdom, known by scholars as "voluntary martyrdom", its characteristics, extant, and the attitude of the early church fathers towards it, one could reach a better understanding of Agathonice's martyrdom and its context. Such an examination can provide an explanation for the reliability of the Greek account, as well as the reasons that led the Latin author to alter Agathonice's story.
מטרתו העיקרית של הכנס היא יצירת שיח ער בין חוקרות וחוקרים צעירים הבוחנים את ההיסטוריה מנקודות מבט חדשות ומעוניינים להציג ולדון במתודולוגיות השונות לחקר ההיסטוריה לאור העניין שלנו בדיון רחב בסוגיות של מתודולוגיה, סוגי המקורות עימם עובדים היסטוריונים והאופנים השונים המאפשרים לנתח אותם ולהציג זוויות ראייה נוספות על ההיסטוריה. הכנס יכלול הרצאות במגוון רחב של נושאים, תקופות ואיזורים גאוגרפים
מטרתו העיקרית של הכנס היא יצירת שיח ער בין חוקרות וחוקרים צעירים הבוחנים את ההיסטוריה מנקודות מבט חדשות ומעוניינים להציג ולדון במתודולוגיות השונות לחקר ההיסטוריה לאור העניין שלנו בדיון רחב בסוגיות של מתודולוגיה, סוגי המקורות עימם עובדים היסטוריונים והאופנים השונים המאפשרים לנתח אותם ולהציג זוויות ראייה נוספות על ההיסטוריה. הכנס יכלול הרצאות במגוון רחב של נושאים, תקופות ואיזורים גאוגרפים.
http://in.bgu.ac.il/pages/events/young-history2018.aspx
בשנתיים האחרונות הכנס סיפק במה לתלמידי מחקר ממגוון תחומים ומוסדות אקדמים ואפשר להם לשתף בתהליכי המחקר שלהם. חלק הציגו work in progress, אחרים - עבודות בשלבים מתקדמים יותר. הכנס הזה הוא הזדמנות להכיר קולגות מרחבי הארץ, להעשיר את המחקר שלכם, וכמובן - הזדמנות גם להתנסות בהצגת המחקר בכנס.
אנחנו פונים לתלמידי מחקר בתארים שני ושלישי להגיש לנו הצעות להרצאות באורך 15 דקות ומזמינים גם חוקרים צעירים שסיימו לאחרונה את המאסטר או הדוקטורט שלהם לפנות אלינו ולהגיש הצעות.
הכנס יתקיים באוניברסיטת בן גוריון ב-30.4.2018, תקצירים אפשר לשלוח עד ה-19.1.2018 לכתובת [email protected].
הפרטים המלאים בקול-קורא המצורף
פרט לעיסוק בסוגיות היסטוריות מגוונות, במתודולוגיות חדשות ובמקורות יוצאי דופן, אנו רואים במפגש זה גם הזדמנות לגבש קהילת חוקרים צעירה שתמשיך לפעול בשיתוף פעולה בעתיד.
סטודנטים, תלמידי מחקר, חוקרים צעירים וותיקים והציבור הרחב מוזמנים לבוא, לשמוע ולהשתתף בדיונים.
הכנס יתקיים באוניברסיטת בן גוריון, אולם כנסים אורן, ביום שני 8-5-2017.