Sources Et Modèles Des Historiens Anciens, 2

Sources et modèles
des historiens anciens, 2

Olivier Devillers
est professeur de Langues et Littérature
latines à l’université Bordeaux
Montaigne
Breno Battistin Sebastiani
est professeur de Langues et Littérature
grecques à l’université de São Paulo
(Brésil)
Illustration de couverture :
Victoire de Samothrace, dessin Ausonius
Ausonius Éditions
— Scripta Antiqua 145 —
Sources et modèles
des historiens anciens, 2
textes édités par

Olivier Devillers & Breno Battistin Sebastiani
— Bordeaux 2021 —
Notice catalographique :
Devillers, O. et Sebastiani, B. B., éd. (2021) : Sources et modèles des historiens anciens, 2, Scripta Antiqua
145, Bordeaux.
Mots-clés :
écriture de l’histoire, historiographie, intertextualité, Quellenforschung, histoire grecque, guerre du
Péloponnèse, histoire romaine, littérature grecque, Hérodote, Thucydide, littérature latine, Salluste, Tite-
Live, Tacite
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Sommaire
Martinho Soares, Savoir nomologique et récit historique ou eplication

et compréhension dans l’Histoire de la Guerre du Péloponnèse
de Thucydide . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Cesar Sierra Martin, Tucídides y el malestar en la cultura. Una aproximación
a la relación entre individuo y sociedad en las Atenas clásica . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
Andrea Gianotti, Per un’analisi intertestuale delle fonti della battaglia di Delio:
Tucidide (4.89-99) e le Supplici di Euripide (650-730) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
Cinzia Bearzot, Pseudos e aletheia in Senofonte . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
Livia De Martinis, La prospettiva religiosa nell’ opera storica di Senefonte
e la sua matrice socratica . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55
Paolo A. Tuci, A Fox Abroad: Xenophon’s Portrait of Dercylidas of Sparta . . . . . . . . . . 77
J. H. Richardson, Past and Present in Roman Historical Thought
and Historiography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109
Daniel Barbo, Temporal Perspective of Polybius’ Historiographical Method . . . . . . . 119
John Thornton, Elementi erodotei in Polibio. Considerazioni preliminari . . . . . . . . . . . . 131
Álvaro M. Moreno Leoni, El saber local en las Historias de Polibio:
Entre fuentes de conocimiento y cosmopolitismo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145
Eugene Teytelbaum, Between Historiographical Tradition and Reality:
Siege Accounts in Polybius’ Histories . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157
Virginia Fabrizi, I limiti dell’epica: il topos del duello singolare negli
Ab Vrbe condita di Livio . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167
Jorge Tomás García, Genealogía y tiranía de Clístenes de Sicón a partir
de un fragmento de Nicolás de Damasco (FGH, 61 Jacoby) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179
Nelson Horn, La construction de l’image d’Alexandre le Grand
par Trogue Pompée / Justin : perspectives morales et politiques . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195
P. A. F. Almeida, Deviating from the Sources: The Dual Character of
Gauls’ Society in Caesar (Gal., 6.11-19) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 213
Juan Carlos Iglesias-Zoido, Las arengas de Eleazar y el asedio de Masada
en Flavio Josefo: ¿una crítica a los excesos de la retórica? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 227
Jakkojuhani Peltonen, Reading Gender in Curtius’ Portrait of Babylonian
Prostitution (5.1.36-39) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 241
Emanuele Berti, Alessandro e l’Oceano. Modelli declamatòri nelle
Historiae Alexandri Magni di Curzio Rufo e nell’Anabasi di Arriano . . . . . . . 249
Natan Henrique Taveira Baptista et Leni Ribeiro Leite, Revisiting Domitian:
Epideictic Portraits of a Controversial Emperor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 263
Victoria E. Pagán, Tacitus and the Massacre at Tarracina (Hist., 3.76-77) . . . . . . . . . . . 285
8 Sommaire
Sergio Audano, Negotio pro solaciis. Tiberio e la consolatio stoica

per la morte di Druso (Ann., 4.8.2-13) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 293
François Porte, Cn. Pompeius Magnus Cunctator ? La stratégie de Pompée
face à César en 48 et le paradigme stratégique de la cunctatio
chez Plutarque et chez Appien . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 307
Fara Nasti, Sesto Pomponio storico . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 327
Jeremy J. Swist, From Romulus Conditor to Hadrianus Augustus:
Livy’s Seven Kings of Rome in Florus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 341
Nuno Simões Rodrigues, El agôn constitucial en Dion Casio 52:
Récorrido de un Tópico historiográfico en la biografía de Augusto . . . . . . . . . . . 357
Karine Laporte, (R)emploi de types et figures célèbres chez Hérodien . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 367
Beatrice Girotti, Su usi classici e su innovazioni nella rappresentazione storica
dell’auaritia, dell’ambitio e della cupiditas: analisi di fonti e modelli per la
storiografia latina del iv secolo d.C. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 379
Moisés Antiqueira, Julian in the Historiae abbreuiatae of Aurelius Victor . . . . . . . . . 391
Murray Dahm, The Military Handbook of Festus: A New Look at the Breuiarium 403
Jakub Pigoń, Futurum praeteritum: Narrative Prolepsis
in Ammianus (and Tacitus) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 421
Fabrizio Petorella, Quomodo historia rescribenda sit. Historical Reality
and Political Power in Late Antique Hagiography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 435
Ivan Matijašić, Condicio optima est ultimi: The Concept of Historical
Cycle and Evagrius List of Ancient Historians . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 449
Guillaume Flamerie de Lachapelle, Florus, modèle et contre-modèle en France,
du ‘Mémoire sur les abrégés chronologiques’ du président Hénault à la thèse de
G. Bizos (1761-1876) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 463
Breno Battistin Sebastiani, Gandhi on Solon and Croesus. Inquiry into a
Transcultural Reception of Herodotus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 479
Paulo Donoso Johnson, Thucydides Australis: Experiencias de la
traducción y recepción de Tucídides en Chile (1949-2017) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 491
Bibliographie . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 505
Index des sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 557
Index des noms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 577
Temporal Perspective of Polybius’ Historiographical Method 1
Daniel Barbo
Polybius’ work, according to the preserved fragments of the author, narrates the history
of the Roman conquest from the beginning of the Second Punic War (218-201 BC) to the
submission of Macedonia in the Third Roman-Macedonian War (171-168 BC). Polybius takes
the second war between Rome and Carthage as the starting point of his history because of the
simultaneity of this event with two other major conflicts: the dispute between Antiochus III
and Ptolemy IV Philopator in the Fourth Syrian War (219-217 BC) and the war of the Greek
Leagues (Achaean, Aetolian and Boeotian), which relied on the unceasing participation of
Philip of Macedonia (220-217 BC).
The Syrian Wars were a series of six wars between the Seleucid Empire and the Ptolemaic
Kingdom of Egypt, successor states to Alexander the Great’s empire, during the iii and ii
centuries BC over the region then called Coele-Syria, one of the few avenues into Egypt.
These conflicts drained the material and manpower of both parties and led to their eventual
destruction and conquest by Rome and Parthia.
As to the Greek Leagues, in 220 BC, the Achaean League entered into a war against the
Aetolian League. The young king Philip V of Macedon sided with the Achaeans and called
for a Panhellenic conference in Corinth, where the Aetolian aggression was condemned. The
Aetolians emerged as a dominant state in central Greece and expanded by the voluntary
annexation of several Greek city-states to the League. The League was, at that moment, a
Greek ally of the Roman Republic, siding with the Romans during the First Macedonian War
(215-205 BC), and helping to defeat Philip V at the Battle of Cynoscephalae in 197 BC, during
the Second Macedonian War (200-196 BC). The First Macedonian War was brought about by
the approximation between Philip V and Hannibal, the Carthaginian general. The Roman
Republic opposed both the Macedonian expansion and the Punic-Macedonian alliance.
Up to that point, according to Polybius, the events of the various parts of the world
had only local influence. Therefore, they were scattered and disconnected; at the time of
the Second Punic War, at the end of the iii century BC, however, Italian and African affairs
became directly related to Greek and Asian ones. History had become an organic whole
(somatoeidès). Polybius writes:
– “Previously the doings of the world had been, so to say, dispersed, as they were held together
by no unity of initiative, results, or locality; but ever since this date history has been an organic
1 I would like to thank Professor Breno Battistin Sebastiani, my supervisor in the postdoctoral program
of the University of São Paulo, for his mastery and kindness in conducting my research.
D. Barbo, in : Sources et modèles des historiens anciens, 2, p. 119-129

120 Daniel Barbo
whole (somatoeidè), and the affairs of Italy and Libya have been interlinked (sumplekesthai)
with those of Greece and Asia, all leading up to one end (telos). And this is my reason for
beginning their systematic history from that date. For it was owing to their defeat of the
Carthaginians in the Hannibalic War that the Romans, feeling that the chief and most essential
step in their scheme of universal aggression had now been taken, were first emboldened to
reach out their hands to grasp the rest and to cross with an army to Greece and the continent
of Asia” (Pol. 1.3.3-6) 2.
– “For what gives my work its peculiar quality, and what is most remarkable in the present
age, is this. Fortune (tuchè) has guided almost all the affairs of the world in one direction
Éléments sous droit d’auteur - © Ausonius Éditions mai 2021 : embargo de 2 ans
and has forced them to incline towards one and the same end (skopon). A historian should
likewise bring before his readers under one synoptical view the operations by which she has
accomplished her general purpose” (Pol. 1.4.1-2).
The meanings of the terms somatoeidès and symplokè will be examined as unifiers of
temporality in the construction of the idea of organicity and universal history in the Polybian
method, as well as the meanings of the terms telos and skopos as temporal markers in the
future-oriented perception of historical time.
R. Koselleck’s proposal turns to be the approach of Historical Times (the specific
differential of each present engendered by the uninterrupted tension between spaces
of experience and horizons of expectation) on the linguistic front, through his History of
Concepts (Begriffsgeschichte): the semantics of historical concepts which investigates the
linguistic constitution of time experiences in past realities. This semantic approach does
not imply a purely historical-linguistic interest or merely a search for the various historical
meanings of terms. History of Concepts aims to apprehend the human experience expressed
in language. The meta-historical categories defined by Koselleck revert to a suitable
instrument for the analysis and explanation of the dimension of human action:
– “Historical time, if the concept has a specific meaning, is bound up with social and political
actions, with concretely acting and suffering human beings and their institutions and
organizations. All these actions have definite, internalized forms of conduct, each with a
peculiar temporal rhythm” 3.
– “Essa concepção hermenêutica de significação do tempo histórico que conecta passado,
presente e futuro em uma relação em constante mutação, além de sugerir que a verdade
dos fatos históricos é linguisticamente situada, também aponta para uma dinâmica das
expressões linguísticas que é dependente dos acontecimentos concretos. Ou seja, os
acontecimentos concretos – guerras, alianças, cataclismos, pestes, etc. – são experimentados
pelos indivíduos de tal forma que estes redefinem suas próprias concepções linguísticas sobre
esta mesma experiência. (Jasmin, 2005; Koselleck, 1992) Essa é a relação entre discurso e ação
que Koselleck coloca no centro de seu método de investigação histórica” 4.
2 The translations into English of Polybius’ work used are from The Loeb Classical Library
(W. Heinemann): Book I (1922, reprinted 1998), Books III, VI and VIII (1922, reprinted 1979), Book XII
(1925).
3 Koselleck 2004, 2.
4 Vizeu & Matitz 2011.
In this way, interpenetration between History of Concepts and Social History is revealed.
This interpenetration takes place on several levels. In fact, investigations of the uses and
meanings of sociopolitical concepts bring to light the conflicts, tensions, appeasement,
continuities, changes and future projections contained in a given historical situation. The
semantic approach, therefore, opens new perspectives for the study of social and intellectual
history, providing clues of the relations between social groups through the investigation of
the semantic struggles in this domain. On the extraction of historical meanings from the
temporalization, Koselleck states “every historical event contains temporal qualities in its
execution and in its reception: duration, periodicity, and acceleration” 5.
We consider the pairs of terms somatoeidès/symplokè and telos/skopos function, in

Polybius’ work, as concepts that relate dialectically to the broader socio-political processes
by crystallizing temporal tensions of that given present. We believe those terms underwent
modifications in their meanings and contents in the passage from the iii to the ii century
BC, just as occurred with the concepts of revolution and history throughout the xviii and
xix centuries AD, according to Koselleck’s analysis (2004). It is in this way, and through
these concepts, that we can ascertain the temporal perspective that shapes the Polybian
historiographical method. At the beginning of Book 1, Polybius clarifies the choice of his
timeframe (Pol. 1.1.5-6):
“For who is so worthless or indolent as not to wish to know by what means and under
what system of polity (politeia) the Romans in less than fifty-three years have succeeded in
subjecting nearly the whole inhabited world to their sole government – a thing unique in
history? Or who again is there so passionately devoted to other spectacles or studies as to
regard anything as of greater moment than the acquisition of this knowledge?”
In two other passages from his work, Polybius demarcates the period of the Roman
conquest, reaffirming his significant novelty in terms of the apprehension of temporality:
– “I have already indicated the general scope and limits of this history. The particular events
comprised in it begin with the above-mentioned wars [the Hannibalic War] and culminate
and end in the destruction of the Macedonian monarchy. Between the beginning and end
lies a space of fifty-three years, comprising a greater number of grave and momentous events
than any period of equal length in the past” (Pol. 3.1.9-11).
– “I have, I am sure, made evident in numerous passages and chiefly in the prefatory remarks
dealing with the fundamental principles of this history, where I said that the best and most
valuable result I aim at is that readers of my work may gain a knowledge how it was and by
virtue of what peculiar political institutions that in less than fifty-three years nearly the whole
world was overcome and fell under the single dominion of Rome, a thing the like of which
had never happened before” (Pol. 6.2.3).
Rome took then 53 years to conquer the oikoumenè. The period that includes the events
between 220 and 168 BC, from the Second Punic War to the surrender of Perseus, has a new
temporal quality: a greater moment, a thing unique in history, a greater number of grave
and momentous events than any period of equal length in the past, a thing the like of which
5 Koselleck 2004, 291.

122 Daniel Barbo
had never happened before. And the supporter of this change was the Roman Constitution:
peculiar political institutions.
F. Walbank, K. Sacks and F. Hartog have discussed the relations between the meanings
of the terms symplokè and somatoeidès in Polybius, both referring to the universalizing
tendency of the historical process:
“The central notion he [Polybius] called to his aid was that of sumploke. Evoking the art of
weaving, the word means, in the first place, the action of intertwining the warp and the weft.
Among the atomists such as Leucipus and Democritus, it expresses the necessary conjunction
of the first elements. Taken up by the Stoics, the notion expresses the necessary sequence of
natural events as humans, finally the form of Destiny or of Providence. Applied to history,
the notion held that before 220, what happened in the world had a ‘disseminated’ (sporadas)
character, for ‘there was no more unity of conception and of execution than unity of place’.
After 220, by contrast, history started to shape itself ‘as an organic whole’ (somatoeide) and
events, like a textile, to ‘interweave’ [sumplekesthai] one with another” 6.
The passage 1.3.3-6 is quoted by several modern authors precisely because of the
connection they have perceived between the terms somatoeidè and sumplekesthai, a
derivative of sumplokè, in the analysis of the new temporality opened by the Roman domain
started in 220 AD. Hartog states:
“The road to Rome was for Polybius, one might say, his road to Damascus. There he saw
universal history and believed that Rome was its instrument, for there was certainly a renewal
of the times, an innovation of Fortune, that can be dated to the 220s when the Second Punic
War started: ‘the affairs of Italy and of Libya have been interwoven (sumplekesthai) with those
of Greece and of Asia, all leading up to one end’” 7.
Hartog follows Sacks on this point, who did a detailed study of the relations between
those terms in Polybius in his book entitled Polybius on the Writing of History, published in
1981. From Sacks’ analysis, the following passage is relevant to retain:
“[...] as he [Polybius] began recognizing the unity imposed on history by fortune (i 4), the
method of exposing that unity, the sumploke, became increasingly identified with the unity
itself, the somatoeides. Consequently, the somatoeides quality and the sumploke are both
found in his discussion of 220” 8.
For the historian Polybius, who lived between 200 and 118 BC, and whose work remains
the chief source on the Roman history of this period, the interval between 220 and 168 BC
inaugurated a new perception of temporality in Greek historiography. His method of writing
history demarcates and records the depth of this change. That is to say, the unfolding of events
in this interval of time has allowed this historian to witness a change in the representation
of historical time. This new perception of temporality affected his own method of writing
history. R. Robertson and D. Inglis have analyzed this aspect of history writing in Greek and
Roman authors, especially in Polybius:
6 Hartog 2010, 35.

7 Hartog 2010, 35.
8 Sacks 1981, 120.
“We will first examine how certain Greek intellectuals from the fourth century BC onwards
developed new ways of thinking about the nature of the ‘world as a whole’, ideas that were
later taken on by their Roman counterparts. Most importantly, a novel type of historiography
was developed that was intended to be able to grasp the increasingly interconnected nature
of the whole world. We will then move on to consider how contemporary thinkers understood
the Roman Empire as an entity that was ‘worldwide’ in scope. We will consider here how
Roman imperial conditions were seen to have revolutionized travel and geographical
movement across the face of the earth. Finally, we will consider how the city of Rome itself
was often thought to be a truly ‘world-city’, in that it drew to it people from all parts of the
world and contained within it goods and other phenomena from every conceivable region
of the earth. We will conclude by arguing that the existence of the Greek and Roman ‘global
animus’ illustrates that forms of global consciousness and ‘globality’ are not developments
solely confined to modernity, as has often been thought” 9.
Polybius’ work records, therefore, the emergence of a new historical time, in the sense
of Koselleck, and of a new regime of historicity, in the sense of Hartog. In this process of
mutation of temporality that finds its way through the lexicon and the linguistic field, Hartog
notes that, at the moment of his effort of conceptualization, Polybius wrote history in the
singular, and that
“Whereas before dispersed actions (pragmata) had been produced, at that moment there
was one unique history (that which was unfolding) which happened to be also the one that
Polybius was in the process of writing. The same word [somatoeide], at this point, came to
designate history both as an event and as a narration” 10.
As for the phenomenon of the singularization of history in Polybius, Sacks had already
pointed out the character of unity of somatoeidès:
“Polybius believes that history itself became somatoeides and that it is the historian’s
responsibility to reflect this new unity in a universal history. It was, of course, easier to say
that after a certain point all history moved in one direction than it was for the historian to
present the material in such a fashion” 11.
Unlike most historiographical methods of previous Greek historians, whose timeframe
was provided above all by the past-present orientation, the Polybian method was provided
substantially by the present-future orientation. In terms of historical knowledge, in the first
case, the present is drawn more strongly by experience (past) than by expectation (future);
in the second, the expectation has more attraction on the present.
Here, the relations between historical time and historical knowledge are formulated in
the hypothesis that “o conhecimento histórico só se renova, uma ‘nova história’ só aparece,
quando se realiza uma mudança significativa na representação do tempo histórico” 12. And
the changes in the representation of historical time are brought about by the mutations
in the movement of events. It is these mutations that lead to changes in the relations
9 Robertson & Inglis 2006, 31.

10 Hartog 2010, 35.
11 Sacks 1981, 116.
12 Reis 2000, 14.
124 Daniel Barbo
that a given present establishes with its past and future, given that the temporalization is
apprehended by the tension between these two temporal dimensions, since past and future
necessarily refer to each other 13. With these relationships changed, a new representation of
historical time can emerge.
In the passage from the iii century to the ii century BC, when Polybius saw Roman
expansionism and imperialism, mutations in the movement of events are indicated by
the greater connectivity and interdependence of warlike and politico-social events, by the
globalizing tendency of their repercussions, by the speed of the changes caused, by the
dependence on a center and by the expectation created in relation to the futurity, the result
of an acceleration toward the future.

The way in which Polybius conceived his writing of history, his historiographical
method, is directly related to his perception of the international connections unleashed by
the succession of those political and warlike events and their unstoppable social reflexes
in the known world. This new historical process in progress provided the perception of a
new temporality, of a new regime of historicity, strongly impelling Polybius to the need of
political experience and to the creation of the autopsy method for the conception of his
Pragmatikè Historia. His negative criticism of previous historians in Book 12 is marked by the
apprehension of this new mutation of temporality, crystallized in the lexicon of his work and
method. Signalized by what he called organic whole (somatoeidès), a totalizing and future-
oriented reality (telos, skopos), expressed in general by the emergence of the Roman power in
the Mediterranean Basin, those mutations, recorded in the linguistic field, allowed Polybius
the revival and renewal of the idea of a universal history (ta katholou). This perception could
not have arisen in Timaeus’ time with such seriousness and thrust.
In the perception of Polybius, therefore, from 220 AD on, history becomes an organic
whole turning its face to the future much more than to the past, all leading up to one and the
same end, revealing a present arousing much more expectation than experience: since fate
has guided the events of the world to one and the same end, how will the world be under
Roman rule? What will become of the Greeks and of Greece in this world? Those are the
fundamental historical questions for Polybius, in addition to explaining the greatness and
effectiveness of the Roman Constitution (politeia). In another passage, Polybius says (Pol.
1.4.2-10):
“[…] and secondarily the fact that none of my contemporaries have undertaken to write a
general history (ton katholou pragmaton suntaxis), in which case I should have been much
less eager to take this in hand. As it is, I observe that while several modern writers deal with
particular wars and certain matters connected with them, no one, as far as I am aware, has
even attempted to inquire critically when and whence the general and comprehensive scheme
of events originated and how it led up to the end. I therefore thought it quite necessary not
to leave unnoticed or allow to pass into oblivion this the finest and most beneficent of the
performances of Fortune. For though she is ever producing something new and ever playing a
part in the lives of men, she has not in a single instance ever accomplished such a work, ever
achieved such a triumph, as in our own times. We can no more hope to perceive this from
13 Reis 2011,18.
histories dealing with particular events than to get at once a notion of the form of the whole
world, its disposition and order, by visiting, each in turn, the most famous cities, or indeed
by looking at separate plans of each: a result by no means likely. He indeed who believes
that by studying isolated histories he can acquire a fairly just view of history as a whole, is,
as it seems to me, much in the case of one, who, after having looked at the dissevered limbs
of an animal once alive and beautiful, fancies he has been as good as an eyewitness of the
creature itself in all its action and grace. For could anyone put the creature together on the
spot, restoring its form and the comeliness of life, and then show it to the same man, I think
he would quickly avow that he was formerly very far away from the truth and more like one
in a dream. For we can get some idea of a whole from a part, but never knowledge or exact
opinion. Special histories therefore contribute very little to the knowledge of the whole and
conviction of its truth. It is only indeed by study of the interconnexion of all the particulars,
their resemblances and differences, that we are enabled at least to make a general survey, and
thus derive both benefit and pleasure from history”.
In this Polybian temporal perspective, local and private histories lose their importance,
since they lack the capacity to explain what is urgent from the end of the iii century BC: the
new present, qualified by the emergence of the universal empire, by the organicity of events
increasingly more connected and interdependent and by the expectation it engages in the
horizon of this fracture of temporality. Two passages of his work show this perception. In one
of them, Polybius says (8.2):
“I consider that a statement I often made at the outset of this work thus receives confirmation
from actual facts, I mean my assertion that it is impossible to get from writers who deal
with particular episodes a general view of the whole process of history. For how by the
bare reading of events in Sicily or in Spain can we hope to learn and understand either the
magnitude of the occurrences or the thing of greatest moment, what means and what form of
government Fortune has employed to accomplish the most surprising feat she has performed
in our times, that is, to bring all the known parts of the world under one rule and dominion,
a thing absolutely without precedent? For how the Romans took Syracuse and how they
occupied Spain may possibly be learnt from the perusal of such particular histories; but how
they attained to universal empire and what particular circumstances obstructed their grand
design, or again how and at what time circumstances contributed to its execution is difficult
to discern without a general history”.
As Sacks summarizes Polybius’ viewpoint, “the universal [historiographical] form can
reveal the structure of the unity of the oikoumene, whereas the monographic form cannot” 14.
The strength and speed of the events that made the Roman advance towards universal
supremacy had enhanced the connection of this present with the coming to be, with the
future and with what was expected of it: domination or submission of whom? Survival or
destruction of whom? Freedom or bondage to whom? What is the best constitution for
a state? All these inquiries had just been put before by several authors, but not at such a
universalizing level.
In contrast, both the weight and importance of the remote past and those of the local
past are lessened. It is no accident that for Polybius the importance of history is now to know
14 Sacks 1981, 110.

126 Daniel Barbo
by what means and under what constitutional system (politeia) the Romans, in less than 53
years, have managed to subject almost all the inhabited world to their government, a unique
fact in history. It does not matter any and all experience, but only those that explain the
process described previously.
The importance of the past is altered since Polybian method, the so-called pragmatic
history, has as its primary and conscious objective to provide political and military lessons
for a world in universal war facing a future now universally expected. This pedagogical
function of history peculiar to many Greek historians was described by Cicero as historia
magistra uitae, which, by exempla, would have lessons to teach. Curiously, in his work De
Oratore, Cicero did not include among the masters of eloquence the great Greek historian of
Rome whom he “treats with respect as a model in his letter to Lucceius, and as a historical
source in De Re Publica” 15.
From Polybian point of view, Timaeus, Theopompus, and Callisthenes are questionable,
reprehensible, if not false and liars. Their histories, unable to explain the organic whole and
to be pragmatic, become useless. They are also despised by Polybius for, not rarely, speaking
of a less important or irrelevant past, as well as being of no use in explaining the unique end
to which history henceforth drags the contemporaries of Polybius.
Therefore, for Polybius, any written work that does not contribute to explain the present
emergence of the empire and its inexorable flow towards the future loses its historical value.
Particular and local histories, a History of Sicily or a History of Italy, like those Timaeus had
written, no longer correspond to the notion of history conceived by Polybius. For this reason,
they can be underestimated (Pol. 12.23.7):
“The fact, in my opinion, is that Timaeus was sure that if Timoleon, who had sought
fame in a mere tea-cup, as it were, Sicily, could be shown to be worthy of comparison
with the most illustrious heroes, he himself, who treated only of Italy and Sicily,
could claim comparison with writers whose works dealt with the whole world and
with universal history”.
In a passage from Book 12, Polybius synthesizes once again the fundamental parts of his
method: political experience, autopsy or personal knowledge of the regions studied, and the
study and critique of written sources (12.25e):
“In the Same fashion systematic history (pragmatikes historias) too consists of three parts, the
first being the industrious study of memoirs and other documents and comparison of their
contents, the second the survey of cities, places, rivers, lakes, and in general all the peculiar
features of land and sea and the distances of one place from another, and the third being the
review of political events”.
For Polybius, the experience of a statesman who requires participation in political and
military affairs, experience that provides the presence in the regions and events of which
he wants to narrate, would be the fundamental attribute for anyone who wants to write
history (pragmatikè historia). This particular Polybian claim is in agreement with his theme:
a political and military narrative of events, a narrative that wants to leave for posterity the
15 Fantham 2004, 150.

Roman superiority and role within the societies of the Mediterranean world in the iii and
ii centuries BC as well as the historical universality that role presupposes 16.
The essential technique of Polybian method is therefore the autopsy. Political experience
is a means by which it would be more easily attained. Pragmatic History has some similarities
with what was conventionally called, at some point in the xx century, History of the Present.
Pragmatic History has as object of study a theme that unfolds during the historian’s own life
or close to it, because autopsy implies that he is limited to writing about the period that his
living memory can reach. As a result, it will always tend to the idea of an “unfinished history”,
which E. Hobsbawm and H. Rousso point out as the main feature of History of the Present 17.
As for the study and criticism of written sources, although Polybius recognizes in them
some importance (Pol. 12.25e), they play a very small role in his method, if not unnecessary.
The most remote past, and therefore written sources, and the particularized past have less
importance for the Polybian method precisely because of the new temporal perspective
on which he bases his writing of history: the universal present time tending to the futurity
which is the temporal cleavage of the somatoeidès metaphor, the corporeal substance of the
sense of time for Polybius.
Although Polybius warns (3.1.4-5) that his object of study – the subjection of the oikumenè
to the Roman domain – should be viewed as a single whole, with a recognized beginning
(220 BC), a fixed duration, and an end which is not a matter of dispute (168 BC), he feels the
need to go further in his narrative (3.4.5-9):
“I must append to the history of the above period an account of the subsequent policy of
the conquerors and their method of universal rule, as well as of the various opinions and
appreciations of their rulers entertained by the subjects, and finally I must describe what
were the prevailing and dominant tendencies and ambitions of the various peoples in their
private and public life. For it is evident that contemporaries will thus be able to see clearly
whether the Roman rule is acceptable or the reverse, and future generations whether their
government should be considered to have been worthy of praise and admiration or rather of
blame. And indeed it is just in this that the chief usefulness of this work for the present and
the future will lie”.
That’s the meaning of telos and skopos in his work: not only the usefulness of his work as
exempla for the present and future, but also the appreciation of what is still unfinished, the
future public judgment of the conquerors and conquered as worthy of praise or guilt. Not
only because history is seen as magistra uitae, but above all because the recent experience
of the Roman rule attracts inexorably the future. That universal present in increasing
discontinuity with the past establishes a universal dependence on its anticipated future:
– “For neither rulers themselves nor their critics should regard the end of action as being
merely conquest and the subjection of all to their rule” (Pol. 3.4.9-10);
16 Pédech 1964; Baron 2009.

17 Hobsbawm 2005; Rousso 2016.
128 Daniel Barbo
– “So the final end achieved by this work will be, to gain knowledge of what was the condition
of each people after all had been crushed and had come under the dominion of Rome, until
the disturbed and troubled time that afterwards ensued” (Pol. 3.4.12-13).
The conquests and the empire implied in this change of temporal perspective. Many
regions of the past have lost their importance because they cannot explain the new universal
condition between dominators and dominated; previous projects are abandoned and there
is a need to propose new waits 18.
Polybius’s Book 12 establishes an acute controversy with the historian Timaeus (350-
260 BC) when referring to the questions: what is the craft of the historian in the centuries that
witnessed the fall of the power of the Greek poleis and the advance of the universal Roman
power? Timaeus’ method of writing history had been much criticized by Polybius. For the
historian of Megalopolis, the historian of Tauromenium did not practice autopsy (Pol. 12.27-
28) or personal knowledge of the studied regions (12.3-4) and had no political experience
(12.25f-g), neglecting the most important part of the writing of history (the investigation).
Finally, he had over-reliance on written sources (12.25e). Polybius argued that “all the library
research in the world cannot make up for a lack of personal experience in seeing places and
witnessing events” 19.
If Timaeus was part of Polybius’ space of experience, Polybius could only write what he
wrote about Timaeus under the aura of a specific horizon of expectation: that of the one who,
at the imminence of a dominated and dependent Greek world, preferred to tell the history
of the glittering political constitution and the warlike glories of a people who welcomed him
and for whom he foresaw the domination of the whole world known under the foresight of
an instigating and overwhelming movement of universalization. In this context, the future
(and the writing of history) belonged to men of action, not to those of library like Timaeus;
it belonged to the front men, not to those seated in Athens.
The arguments put forward here in favor of the revelation of a new historical time in
the work of Polybius may add something to the analysis of F. Hartog regarding the general
temporal orientation of the ancient or pre-revolutionary historiography, all of them
considered by him as past-oriented. For the author, in pre-modern regimes of historicity:
“[...] o impulso para o futuro e para a vida era regulado fortemente pelo passado. O futuro
devia se inspirar nos gestos dos heróis, nos grandes eventos, nos costumes e regras trazidas
pela tradição. Era uma percepção do tempo histórico ‘passadista’: o presente devia se dirigir ao
futuro preservando e prolongando o passado. Não deveria haver uma ruptura entre o ‘espaço
de experiencia’ e o ‘horizonte de expectativa’: ‘quanto maior a experiência, mais prudente e
menos aberta é a expectativa’. [...] Esses regimes de historicidade pré-modernos, por mais
diferentes que fossem suas representações temporais, tinham em comum esse princípio
‘passadista’: o passado é o mestre do presente-futuro 20.
In the Polybian work, the disputes between Rome and Carthage and the consequent
venture of the Roman imperialism around the Mediterranean basin inaugurate a new
18 Reis 2011, 19-20.

19 Baron 2009, 9.
20 Reis 2019, 41-42.
temporality, establish a new regime of historicity. Polybius is the observer of this change and
his translator for the historiographical language.
He breaks with the historiographical tradition of local alterity of Herodotus and
Thucydides (and other historians) and inaugurates the universal multiplicity (if one wants
to emphasize the simultaneity of the conflicts) or the universal oneness (if one wants to
emphasize the growing Roman dominion) toward a unified future in the writing of history.
The Polybian work can be well described as the result of the perception of a gap between
past and future, a concept coined by H. Arendt:
“Whereby it would be of some relevance to notice that the appeal to thought arose in the odd
in-between period which sometimes inserts itself into historical time when not only the later
historians but the actors and witnesses, the living themselves, become aware of an interval in
time which is altogether determined by things that are no longer and by things that are not
yet. In history, these intervals have shown more than once that they may contain the moment
of truth” 21.
In fact, the experience of time in the Historias was dislocated. If they, on the one hand,
are still past-oriented (in which the past laid down the law), whose best definition is
bequeathed by the historia magistra uitae, on the other hand, they simultaneously express
an attraction for expectation, a growing universality of imperialism, an unequaled thrust
of the Roman Constitution in the Mediterranean waters, an imminent Roman domination.
This trace of expectation runs through the Polybian work. In his narrative, the power of
attraction governed by the totalizing and universalizing promise of the Imperium overrides
the local and partial experiences. The future came to have a greater power of explanation/
revelation to the present than the past. The past, in large measure, is rejected because it
contains bad examples (e.g. Timaeus). The future, as unifying and threatening, converges
into a topos more attractive, instructive and alive than the examples from the past. Finally,
the work of Polybius concentrates more on the potential of the future than on the ability to
learn from the past.
21 Arendt 1961, 9.
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