D EFI ANCE , A POSTCOLONIAL NOVEL

BY THE ETHIOPIAN ABBIE GUBEGNA: THE RIGHTS

OF A FREE PEOPLE UNDER ITALIAN FASCISM

Juan Miguel ZARANDONA

Universidad de Valladolid

This article seeks to divulge general knowledge about the varied and rich cul-
tural, linguistic and literary heritage of the oldest African nation, i.e., Ethiopia.
In addition, it studies in some detail the impact of European colonialism on that
heritage: firstly, Italian and then British colonialism, and finally the constant
struggle of the proud Ethiopian people for their freedom against any invader.
Among the literary examples provided as case studies, attention will be mainly
focused on a 1975 novel —Defiance— by the Ethiopian writer Abbie Gubegna.
This novel was published in English, but it is based on previous texts in Am-
haric, the national language of culture and literature. It clearly and effectively
symbolizes all the ideas in play: from the struggle against invading Italian Fas-
cism to the deep appreciation of Ethiopia’s indigenous culture. The article ends
with a discussion of postcolonial Ethiopian literature in English, which until now
remains largely unknown for many readers.
Key words: Ethiopia, Defiance, Abbie Gubegna, poscolonial literature, transla-
tion, Italian Fascism.

Defiance, una Novela P oscolonial Escrita por el Etíope Abbie Gubegna:

los Derechos de un P ueblo Libre bajo el Fascism o I taliano
El presente artículo busca difundir el conocimiento general de las ricas y múlti-
ples realidades culturales, lingüísticas y literarias de la nación más antigua de
África, Etiopía. Igualmente, se estudiará el impacto del colonialismo europeo
sobre estas realidades antes mencionadas, en especial el italiano, aunque tam-
bién el británico, y la lucha constante del orgulloso pueblo etíope por su libertad
ante cualquier invasor. Entre los ejemplos literarios que se aportarán para su
estudio, la mayor atención estará dedicada a una novela de un escritor etíope,
cuya novela de 1975, Defiance, escrita en inglés, aunque con antecedentes en
amhárico, la lengua culta nacional del país, simboliza todo lo expuesto de ma-
nera clara y efectiva: desde la lucha de liberación contra el fascismo italiano
invasor, hasta el aprecio por la cultura propia. Además, se defenderá la idea de
la existencia de una literatura poscolonial etíope en lengua inglesa, hecho ape-
nas conocido.

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Palabras clave: Etiopía, Defiance, Abbie Gubegna, literatura poscolonial, tra-

ducción, fascismo italiano.

1. Introduction
o begin with, it is not a very well–known fact that, from the late

T 1960s and early 1970s, most unexpectedly, a new postcolonial Afri-

can literature in English was born: that of Ethiopia, a nation that
officially did not know direct British colonial rule and that has always been a
country proud of its political and cultural independence. But the wish for
greater international audiences and worldwide recognition prompted a se-
ries of writers to adopt English as a second literary language of choice. Ab-
bie Gubegna was one of the leaders of this movement that first started
translating fiction and poetry formerly written in Amharic, the official lan-
guage and first national language of culture, and then producing original
output in a peculiar form of hybrid English, which was provided with an
unavoidable Amharic flavour in words and phrasing. And, although Abbie
Gubegna has proved to be a very prolific full–time writer, Defiance is
probably his most reputed work of fiction in English.
2. Ethiopia
Commonplace remarks are very popular when referring to the
Ethiopian nation, its unique history and brilliant culture, while sound visions
of its peculiar realities are very scarce. Both claims are not only true, but
the former ‘commonplace remarks’ can also easily be studied in much more
detail, whereas the latter scarce ‘sound visions’ should be promoted to a
greater extent.
The claims that Ethiopia is a millenarian nation (one of the oldest
nations in the world), an ancient Christian kingdom, the only African state
that managed to stave off the onslaught of European occupation and en-
joyed continuous sovereignty throughout and beyond the so–called Scram-
ble of Africa of the late 19th century, a respected and equal member of the
early 20th century international League of Nations (Meredith 2006: 4), which
Ethiopia joined in 1923, are not all necessarily true or entirely true.
However old and prestigious this ancient and unique African nation
might have been, it was not prevented from suffering the threat of continu-
ous attempts at European colonisation that lasted many more years and
decades than those of the brief and traumatic Italian occupation from 1936
and 1941, when British Empire Forces together with patriot Ethiopian fight-
ers liberated Ethiopia in the course of the World War II East African Cam-
paign (Pankhurst 1983: 148–165).

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2.1. A millenarian Christian nation

The legendary history of Abyssinia – its Arabic name – or Ethiopia
begins with the visit of the Biblical Queen of Sheba to King Solomon in Je-
rusalem in the 10th century BC. Their son, Menelik I, was to be the first
monarch of the founding dynasty of the nation and a head of a monarchy
reputed to finding their legitimacy in the fact of being a direct descent of
such a King and Queen.
Historically an intersection of African and Middle Eastern civilisa-
tions, the 7th century BC experienced the first great migrations of Semitic
tribes from the Arabian Peninsula to the Ethiopian high plateau, which has
ever since marked the hybrid nature of the nation, its race and culture.
Around a century later, i.e. the sixth century BC, one of these hy-
brid Arabic foundations, the kingdom–city of Axum, became preponderant
and the precursor of the entire Ethiopian nation and kingdom (McEvedy
1995: 34). Axum reached the height of its power between the second and
mid–fourth centuries AD, when the Kings of Axum or Aksum enlarged the
area under their direct control and Christianity settled down in the area due
to the conversion of King Ezana around the year 355.
Christianity in Africa is sometimes thought of as a European import
that arrived with colonialism, but this is not the case in Ethiopia. The King-
dom of Aksum was one of the first nations to adopt Christianity officially,
when St Frumentius of Tyre, called Abba Selama (Father of Peace) in Ethio-
pia, and groups of Christians arrived in the region from 316 AD, converted
the aforementioned King Ezana during the fourth century AD, and eventu-
ally caused Christianity to be proclaimed the official state religion.
Regarding Ethiopia and Christianity, the following additional facts
must also be appreciated (McEvedy 1995: 40):
- The Gospel entered Ethiopia even earlier: probably with the royal
official described as being baptised by Philip the Evangelist in chap-
ter nine of the Acts of the Apostles.
- For 500 AD, as Rome’s sun was setting, Abyssinia emerged as the
first royal house outside Rome’s direct sphere of influence to adopt
Christianity as the official religion of the nation.
- This second–oldest Christian nation has always maintained its Chris-
tian character since the fourth century AD thanks to the Ethiopian
Orthodox Christian Church, the daughter of the Patriarchy of the
Egyptian city of Alexandria, and closely associated with Egyptian
Coptic Christians.

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But neither the memory of King Solomon and the Queen of Sheba,
its sound Christian credentials, rich cultural and written literary tradition nor
continuous political independence saved Ethiopia from colonialism or pre-
vented its people and lands from grabbing the attention of the imperial
European nations of the time, in other words, Italy and the United Kingdom.
2.2. Ethiopia and Italy
The first Italian advances in the Horn of Africa region date back to
the 1870s when Italian companies first settled in the city of Assab on the
Red Sea (Pakenham 2006: 681–694). Years later, in 1882, the Italian gov-
ernment took over this city of Assab, and soon after a second city in the
area evacuated by the Egyptians: Massawa. This was the origin of the Ital-
ian colony of Eritrea – a region frequently regarded as Ethiopian – located
north of Ethiopia proper, and of the direct interventions of Italy in the politi-
cal life of the African nation, i.e. after King John had been killed fighting the
Sudanese Mahdists rebels, much infighting succeeded and Menelik II could
proclaim himself Emperor only with Italian backing on 2 May 1889. Conse-
quently, he could not avoid signing the Treaty of Wichale with Italians on 6
September 1889, recognising Italy’s ‘special interest’ in his country
(McEvedy 1995: 112). Indeed, the Italians had never made a secret of their
intentions in Africa, as during the Berlin Conference in 1884, they notified
the Powers, according to the requirements of the Berlin Act, that Italy
claimed the entire Ethiopian empire as an Italian protectorate (Pakenham
2006: 473).
This Treaty supposedly sought to promote eternal peace and
friendship between Ethiopia and Italy, which it did not do from the very
beginning. It was soon disclosed that the bilingual document, which was
written in Amharic and Italian, presented a dramatic difference in the word-
ing of its Section 17. The Amharic version said that Ethiopia might use the
services of the Italian government to contact other European governments.
However, the Italian version stated very firmly that Ethiopia had to use the
services of the Italians to deal with other European powers, which was in-
deed a loss of sovereignty. When Menelik II realised that he had been
cheated, he rushed to denounce the Treaty and Italian claims, but it was
too late. Italy had taken advantage of the ambiguity to regard Ethiopia as a
protectorate, to communicate the fact to the rest of the European powers,
and to get the international approval of the de facto situation. The British
government, for example, recognised this Italian protectorate over Ethiopia
in 1891.
In the early 1890s, Italy was still completing the conquest of Eritrea
and, with British permission, taking over Zanzibar’s stake in what was going
to be known as Italian Somaliland. But as soon as they freed themselves

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from the urgency associated with those colonial ventures, they resumed
their unfinished Ethiopian affair and were determined to place a definite
squeeze on the Abyssinian nation – an annexationist aim that they did not
ever try to hide.
Finally, in 1895, the Italians began the invasion of Ethiopia from Eri-
trea with 10 000 European troops, but, to their grief, they not only underes-
timated the Ethiopians’ capacity of reaction to the ordeal and their warring
equipment, but they were also unfamiliar with the land and made many
tactical mistakes.
His Majesty Menelik II, King of Kings, staged a dramatic call to
wage war on the enemy and soon 100 000 men gathered and moved north
to save their nation and their independence. On 1 March 1896, they finally
beat the Italians in the Battle of Adowa, a town just south of the Eritrean–
Abyssinian border, where Menelik’s troops crushed the forces of Italian
Generals Baratieri and Baldissera, killing around 15000 Italian soldiers and
taking thousands of prisoners.
The Ethiopians surprised the world by defeating a colonial power
and remaining independent under the rule of Menelik II. Under the shadow
of those fantastic peaks at Adowa, Italy endured the bloodiest defeat – a
catastrophe – ever endured by a colonial power in Africa (Pakenham 2006:
475). The whole of Europe learned about that African nation that wiped out
a colonial army.
By signing a new Treaty Italy soon had to recognise Ethiopia’s un-
qualified independence in exchange for Italian prisoners, and it was forced
to give up its claims to Abyssinia and its hope of linking Eritrea with Somali-
land (McEvedy 1995: 114). However, Ethiopia still agreed to let Italy keep
Eritrea (González–Núñez 2006: 105–106).This concession on the part of
Ethiopia had been the source of much conflict and warfare, and it meant
that the desire for the independence of Eritrea, as a different nation from
Ethiopia, was born and determined to persevere. After World War II, Eritre-
ans wanted independence but eventually (in 1952) found themselves feder-
ated with Ethiopia whether they liked it or not (McEvedy 1995: 120). Eritrea
gained its independence from Ethiopia after a bloody war, de facto in 1991,
and de jure in 1993.
However, that was not going to be the end of the story. Forty years
after the Italian defeat, Italian dictator Benito Mussolini who invented Fas-
cism took revenge.
Adowa – that short word – was synonymous with shame and dis-
honour for the Italian people for many years. As late as 1935, national poet
D’Annunzio declared that he still felt the shameful scar of Adowa on his

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back.
His words did not fall on deaf ears. On 3 October 1935, the Italians
invaded Abyssinia again: that supposedly friendly–allied nation from 1896.
Mussolini was determined not only to wipe out the memory of Adowa, but
also to construct an East African Italian Empire – an Empire under the sun,
as he referred to it – and this time things were done better. The invasion
started from Eritrea in the North and Italian Somaliland in the South. He
deployed the most powerful army that the African continent had ever seen,
sending half a million troops, under the command of General Pietro Ba-
doglio, with aerial bombardment and poison gas (González–Núñez 2006:
105).
After a seven–month campaign, Abyssinian resistance was broken,
and on 5 May 1936, Italian forces captured the capital, Addis Ababa. Soon
after that, on 9 May, Ethiopia was turned into an Italian province to be
added to the Italian possessions in Eritrea and Somaliland, and Mussolini
announced the creation of the Eastern Africa Fascist Empire (McEvedy
1995: 120; Meredith 2006: 4–5).
The Ethiopian army and people again offered a fierce resistance,
but it was insufficient this time. The so–called patriots – or popular militia or
guerrilla army – even made an attempt against the life of Italian Vice–Roy
Graziani in 1937.
Emperor Haile Selassie had previously managed to flee into exile in
England on 2 May 1936. Soon after, on 30 July 1936, he participated in a
plenary session of the League of Nations in Geneva (Switzerland). It was a
fully momentous historical speech: he demanded the justice due to his peo-
ple very emphatically, and claimed that at stake was not only the very exis-
tence of the League of Nations, but also the principles of international legal-
ity. In dire straits, he had to wait five years in exile in the city of Bath.
Haile Selassie, the Negus, definitely knew about the threats to his
nation, but wrongly sought the support of the United Kingdom and the
League of Nations, of which Ethiopia was a full member, and the principles
of international law would suffice and work to protect them. But Mussolini
proved that he did not care about international law or the principles of the
League of Nations. And England did not risk intervening in a worthless ef-
fort to save a peace that was not to last much longer anyway (González–
Núñez 2006: 144–145).
2.3. Ethiopia and the United Kingdom
The second European power with a colonial history in Ethiopia was
the United Kingdom. The first instance of this was the invasion of British

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troops suffered by the African kingdom in 1867 during the reign of King–
Emperor Theodore II.
Theodore was the providential figure that the country demanded in
one of its worst historical predicaments: he saved it from chaos and re-
stored royal power over provincial barons with manic determination. But he
was also a capricious and proud individual. In 1864, because Queen Victoria
did not reply to one of his letters, he summoned the British Consul before
him, put him in irons and incarcerated him in the fortress of Magdala. To
get him out, the British had to send an army from India, an expedition of
redcoats in 1867. This force, under the command of General Robert Napier
and 32 000 strong, duly marched from Massawa, on the Red Sea, to Mag-
dala, building its own railway as it went. They brought Theodore to heel,
captured the fortress and released the Consul in April 1868 and then re-
turned to India. Disraeli’s government had no plans then for a new Africa
colony. From a financial point of view, it was a disaster that cost the British
(and Indian) taxpayer nine million pounds (Pakenham 2006: 681–683).
But things were much worse for Ethiopia and its King. As Napier
marched back to the coast, he left the local warlords to scramble for the
imperial throne among themselves (Pakenham 2006: 470–471). After Mag-
dala was captured, Theodore committed suicide by shooting himself with a
revolver sent to him by the very Queen Victoria. He appeared to have la-
boured in vain (McEvedy 1995: 107–108).
Many years later, when Mussolini invaded Ethiopia, the United
Kingdom supposedly played the role of liberator and guarantor of the inde-
pendence of the African nation. But things were not so simple and honour-
able.
The whole world of civilized and independent nations accepted the
Italian conquest, as the British government officially did in 1938. The prior-
ity was not to cross Mussolini. None of the protests and petitions from the
exiled Emperor were answered. But in June 1940, everything changed:
Mussolini declared war on France and the United Kingdom. After four years
of solitary resistance, the Ethiopian patriots thought that the Allies were
finally going to support them and their cause.
The British undoubtedly also wanted to beat the Italians in Ethiopia
and favour the insurrection, but their overall plans for the country were very
different from those of the Emperor’s and his fighters. In other words:
1) They never criticised the Italian conquest.
2) They never recognised the Emperor and his government.
3) They did not support a newly independent Ethiopia, but a protec-

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torate administered by a European power.

For example, during War World II, the BBC refused to broadcast the
Ethiopian national anthem, as it used to do with the anthems of other allied
countries: France, Poland, Luxembourg, etc. And on 4 December 1940, a
Memorandum issued by the foreign office stated that the Italian sovereignty
over Ethiopia was legal, that the war did not make the country an inde-
pendent state, that it could not be regarded as an allied nation, and that
the British government felt free to take any decision on its future.
Consequently, when the British troops liberated Ethiopia, they acted
in full accord with these political decisions and the Ethiopian people’s strug-
gle for independence and decolonisation began. The sequence of dates is
self–explanatory:
- January 19, 1941: The allied army entered Ethiopia through the
Sudanese border. It took the British a few months to expel the Ital-
ians. All prominence, initiative and leadership was monopolised by
the British, who never assigned the Ethiopians anything other than
a secondary role.
- January 20, 1941: Haile Selassie, the Emperor, also crossed the Su-
danese–Ethiopian border, but the British made every possible effort
to prevent him from entering Addis Ababa, once liberated.
- May 5, 1941: The Emperor was finally allowed to enter the capital,
but not as an independent sovereign resuming his kingdom, as a
full British occupation regime was firmly established.
- 1941–1942: British occupation of the territory continued under the
command of Sir Philip Mitchell who, from Nairobi, was appointed
head of the so–called Occupied Enemy Territory Administration
(OETA). He was a confirmed enemy of an independent Africa. The
former leaders of the nation were not granted any role.
- 1942: First port–war Anglo–Ethiopian Agreement. It was a step
forward in the decolonisation process, as the British accepted
Ethiopia’s right to independence, but with many limitations. Most of
the territory and the political power remained in British hands.
- 1944: Second Anglo–Ethiopian Agreement. The devolution process
continued, but entire regions such as the Ogaden and other re-
stricted areas were still kept under British control.
- 1948: The Anglo–Ethiopian Protocol. Among other concessions, the
Ogaden was returned to the Ethiopian government.
- 1954: Third Anglo–Ethiopian Agreement. Ethiopia was definitively

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granted full independence and sovereignty.

- 1955: Twenty years later, the British military administration aban-
doned the country and the colonisation–decolonisation process was
terminated.
3. The multilingual literature of Ethiopia
The introduction of writing skills to Africa was by no means a con-
sequence of Western colonisation. For example, a substantial amount of
poetry had previously been written in the Islamised areas of black Africa,
using the Arabic script. And prior to that, the written art had been known
and widely practised in the oldest Christian country of the continent, Ethio-
pia.
In modern time, sub–Saharan Africa has generated an impressive
amount of creative writing. Much of it is couched in the three colonial lan-
guages: English, French and Portuguese. But imaginative works have also
been produced in some fifty African languages. Apart from English, South
Africa has other literary languages such as Afrikaans, Xhosa, Sotho and
Zulu. And Nigeria has Hausa, Igbo, Yoruba and Arabic (Gérard 1993a: 15).
This reality derives from the fact that the vast majority of African
countries are polyethnic, multilingual states. Consequently, the great major-
ity of the African population is used to speaking, enjoying or enduring two
or more languages in their ordinary lives (Bolekia–Boleká 2001: 31). And
Ethiopia’s linguistic reality is no exception to this rule. And, in each lan-
guage, the “national” literature is made up of several linguistic strains
(Gérard 1993a: 17–18), and Africa and the study of her literature cannot
but benefit by the systematic application of the multilingual and interna-
tional outlook that is specific to comparative literature (Gérard 1993a: 20).
Another African reality, similar to that of other cultural areas such
as the Indian Ocean or the West Indies, is the African writers’ conflict when
choosing their literary languages: writing in their own native languages,
writing in an indigenised version of their European language of choice or
writing in the literary standard of the foreign language, with all the identity,
hybridisation and reception implications of their decision (Díaz–Narbona
2007: 18–19). In general, most African writers claim that what matters
most to them is to feel free to choose the language they want without inter-
ference and internal conflict, avoiding, if possible, the so–called extreme
positions symbolised by the Achebe–Nguni debate (Díaz–Narbona 2007:
18–19).
Ethiopia, as an African country, shares not only many of theses re-
alities and cultural conflicts, but also presents very marked peculiarities of

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its own.
3.1. Geez
History and Literary History teach that when the Ethiopian Christian
Church was founded in the fourth century AD, political power was in the
hands of the Aghazi people who had established the empire of Axum. It
was their dialect, Geez, that was used for translating the Gospels and other
sacred books. For a long time, this Geez literature was limited to transla-
tions of religious books from the Arabic and the Greek: they included the
Scriptures – the Old and the New Testaments – and the lives of the saints
and other holy books. Secular writings in the form of chronicles of the suc-
cessive Ethiopian monarchs and their reigns were also compiled, such as
the monumental Kebra Nagast or the “Glory of the Kings”, a literary store-
house of legend and tradition. But the most important literary achievement
in the language is a form of hymnal poetry known as qenè (Gérard 1993b:
24).
By the thirteenth century, original religious and didactic works in
Geez were appearing, together with some translations of Arabic writings.
And it is also true that the language continued to be used in writing until
the beginning of the present century, although it was meaningless to all but
a small number of Church–educated Ethiopians (Beer 1986: 982–983).
3.2. Amharic
By the 10th century AD, the centre of gravity of the empire had
moved south to Amhara country, where a different language – Amharic –
was spoken. This language, today’s first language of multilingual Ethiopia, is
the second Semitic language in the World, after Arabic, and has its own
alphabet, inherited from the old Geez alphabet.
But although Amharic became the dominant everyday dialect then,
Geez remained in use for religious and scholarly writing. And although it
was practised only by a thin, elite layer of the population, which was closely
connected with the power of the Church and State, it retained its status as
Ethiopia’s cultural tongue, and its function was similar to that of Latin in
Western Europe or Greek in the Byzantine Empire.
However, some writing, mainly poetry, began to be produced in
Amharic in the 15th century, covering the secular spheres of life. Because of
its secular inspiration, it differed greatly from Geez poetry. It consists
mainly of war songs and praise poems in honour of the political and military
rulers of the time.
But at the end of the 19th century, Emperor Theodore II realised
that the conservative theocratic structure of the country was anachronistic

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and that if Ethiopia was to preserve her independence in the face of

Europe’s encroachments in Africa, some modernisation was called for. This
remained the policy of his successors, Menelik II and Haile Selassie.
One aspect of this process is the fact that the Ethiopian emperors
encouraged the growth of a Western–type literature in Amharic, importing
European genres and subject matters. Thanks to the introduction of the
printing press, a few novels had been published by the time Ethiopia was
conquered by Italy (1936). The massacres perpetrated by General Graziani
destroyed a large part of the Ethiopian elite, but after the Fascist defeat in
1941, a new generation of writers came to the fore and Amharic writing
was resumed and flourished with a remarkable number of novels and plays
reflecting the evolution of Ethiopian society (Gérard 1993b: 25).
Consequently, it can be claimed that Amharic, a vernacular for cen-
turies, had to wait until the twentieth century to become a fully accepted
literary language. The early 1900s saw the beginnings of serious Amharic
writing and, although early Amharic writing tended to be infused with moral
didacticism in one form or another, influenced as it was by the traditional
association of the Geez written word with ethical instruction, it acquired an
ever–increasing sophistication, and much quality work is to be found in the
growing body of Amharic literature, which now ranges from serious and
original prose to popular poetry (Beer 1986: 983).
3.3. Italian
According to the Summer Institute of Linguistics Ethnologue listings
of the languages of the world (Gordon 2005), Ethiopia has 89 known lan-
guages, 84 living and 5 extinct. Geez, still the official liturgical language of
the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, is among the extinct ones. The living ones
comprise Amharic, the main official language of the nation, and English,
also granted some official recognition as the language of higher education
and international communication. Conversely, the Italian language has not
left any trace in Ethiopia. So it cannot be regarded as a postcolonial Ethio-
pian language at all. The invasion trauma was probably too painful to make
Ethiopians keep any interest in this European language.
Eritrea and Somalia, however, together with English, still have Ital-
ian as a minority living language in their countries, and have known some
colonial and postcolonial literature in Italian. History accounts for these
differences. Italy ruled Eritrea from much before 1890, when the colony
was formally consolidated, to 1940. The Italian Somaliland was founded as
an Italian colony in 1889 and became independent from Italy as late as 1
July 1960, when it joined the British Somaliland, independent just a few
days before, on 26 June 1960. And above all, they never experienced such

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a traumatic relationship with their metropolis.

But the lack of any lasting presence of Italian in Ethiopia did not
mean that the colonial experience was not told in a local postcolonial lan-
guage. It was told, but in vernacular Amharic and European English.
3.4. English
Literature in a European language, i.e. English, evolved in Ethiopia
in the early 1960s, adding a new arrival to the country’s literary tradition,
which dates back almost two thousand years.
Contemporary Ethiopian authors have turned to English whenever
they have written in a language other than the indigenous first literary lan-
guage, Amharic. Few non–Ethiopians can read Amharic with its unique syl-
labic script, and Ethiopian writers have thus felt the same artistic and eco-
nomic impulses that have moved other African authors to use English or
French in order to attempt international recognition.
Furthermore, as a result of the aftermath of World War II, English
replaced French as the accepted second language of Ethiopia and the lan-
guage officially used in all secondary and higher education, as well as in the
diplomatic sphere and much of the business sector. In 1961, the Haile
Selassie I University (now Addis Ababa University) was inaugurated. Its
English Department was initially able to stress a high standard of compe-
tence in the language and encouraged creative writing in English through a
number of publications, notably the literary journal Something. Other short–
lived key titles from the early sixties that were published in English were:
Menen, Addis Reported and the Ethiopian Mirror. They were survived by the
Ethiopia Observer, which has been instrumental in presenting some impor-
tant English translations of Amharic writing.
Unlike other African literatures in English that emerged at approxi-
mately the same time, Ethiopian literature in English has always been con-
current with a strong output of writing in the country’s official language,
Amharic. Moreover, Ethiopian literature in both Amharic and English is
strongly influenced by centuries of writing in Geez, the old Ethiopian literary
language, which still survives as a liturgical language in the Ethiopian Or-
thodox Church (Beer 1986: 982).
English translations from Amharic, Geez and one or two other
Ethiopian languages have usually directly preceded significant creative work
in English by Ethiopian writers, and one suspects a stimulus–response rela-
tionship (Beer 1986: 983).

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3.5. Similarities and differences

The previous overview of the multilingual literature of Ethiopia
makes it possible to elaborate a list of similarities and differences between
this nation’s national literature and the literary realities of other African
countries and communities:
• The regular distinction between a precolonial African literature, defined
as anonymous, traditional, kept by anthropologists and missionaries,
oral, difficult to translate, and written (said) in a vernacular African lan-
guage, and a modern one, usually written in a European language, and
which is heir to the colonial experience, enjoys an international recep-
tion, and has a known author (García–Ramírez 1999: 26–27), is not
valid for Ethiopia. Ethiopia’s privileged vernacular – or vernaculars –
was always an able instrument for high written culture.
• The fact that the vernacular languages do not enjoy official recognition,
and their use is not normalised for administration or education, which
enable them to become proper vehicles of modern literary production
(García–Ramírez 1999: 27), is not valid either for Ethiopia. Amharic en-
joys official recognition and has historically been developed to become
a vehicle for modern life and literary creation.
• The claim that European languages may allow greater international au-
diences for African writers, but that they will never reach their own
people whose literacy percentage levels in those foreign languages are
very low (García–Ramírez 1999: 27) is valid for Ethiopia as a case
study, where English is clearly an elite or minority language. The lan-
guage issue, whether for literary purposes or for any other domain of
life, is always difficult in Africa. Ethiopia’s multilingual national literature
is no exception to this rule. Some are against European languages be-
cause they are interpreted as a remainder of colonialism, notoriously
the Kenyan writer Ngũgĩ wa Thiong'o (1938– ), formerly known as
James Ngugi. Some are against vernaculars because there are too
many and they will only limit communication even among Africans
themselves, much more than European languages do, and between Af-
ricans and the rest of the world. The Nigerian Chinua Achebe (1930– )
is the most popular supporter of this approach (García–Ramírez 1999:
60). Others favour the use of non–standard, indigenised, hybrid, Africa–
developed varieties of the European languages, which have proved to
be a polemical option that has not been practised extensively, apart
from some local ethnic and linguistic chromatism (García–Ramírez
1999: 28–29).

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3.5.1. Summary of Ethiopian literature in English

The following informative table on the origin and first developments
of the postcolonial Ethiopian literature in English arises from the brief but
complete overview provided by David Beer (1986: 982–998). It is funda-
mental to focus our attention on the fact that ‘translation’ played a key role
in the progress of this postcolonial literature in English and how it worked
as a bridge facilitating the transit from Amharic to English original literature:

1955 Makonnen Endalkachew (1892–1963)

One short novel and two plays
Translations from Amharic
Typical Amharic literature topics: preserve traditional values and
promulgate the teaching of the Church
1957 Anonymous
On the Eve of Battle
Geez traditional poem translated
by Meghistu Lemma and Sylvia Pankhurst
Patriotic verse, hymnology heavily reliant on biblical allusion
1961 Tadesse Liben
Truth. Short story
Translation from Amharic
1962 Anonymous
Something
Translation of a Tigrinya poem
Poetry of social protest
1962 Imru Haile Selassie (b. 1892)
Fitawrari Balay (novel)
Translation from Amharic
Stock moralistic romance
1962 Ashenafi Kebade (b. 1937)
Confession
First Ethiopian novel in English
The story of an Ethiopian in America
Typical didactism of Geez and Amharic writing
1963 Tsegaye Gabre–Medhim (b. 1936)
Tewodros. Historical play
Azmari. Historical play
Ethiopian leading playwright
Many plays in Amharic and English
Adapted Shakespeare and Molière to Amharic

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 Defiance, a Postcolonial Novel

1963 Eshetu Cole

Poetry in English
The Traveller
That’s How We Move Away
1963 Tsegaye Gabre–Medhim (b. 1936)
Poetry in English
What Price the Wound we Opened
In the Tender Eye of Our Love
1964 Afawarq Gabre Yesus (1868–1947)
Tobbya
Translation of the first novel ever printed in Amharic in 1909
Moralistic story
1964 Sahle Sellassie
Shinega’s Village
Translation by the author from the Chaha language
Popular writer of novels and short stories in Amharic
1964 Menghistu Lemma (b. 1925)
Marriage by Abduction (drama)
Translation from Amharic
A satirical comedy of manners
The problem of reconciling tribal marriage customs and modern ones
1965 Tsegaye Gabre–Medhim (b. 1936)
Oda–Oak Oracle. Play
Tribal life and values
1968 Sahle Sellassie
The Afersata (his second novel)
Written in English
Communal life of a peasant society
Published by Heinemann Educational – African Writers Series
1969 Solomon Deressa (b. 1937)
Poetry in English. French and Amharic
Prayer
Abyssinian Sixties
1970 Menghistu Lemma (b. 1925)
The Marriage of Unequals (drama)
Translation from Amharic. Produced both in Amharic and English
Comedy of manners
1973 Daniachew Worku
The Thirteen Sun
Next English novel by an Ethiopian author
Conflict between past and present time in contemporary Ethiopia
Initially banned in Ethiopia

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1974 Sahle Sellassie

Warrior King
Historical novel: the life of Emperor Theodore,
the cultural hero in Ethiopian fact and fiction
Subject of considerable amount of Amharic literature
Published by Heinemann Educational – African Writers Series
1977 Tsegaye Gabre–Medhim (b. 1936)
Collision of Altars. Play
Experimental verse drama
Total theatre: dance, mime, African masks and rituals, etc.

David Beer also makes explicit his own opinion and critical views of
the Ethiopian literature in English that he has studied:
Daniachew Worku’s unusual novel, the poetry of Solomon Deressa,
and the drama and poems of Tsegaye Gabre–Medhim are undoubt-
edly the high points of over twelve years of Ethiopian writing in
English – writing which, although not occupying a very considerable
position in the canon of English creative literature in Africa, is still
worthy of attention (Beer 1986: 997).
He also adds a general comment on the future of this literature
from his temporal viewpoint: “Writing in the late seventies, one does not
know what to predict for the future of Ethiopian literature in English” (Beer
1986: 998). Today, from an early 21st century perspective, it can be claimed
that this national literature in English does not seem to have rendered any
number of great works or writers as yet, but more research is probably still
needed into the matter.
4. A postcolonial national literature?
Can Ethiopia claim to have produced, for better or worse, a post-
colonial national literature in English? This is a most intriguing question,
especially after having analysed that the country was neither aloof nor unaf-
fected by European colonialism and postcolonialism – which indeed ex-
tended from before 1867 to 1955 – as is commonly thought (the only Afri-
can nation not to experience the yoke of colonial rule).
In other words, Ethiopia has a long and traumatic colonial and post-
colonial past that lasted around one century, involving two colonial Euro-
pean powers: Italy and the United Kingdom. That experience has also en-
joyed some literary treatment in one of the main European–African lan-
guages: English. And it is a treatment that presents very peculiar traits, due
to the existence of a very strong literary tradition in some of its vernacular
languages.

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Regarding the ‘postcolonial’ concept, the literature on Postcolonial

Studies has traditionally envisaged two different approaches:
1) A periodising or chronological term, i.e. colonial territories that had
been decolonised were postcolonial and to describe a literary work
or a writer as “postcolonial” was to name a period, a discrete his-
torical moment, not a project or politics (Lazarus 2004: 2; Vega
2003: 17–18).
2) An ideological or political concept that tried to subvert and reorder
any unequal power relationship, over and above the historical phe-
nomenon known as ‘colonialism’, seen under the viewpoint of the
colonial–postcolonial dichotomy (Vega 2003: 17–18). The field of
study of Postcolonial Theory must focus on the relationship be-
tween conquerors and conquered – which is seen as a universal
fact that can be experienced nowadays in the inequalities of down-
town Los Angeles due to the consequences of globalisation (San
Juan 1999: 2–4).
Whatever the concept involved, literary writing has always been a
powerful vehicle for the colonial discourse of superiority as well as the post-
colonial resistance against those myths of racial, cultural or political superi-
ority (Vega 2003: 17–18). The Ethiopian postcolonial literature in English
has not only the right to be termed ‘postcolonial’ due to its colonial history
and chronology, but also due to its universal expression of unequal power
relationships and the resistance strategies applied against it. The novel
Defiance, by Abbie Gubegna, published in postcolonial Ethiopia in 1975, and
dealing with a traumatic colonial experience, constitutes an outstanding
example of the aforementioned claim.
5. Abbie Gubegna
Abbie Gubegna (b. 1934) was intentionally omitted in the previous
section on Ethiopian literature in English. He was already a reputed journal-
ist, who had the opportunity to travel to the US, and a popular writer in
Amharic when he started to write in English. In 1964 he produced his first
work in English, a play entitled The Savage Girl, which was the first one to
be written in English by an Ethiopian. And in 1975 he published Defiance,
set in 1937 during the Italian occupation, and a timely reminder to Ethiopi-
ans of the hardships suffered once before under oppressive rule. David Beer
considers that it is well written, effective and full of vivid descriptions of the
atrocities perpetrated by the fascists and the hillside battles. He also em-
phasised the division of the people between those who collaborated with
the Italians and the rebels, and the resistance in general (1986: 988–989).

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6. Defiance
The story of Defiance is set in 1937 during the Italian occupation of
Addis Ababa: the capital city of the nation and a place where the horrors of
war form the background to the lives of a group of freedom–fighters, col-
laborators with the invading regime and Fascist oppressors. It presents in
vivid detail the Ethiopian vision of those trying years and the strategies of
resistance developed against the Fascist Italian invader. In other words,
Defiance can be termed a unique example of conflicting rights and compet-
ing discourses during the years of the Italian invasion, made fiction and
published years later, in 1975, under the new shelter of an emerging post-
colonial context being experienced by Ethiopian letters in those years.
The novel is fully postcolonial for its chronology and for its ideologi-
cal mindset, but it is possible to be more precise and make use of the ty-
pology proposed by Peter Hallward, which can be summarised as follows:
Colonial: clear–cut and absolute hierarchical distinction between
ruler and ruled. Division and conflict: forced labour, intimidation,
pressure, the police, taxation, theft and rape.
Postcolonial: More consensual, harmonious domain, multiple identi-
ties, travelling theory, migration, Diaspora, cultural synthesis and
mutation.
Countercolonial: liberation struggle, keep the primary Manicheism
that governed colonial society, a world of constituent antagonisms
and sharply demarcated interests, militant and partisan by defini-
tion, engagement, position, mobilisation, division and conflict (Hall-
ward 2001: xiii–xiv).
Under this new light, Defiance can be termed an almost perfect ex-
ample of ‘countercolonial’ literature, and be interpreted by the power of a
term that has already been mentioned: ‘resistance’, clearly implied by its
title, or ‘literary resistance’, which has been defined as follows: “that cate-
gory of literary writing which emerges as an integral part of an organized
struggle or resistance for national liberation” (Slemon 1996: 77–78). In
1975, the need for resistance against the Italian invader was long overdue,
but not the idea, postcolonial and universal, to resist an abusive and intrud-
ing power that must be added to the exercise of necessary remembrance in
search of collective catharsis.
It is well known to the postcolonial study of colonialism and the
long and discontinuous process of decolonisation that the colonised were
never successfully pacified and that there is abundant evidence of native
disaffection and dissent under colonial rule, and of contestation and strug-

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 Defiance, a Postcolonial Novel

gle against diverse forms of institutional and ideological domination (Parry

1996: 84–85). It is also well known that resistance against colonialism and
imperialism has taken many forms and that any imperial or colonial rule
necessarily breeds resistance because, unless people are totally disempow-
ered, some at least are likely to question the imposition of others’ ways
upon their own (Wisker 2007: 59). But fiction or fictional literature is proba-
bly the most powerful and time–enduring form or means of ‘resistance’ and
‘defiance’, as Defiance proves.
7. Defiance and translation
As the translation of former works written in Amharic was abso-
lutely instrumental in the formation of a local national literature written in
English, an analysis of how translation has marked Defiance will undoubt-
edly render great results in order to assess the originality and characteris-
tics of such a novel.
7.1. Defiance and domesticating/foreignising translation
Theory proposals elaborated by the new autonomous discipline of
Translation Studies (see Munday 2001) include the dichotomy ‘flu-
ency/foreignism’ as two opposed translation strategies or methods (Robin-
son 1998). Regarding the former, Lawrence Venuti also uses the term ‘do-
mesticating translation’ or ‘domestication’ to describe this translation strat-
egy in which a transparent, fluent style is adopted in order to minimise the
strangeness of the foreign text for TL readers (Venuti 1995: 1–42). Venuti
also argues that domestication is the predominant strategy in Anglo–
American culture, and that this is consistent with the asymmetrical literary
relations of dominance that generally exist between this and other cultures
(Shuttleworth 1997: 43–44):
A translated text, whether prose or poetry, fiction or non–fiction, is
judged acceptable by most publishers, reviewers and readers when
it reads fluently, when the absence of any linguistic or stylistic pecu-
liarities makes it seem transparent, giving the appearance that it re-
flects the foreign writer’s personality or intention or the essential
meaning of the foreign text – the appearance, in other words, that
the translation is not in fact a translation, but the “original”. The il-
lusion of transparency is an effect of fluent discourse… What is so
remarkable here is that the illusory effect conceals the numerous
conditions under which the translation is made, starting with the
translator’s crucial intervention in the foreign text. The more fluent
the translation, the more invisible the translator, and, presumably,
the more visible the writer or meaning of the foreign text (Venuti
1995: 1–2).

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On the other hand, ‘foreignising translation’, or ‘minoritising transla-

tion’, is the term used by Venuti to designate the type of translation in
which a TT is produced that deliberately breaks target conventions by re-
taining something of the foreignness of the original. According to Venuti,
here the translator leaves the author in peace and moves the reader to-
wards him. Consequently, he proposes the general adoption of this method
as a means of cultural intervention in aggressively monolingual cultures and
as a means of changing the current state of world affairs (Shuttleworth
1997: 59). In other words, it should be used as a form of cultural and liter-
ary resistance.
And this is what Abbie Gubegna and other Ethiopian writers did
when they translated, rewrote close versions or imitated their former work
in Amharic and other Ethiopian languages in English. Defiance is not only a
sound example of socio–political, historical, cultural resistance, but it also
resists and defies the favourite linguistic and translation practices of the
dominant Anglo–American culture that it is targeting. They did not hide
their foreign, different culture and way of thinking for the sake of artificial
‘fluency’. In David Beer’s words, this is what those pioneer Ethiopian writers
in English did in those years:
Meanwhile Sahle Sellassie toils rather unsuccessfully with a problem
still confronting Ethiopian writers: how to portray cultural setting
authentically without burdening the reader with details unrelated to
the movement of the story. Few African cultures are as little known
as those of Ethiopia, and most writers attempt to inject local flavour
into their English Fiction through scattered Amharic terms whose
meanings must be found in footnotes or glossaries. Alternatively
they provide background commentary and description within the
text (Beer 1986: 986).
Postcolonial classic thinkers have frequently dealt with these reali-
ties of much postcolonial African literature, but not very frequently from the
point of view of Translation Studies. This is the beneficial contribution of the
peculiar Ethiopian postcolonial literature in English.
However, a selection of illuminating paragraphs by leading scholars
on Postcolonial Studies, such as the following, can be very useful:
Thus, who gets translated from what languages and into what lan-
guages is decided not only by questions of quality or representa-
tiveness but also by considerations which include the economics of
publishing and the relative material and cultural power of readers in
different parts of the world. This means that elements of neocolo-
nial relationships must inevitably enter into the process of transla-

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tion, since the balance of material and cultural power tends to lie
with the former colonizers (Bery 2000: 3).
English has been described as a borrowed tongue… Examples in
which the English language no longer retains its original native
characteristics after being ‘borrowed’ are more plentiful…The Eng-
lish language used may indeed become so different from the lan-
guage as it is spoken in England that it becomes less of a borrowed
tongue, because its relationship to English in the country of its na-
tive origin has become tenuous… This borrowed tongue is so en-
trenched in the culture of many of the ‘borrowers’ that they can be-
come more proficient in it than the ‘lenders’ (Talib 2002: 100–101).
Some authors, in writing their works in English, have made a con-
scious attempt to make use of their national, ethnic or religious
myths, beliefs, aesthetic outlook, philosophy and even language
(Talib 2002: 102).
The project of the reformation of natives’ minds, by assigning the
mark of the negative to everything African and the positive to eve-
rything European, was designed to socialize Africans to despise
their history and culture and, therefore, themselves. It was to im-
part in them, to make them freely accept, an inferiority complex
that perpetually yearns for Europeanness (Olaniyan 2000: 269–
281).
Among Africans, Ethiopians have never had any inferiority complex
whatsoever and have always been very proud of their culture and nation.
And so they created a kind of local, hybrid English language full of native
words and expressions, without translation or with a translation or a gloss
added. According to Vega (2003: 167–169) the types of linguistic overlap-
ping can range from the use of foreign words with or without explanation or
translation, to the mixing and/or fusion of the structures of both languages
and code–switching. All these mechanisms seek to reproduce the cultural
difference involved.
Ex am ples
Besides his omissions and amendments, he addressed the old hero
in the polite form of address, erswo, on behalf of the fascist general
(Gubegna 1975: 3–4).
“If you can tell it to me, I can.”
“Porco!”
“Assama, pig!” said the interpreter.
(Gubegna 1975: 13)

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Juan Miguel ZARANDONA

“They choose beautiful girls and take them for wives. They simply
call them their thigh–maids, he–tchin geredoch. They wait with
these women until the lucky days when they can with the love of
some idle, haughty bitch from the nobility. When these pitiable gen-
tlemen marry their ideal ladies, widows or rejected girls, kummo
keroch, from the upper class, they reduce themselves to the state
of their poor thigh–maids” (Gubegna 1975: 21).
Lady Wesenie and her two daughters were sitting on the verandah
and weeping. Deggu bowed to them politely.
“Tena–Yistilign. Endemin allachihu – may God give you health for
me. How are you?”
(Gubegna 1975: 42)
The fitawrari, who was shrouded from head to foot in a thick bul-
luku, got up from his specially–made, long chair and limped to the
door (Gubegna 1975: 46).
“Be–ente sima le–Mariam – in the name of Mary,” he said aloud
(Gubegna 1975: 137).
At the end of the book, a convenient glossary of Amaharic and Ital-
ian words is provided (Gubegna 1975: 186–189).
7.2. Defiance , self–translation and bilingual texts
Another area of interest, within the proposal elaborated by Scholars
of Translation Studies, for Ethiopian postcolonial literature in English is that
concerned with the study of self–translation and, consequently, bilingual
texts.
‘Self–translation’ or ‘autotranslation’ has traditionally been defined
as the translation of an original work into another language by the author
himself, having aroused many debates on the issue of ‘faithfulness’, as the
author–translator will feel justified to introduce changes to his or her text
where an ordinary translator might hesitate to do so (Shuttleworth 1993:
13). Consequently, many scholars have considered ‘self–translation’ and
‘true or ordinary translation’ to be two different phenomena.
Hokenson and Munson recently made a solid contribution to this
debate with the concept of ‘bilingual text’ (2007: 1–16), by which they
mean the following: “What is the bilingual text? Like Bacon’s treatises or
Nabokov’s novels, the bilingual text is a self–translation, authored by a
writer who can compose in different languages and who translates his or
her own texts from one language into another” (Hokenson 2007: 1). In
other words, a ‘bilingual text’ is a kind of double language original–

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translated–original single text produced by a single author. The level of

faithfulness between both versions of the text depends on the decision of
its owner: the author–translator, much freer than the regular translator to
manipulate his text as (s)he deems convenient. According to this concept,
most or all Ethiopian postcolonial texts in English are examples of this kind
of texts. Hokenson and Mundon also argue that ‘bilingual texts’ were very
common in medieval times when writers used to address both Latin and
vernacular audiences in dual texts, and that they are proliferating in the
postcolonial conditions of our times. Ethiopia poses a leading example.
8. Defiance and interpreting
As seen in previous sections, ‘translation’ is a term impossible to
avoid when studying and trying to understand Defiance, and there is an-
other closely associated term, ‘oral translation’ or ‘interpreting’, that may
not be neglected under any circumstances.
Abbie Gubegna does not allow any degree of conventional ‘fluency’
in his novel or let his English readers believe that Ethiopian and Italian
characters understand each other in their respective language or in one of
them. The lack of communication is total between both communities: social,
cultural, political and linguistically they are worlds apart. Consequently,
most of the novel is constructed by means of dialogues between the main
characters with the help of interpreters.
The important social role of interpreters has always been well
known, but there are special historical events that make their presence
unavoidable and the need for their skill fundamental. And this is usually due
to unexpected circumstances. This is what happened during the few years
in which Italy invaded Ethiopia, when neither the conquerors nor the con-
quered had any proficiency in the other language, whether Amharic or Ital-
ian (Alonso 2007: 209). And when their labour is also performed in a situa-
tion of conflict, it is not only fundamental, but very delicate, and their power
to manipulate information and events is greater. And this is what Abbie
Gubegna is determined not to hide and tells in his story in full detail.
8.1. Defiance , conflict, translation and interpreting
A volume devoted to the subject matter of translation and conflict
combined (Baker) was published in 2006. ‘Conflict’ is defined as a situation
in which two and more parties seek to undermine each other because they
have incompatible goals, competing interests or fundamentally different
values (Baker 2006: 166), which are used as the basis for a detailed social
study of the influence of conflict on the production and translation of texts.
The conflict, resistance or defiance strategies narrated and described in
Abbie Gubbegna’s novel provide a perfect case study for the analysis of

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‘conflict’ and ‘oral translation’ or ‘interpreting’, a claim that can be appreci-

ated in the following quotes from the book.
Ex am ples
Throughout the story, patriot interpreters make use of their linguis-
tic power and try to cheat their Italian patrons to protect, to advise or even
to save the poor Ethiopian victims that happen to be under their influence.
This behaviour frequently places their physical integrity and security at risk:
“How such a crippled, shrivelled old man can dare speak such
words against the mighty fascist government! Ass! I will show you,”
said the general. He got up from his chair.
The fitawrari was quiet. And his indifference increased the general’s
anger.
“Why doesn’t he respond? Tell him. Porco!” said the general to the
interpreter.
The interpreter tried to amend the general’s rude utterance by
omitting some strong words and adding moderate ones (Gubegna
1975: 2).
After translating the words of the general, the interpreter added to
the fitawari, “His Excellency, the general, graciously would like to
hear your humble reply. And you must give your answer with hum-
ble and right words.” His forehead perspired, and his lips were dry
and white as ashes. He felt the accused old man didn’t have a
chance. He had witnessed so many of his countrymen being butch-
ered for trivial reasons, or for nothing (Gubegna 1975: 3).
Be careful you silly dog! I will call another interpreter and if I find
anything distorted I will bury you alive,” said the general.
“Please do it, Signore,” said the interpreter.
The general left his chair, passed the table and flounced over the
interpreter. Then he gave the interpreter a kick on his buttocks
(Gubegna 1975: 5).
As stated before, direct communication is totally impossible be-
tween Ethiopians and Italians, even in trivial everyday situations. There is
always a strong need to take recourse to professional or informal interpret-
ers, as shown in the following dialogue:
There was no verbal communication between the two. The gen-
eral’s talk was a mere gibbering to Aster’s ears: and Aster’s dumb-
ness was a disappointment to the general. He could look at her like

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 Defiance, a Postcolonial Novel

a beautiful statue, but he couldn’t tell her anything.

He got up, ran to the door and called his door–keeper, who came
running.
“Tell her to come to me,” said the general. He flung Aster a quick
glance.
“Getaye wedezith ney yilushal, – My lord tell you to get over here,”
said the door–keeper talking of the general in the polite form of ad-
dressing Aster in the common form.
(Gubegna 1975: 103–104).
9. Conclusion
Defiance, by Abbie Gubegna, has enabled a travel in search of the
literary past and present of a fascinating country, Ethiopia, to discover the
peculiar and unique path that its writers made up their minds to follow to
produce a postcolonial literature in English.
The reality of Ethiopia’s colonial and postcolonial past has been
claimed, and the methods and proposals of both Postcolonial Studies and
Translation Studies have been necessary to understand and analyse modern
Ethiopian literature. And it has been worthwhile, as a rich field of research
has been promoted involving both disciplines.
In other words, much more research is needed in order to discover,
study, evaluate and promote Ethiopian literature in English, whether it is
made up of translations, free versions or original products. *L L L

*L L L Este trabajo ha sido realizado gracias al Equipo y Proyecto de Investiga-

ción del Ministerio de Educación y Ciencia (ref. HUM 2006–02725) titulado: “La
hibridización en la producción literaria indeoceánica en lengua inglesa y france-
sa: convergencias y divergencias. Estudio contrastivo de un sistema literario
emergente” del Centre d’Estudis i de Recerca d’Humanitats de la Universitat
Autònoma de Barcelona.
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Baker, Mona. Translation and Conflict. A Narrative Account. London:
Routledge, 2006.
Beer, David F. “Ethiopia”. European–Language Writing in Sub–Saharan Af-

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Gérard, Albert S. “Literary Scholarship and African Literatures”. Comparative
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