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Milosz Giersz de Arte de Lima 1350 ejemplares
Cecilia Pardo Paseo Colón 125, Lima
Teléfono 204 0000 ISBN 978-9972718-40-3
Coordinación editorial www.mali.pe
y producción Proyecto Editorial No.
Pamela Castro de la Mata © De los textos: 11501001300666
Cecilia Pardo los autores
Hecho el depósito legal en la
Asistente de coordinación © De las fotografías: Biblioteca Nacional del Perú
Katherine Román Asociación Museo de Arte de Lima, Nº – 2014-07507
Alejandra Valverde Ministerio de Cultura – Proyecto de
Investigación Arqueológica Castillo Reservados todos los derechos.
Corrección de estilo y traducción de Huarmey, las instituciones Prohibida la reproducción total
Javier Flores Espinoza (véase sección de créditos o parcial sin previa autorización
fotográficos y reproducciones) expresa del Museo de Arte de
Fotografías Lima – MALI
Daniel Giannoni © De las obras:
Milosz Giersz los autores
Patrycja Przadka Giersz

Concepto y diseño
vm& estudio gráfico
El Museo de Arte de Lima – MALI
Ralph Bauer
tiene como sede el histórico
Verónica Majluf
Palacio de la Exposición gracias al
generoso apoyo de la Municipalidad
Retoque
Metropolitana de Lima.
Lápiz Roto

Impresión
Gráfica Biblos
Jirón Morococha 152,
Surquillo, Lima
EL PROYECTO DE INVESTIGACIÓN ARQUEOLÓGICA PROYECTO DE CATALOGACIÓN
CASTILLO DE HARMEY (PIACH) Y CONSERVACIÓN

Director Colaboradores Coordinación y supervisión

Milosz Giersz Mateusz Baca Pamela Castro de la Mata
Miron Bogacki
Co-director Julia Chyla Inventario y catalogación
Roberto Pimentel Santiago del Castillo Dextre Roberto Pimentel
Ángel de la Flor Fernández Patricia Quiñonez
Investigadores Claudia García Meza
Patrycja Przadka Giersz Emilia Jastrzebska Conservación
Wieslaw Wieckowski Karolina Juszczyk Martín Blum
Jakub Kaniszewski Maribel Medina
Asesor científico Jacek Kosciuk Marcela Rosselló
Krzysztof Makowski Aleksandra Lisek Milagros Servat
Krzysztof Misiewicz
Wieslaw Malkowski
Gonzalo Presbitero Rodríguez
Patricia Quiñonez Cuzcano
David Rodríguez
Dagmara Socha
Monika Solka
Weronika Tomczyk

La temporada de campo 2012 del Proyecto de Investigación

Arqueológica Castillo de Huarmey fue financiada por el Centro
Nacional de Ciencia de la República de Polonia
(NCN 2011/03 / D / HS3 / 01609). Las temporadas 2012-2014 de
campo del Proyecto Arqueológico Castillo de Huarmey fueron
apoyadas por las subvenciones del Centro Nacional de Ciencia
de la República de Polonia (NCN 2011/03 / D / HS3 / 01609), la
National Geographic Society (EC0637-13, GEFNE85-13 ,
GEFNE116-14 y W335-14) y el apoyo financiero de la Compañía
Minera Antamina.
Contenido 22 La muestra de un descubrimiento.
Castillo de Huarmey en el MALI
Cecilia Pardo

34 El fenómeno Wari:
tras las huellas de un imperio prehispánico
Milosz Giersz y
Krzysztof Makowski

68 El hallazgo del mausoleo imperial

Milosz Giersz

100 Ajuar personal: las mujeres de

la élite wari y su atuendo
Patrycja Prza adka Giersz

128 El ajuar funerario de las damas

nobles de Castillo de Huarmey.
Selección
188 Élites imperiales y símbolos de poder 280 Ensayos en inglés
Krzysztof Makowski

333 Créditos fotográficos

210 Los rituales funerarios y la identidad y de reproducciones
de los difuntos en el mausoleo de
Castillo de Huarmey
Wieslaw Wieckowski 335 Referencias

222 Los objetos de metal en el mausoleo

wari de Huarmey
María Inés Velarde y
Pamela Castro de la Mata

240 Objetos de plata de Castillo de

Huarmey: corrosión y tratamiento
Marcela Rosselló

250 Dos khipus wari del Horizonte Medio

provenientes de Castillo de Huarmey
Gary Urton

258 Los textiles de Castillo de Huarmey.

Selección

268 Otras colecciones de Huarmey

285

The Wari Phenomenon: abandonment of the presumed capitals in Ayacucho. With these modifi­cations,
Menzel argues that the history of the Wari culture is divided into two epochs
In the Tracks of a Pre-Hispanic Empire and four phases, followed by a third phase, that of the decline:

Milosz Giersz Epoch 1, Phase A (Menzel’s original chronology: A.D. 550-600; new estimates:
A.D. 600-700). The complex Altiplano iconography and its well-known front
Director of the Castillo de Huarmey Archaeological Research Project
and profile personages from the Tiwanaku reliefs appear on Ayacucho pottery
Warsaw University within the context of two new locally produced styles, Chakipampa—strongly
related with the coastal tradition (Nasca 9)—and Ocros, as well as a third
style with ample local antecedents—Huarpa (Figs. 11, 12 and 13). The Robles
Krzysztof Makowski
Moqo and Conchopata styles appear. More complex designs are found in the
Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú urns and jars from Conchopata, which have no Huarpa or Nazca precedent.

Epoch 1, Phase B (Menzel’s original chronology: A.D. 600-650; new estimates:

A.D. 700-850). The new styles spread to the South Coast (Pacheco in Nazca,
Cerro del Oro) and influence the local output of the Central Coast, for
instance the Nievería style in the Rímac Valley.
Wari and Tiwanaku:1 Style, Horizon, Civilisation
Epoch 2 (new estimates: A.D. 850-1000), Phase A (Menzel’s original chrono­
The debate regarding the interrelated Wari and Tiwanaku phenomenon logy: A.D. 650-700). Wari consolidates its presence on the coast. New styles
went hand-in-hand with the development of scientific archaeology in the that synthe­sise and simplify the designs from previous phases spread from
Andes since its origin. Thanks to the stratigraphic excavations carried out Arequipa to Piura: Viñaque, Atarco, Pachacamac and Ica-Pachacamac.
by Max Uhle at Pachacamac (Lima) and in the Huacas of the Sun and Moon It should however be emphasised that their decoration comprises religious
(Trujillo)2 it was verified that on the Peruvian coast there were the same motifs that in the previous epoch remained restricted to the Ayacucho’s
iconographic designs that also appeared in the stone sculptures of Tiahuanaco. ceremonial styles (Conchopata, Robles Moqo). The Wari Empire expanded
These designs, which were compared particularly with the reliefs found rapidly in Epoch 2, Phase B (Menzel’s original chronology: A.D. 700-775)
on The Sun Gate, appeared on the ceramic pieces and textiles found in rich and reached its maximum extent. The Viñaque style reached such distant
funerary contexts. The Gate is the best known pre-Hispanic monument in areas as Cajamarca to the North and Chuquibamba to the South. The trend
the Andes since the nineteenth century (Fig. 9). Disseminated in engravings towards schematisation and simplification were likewise heightened in the
and photographs, this fragment of a sculpted monolithic wall decorated with development of the styles, thus anticipating the decline of Wari (Figs. 14
low-relief friezes has become the symbol of the forgotten and mysterious and 15). The Empire evidently had declined by the end of Epoch 2 and most
Andean civilisations. Since then the so-called ‘Tiahuanacoid’ styles provided centres were abandoned.
—thanks to the “iconographic Horizon”—a comfortable chronological marker
for the Central Andes, and were the only solid foundations aside from strat­ Epochs 3 and 4 (new estimates: A.D. 1000-1050). Epoch 3 (Menzel’s original
igraphy used to develop and correlate regional chronologies prior to the chronology: A.D. 775-850) was defined from the stylistic transformations seen
invention of radiocarbon dating, which was applied in Peru for the first time in the mould-stamped pottery from the Central-North Coast: local forms and
in 1949. designs supposedly re-emerged, but several Wari designs and conventions
endured. After Epoch 3, some Wari-style survivals would have characterised
Although Julio C. Tello 3 studied the site of Huari on three occasions starting Epoch 4 (Menzel’s original chronology: A.D. 850-1000), which is superimposed
in 1931, no conclusive evidence was available regarding the significance with the subsequent Late Intermediate Period (Fig. 16).
of the architectonic complexes at Huari and Conchopata until the research
carried out by John H. Rowe, Donald Collier, and Gordon R. Willey 4 as well Thanks to the first C14 dates, which were still reduced, Menzel proposed
as Wendell C. Bennett 5 in 1946-1956; it was thus shown that these were dating the Middle Horizon 1 and 2 to A.D. 550-775, and Epoch 3, that of
the centres of an original culture in the Ayacucho river basin and the real the decline, to A.D. 775-850. We now have several long series of dates well-
origin place of the styles mistakenly known as “Coastal Tiahuanaco” (Fig. 10 located in stratigraphic contexts, particularly from Conchopata, Pikillacta,
a-c). The merit of convincing academia that there was no evidence of direct Moquegua, Cajamarca, and also from Huari itself. The dates related with
import of Tiwanaku ceramic pieces to Ayacucho, whereas there was innu­ the construction of planned public architecture outside Ayacucho in the high-
merable evidence that the Ayacucho-style pieces were imitated and even lands fall chronologically in A.D. 600-700 (cal.), and are visibly contemporary
imported to distant North Coast valleys like Piura, fell to John Rowe and with the capital itself. The decline of Huari, the capital, took place instead
his team, to Dorothy Menzel,6 and to Luis G. Lumbreras.7 However, several in the eleventh century AD. Even so in some parts of Ayacucho like Azángaro,
archaeologists, Bolivian archaeologists in particular, rejected this until the Wari buildings remained in use up to the thirteenth century A.D. (cal.).
well into the 1980s. The manufacture of pottery in the local, Middle Horizon “Huamanga” style
also continued. A similar situation is observed in Cuzco and in Apurímac.8
In the 1960s, Dorothy Menzel undertook a monumental and influential The dated contexts evince that although Menzel correctly apprehended the
compa­rative study of pieces found in collections and the relatively scant broad outlines of some general trends in the development of ceramic styles,
ceramic sherds derived from test pits in Wari sites, some of which already had these do not let themselves be exclusively ascribed to short phases. Most
the first radiocarbon dates. The relative chronology of the Middle Horizon, of these styles endured for two or three centuries and none of them became
the outcome of this study, represents the main starting point in any discus- the official imperial style, comparable in terms of their reception and prestige
sion of Wari and its time, and is still the conceptual framework for interpreta- to the Imperial Inca style.
tion. In accordance with the stylistic seriation methodology outlined by
Rowe, Menzel subdivided the period that extends from the rise of the Wari Menzel interpreted the results of her seriation as a probable consequence
styles in the midst of local Early Intermediate Period pottery (Huarpa) into of the impact the Tiwanaku religious ideology had in Ayacucho and its subse-
four epochs—which was marked by the influence of the coastal Nasca style quent dissemination northwards. The apparent relation between this dissemi-
(phases 8-9)—to the final decline of the forms and designs derived from nation and the erection of extensive, urban-like sites—to judge by the recur-
this Ayacuchano tradition at the hands of others related with local traditions ring planned layout that has a distant resemblance to the plans of colonial
(i.e. Late Intermediate Tradition: Chanka pottery). These last two epochs Spanish cities and their regular blocks—suggested that a political will and a
were discarded after it was shown that they were in fact posterior to the rapid process of political and social change underlay both phenomenon. This
286

idea was initially proposed by Donald Collier in the 1950s and was then 2. The process of concentrating the population in Huari, the capital, follows
developed by Richard Schaedel in the late 1970s.9 Menzel therefore did not from the subsequent abandonment of the settlements in the neighbouring
hesitate in relating the changes in style with the advance of the imperial highlands, as was suggested by MacNeish.16
conquests, but she also believed in other factors, some of them of exclusively
religious or material origin, and some even adverse ones, like epidemics. 3. The erection of administrative centres with planned architecture similar
For instance, she assumed that part of the stylistic changes in Middle to that found in Ayacucho (Azángaro, Jincamocco) on the coast and in the
Horizon 2 were due to the rise of a highly prestigious ceremonial centre— highlands, far from the Ayacucho area, e.g. Pikillacta in Cuzco and Wiracocha-
Pachacamac—where the contents of a religion native to the Altiplano over pampa in the highlands of La Libertad, Wari Willka in the Junín highlands,
which the edifice of prehistory would rise, had been reworked. The research Honcopampa in the Callejón de Huaylas, or Cerro Baúl in Moquegua.
carried out at this site throughout the last twenty-five years has not provided
any evidence that supports this hypothesis. Quite the contrary—no remains 4. The discovery of the vestiges of rituals that entailed burying ceremonial
of Wari monumental architecture, or evidence of the local ceramic manufac- pottery, decorated urns and face-neck jars expressly broken before being
ture in the ‘Pachacamac’ style have ever been found.10 For Makowski, the interred in a pit; these finds were made both in the Wari core area (Conchopata,
scant contexts with offerings and the chamber burials with Wari materials Ayapata) as well as far from it: Pacheco (Nazca), Maymi (Pisco) and eventu-
are related with a period in which the monumental buildings of the Lima ally at Cerro Amaru (Huamachuco).
culture were carefully sealed and abandoned.11
5. The use of similar, combining-roof modules whose function as ceremonial
In the debate that took place in the early half of the twentieth century, the areas, temporary or permanent dwellings, storage or workshop facilities, have
surprising journey ceramic, textile, pyro-engraved gourd, and metal tech- to be established in each case; the application of the same rules in the design
niques, forms and designs made from the Titicaca basin to the northern limits of the patio-units, and the same planimetric procedures (groups of roofed rect-
of the Central Andean area, was interpreted in terms of the diffusion of civili- angular rooms grouped around a quadrangular patio) in all presumed Wari
sation from a hypothetical origin centre to the peripheries. In the second half administrative centres.
of the century, the methodologies and approaches changed under the aegis
of the processual approach, which bore the stamp of historical materialism. 6. The dissemination of an imperial religious ideology through pottery and
Anita Cook, Charles Stanish and Juan Albarracín-Jordán recently noted that textiles decorated with motifs derived from the Altiplano, and which were
the discussion regarding the characteristics and development of Wari and somehow reworked by the Ayacuchano craftsmen.
Tiahuanaco took place within the context of the rise of Marxist leftist political
movements.12 These ideas regarding the history and the role of the national In the discussion that followed this influential proposal,17 Wari was conceptu-
State had a strong anti-imperialist slant and exerted a strong influence alised not just as an antecedent to, and the peer of, Tawantinsuyu, it was also
over the first scientific interpretations in terms of a social archaeology. The often compared alongside Tiwanaku with the Western and Eastern Roman
writings of Carlos Ponce Sanginés and Luis G. Lumbreras13 emphasised the Empires. Both were endowed with characteristics that were somewhat
native peoples’ capacity to erect urban civilisations quite similar to those that similar to those of the late Roman Empire, or at least those of the Roman
rose on the banks of the Euphrates and Tigris Rivers, one thousand years Empire as an ideal archetype:18 a long and successful history of territorial
before the Spanish conquest and in an extremely difficult environment. To conquests; extensive circumscriptions with an efficient fiscal and administra-
this end they used the ideas advanced by Gordon Childe and his theory of the tive system; fortified, limes-like frontiers; a proselytising State religion—like
Neolithic and urban revolutions,14 so that both Huari and Tiahuanaco were Christianity since Constantine—; a despotic government with a complex
conceived as capital cities inhabited by the dominant classes of powerful bureaucratic system that worked thanks to a large network of administrative
multi-ethnic and multi-cultural empires, as well as manufacturing and long- centres for over 300-400 years; and of course a general language that spread
distance trade centres. over a diversity of languages and dialects.19

Ponce Sanginés insisted on the role of Tiahuanaco as one of the major centres The Characteristics of Wari Urbanism
in the rise of civilisation—the antecedent of the Inca empire and the corner-
stone of modern Bolivia’s national identity. For Lumbreras, the direct ante- The victory over terrorism, the return to democracy, and the recent successful
cedent of Tawantinsuyu obviously was the Wari culture and not Tiwanaku, economic development all made it possible to undertake excavation projects in
and Wari would have shared most of its characteristics with the empire of Peru’s provinces on a scale never seen in the twentieth century. But far from
the Sapan Inca. Wari, much like the previous Chavín culture, would have had confirming the hypotheses previously advanced, the results of field research
a decisive role in the consolidation of the cultural identity of the people in the instead raised serious doubts concerning their validity.
Peruvian Andes and their civilising achievements. Like Menzel, Lumbreras
acknowledges that Tiwanaku was a successful territorial State that managed First of all, the perception of the characteristics and scope of Wari urbanism
to control the northern banks of Lake Titicaca and curtailed the southwards has undergone a substantial transformation. It was shown that the coastal
expansion of Wari (Cerro Baúl, in Moquegua). settlements with an apparently planned layout in terms of axes that cross at
right angles were not founded by the imperial administration. This was,
The idea of an empire, which had laid dormant since the 1950s, was retaken for example, the case of Cajamarquilla, Pachacamac and Cerro del Oro (in the
by William Isbell as part of the ambitious Huari Urban Prehistory Project, Rímac, Lurín, and Cañete River Valleys respectively). The defensive complexes
conceived as a long-term endeavour that was cut short due to the violence of with multi-storied buildings in the highlands of La Libertad, like Cerro
the terrorist group, the Shining Path. The work done by the project made a Amaro, were also built not during the Middle Horizon but in the Early Inter-
crucial contribution to our knowledge of this key period in Peruvian prehis- mediate Period. On the other hand, the “administrative centres” whose meti­
tory. Isbell and his team members, like Katharina J. Schreiber, used the culous geometric design gave rise to the formal definition of Wari urbanism—
following arguments to support their hypothesis of an empire that had its e.g. Pikillacta or Viracochapampa—were never finished. It has been proven
capital city in Ayacucho.15 that these were never populous cities. They seem, on the contrary, to have
been conceived as temporary havens where the people and the elites gath­ered
1. The presence in Ayacucho of a network of sites with public architecture to honour their ancestors, or to fulfil tax payments with specialised labour.
of different size, and which may have fulfilled the roles of capital city (Huari), Some of these centres were built as part of a vast project that aimed to
administrative centre (Conchopata), provincial centres (Azángaro, Jinca- develop new irrigated fields in which to plant prised crops, particularly maize
mocco), and local centres (Jargampata). (Zea mays). A network of canals with dams and reservoirs was built in the
vicinity of Pikillacta, Viracochapampa and Cerro Mejía during the Middle
Horizon. The large number of enclosed patios and rectangular roofed areas,
287

which because of their characteristics may have respectively been used as naved buildings, with niches in the short walls and the entrance on the long
spaces for drying crops or storage rooms, made some scholars believe that wall facing the quadrangular patio, were the most relevant buildings to judge
most of the built area had an economic role. For Katharina Schreiber,20 the by the size of some of them as well as by their location. McEwan believes
size of the centres and their location were conditioned by the interest the that these buildings were meant to worship the burial bundles, which were
imperial administration had in specific resources in an area, as well as by exhibited in the niches permanently or temporarily, on feast days.25 Giersz
the type of control it exerted—direct control or through local authorities. believes that the niches in the D-shaped structures recorded at Huari and
other highland administrative centres may have had the same role. The laby-
The excavations undertaken in ceremonial centres have not provided conclu- rinthine and narrow galleries that usually surround the patio would have
sive evidence of a merely administrative role and an emphasis on the control been used to temporarily lodge the participants in the ritual, and/or to store
of agricultural surpluses. For instance, the central sector of Azángaro and non-food goods, particularly ritual paraphernalia. The two hundred twenty-
its 340 lined cubicles, which were entered from parallel corridors, resembles ­two patio units may also have had this function. If McEwan’s interpretation
a large and strictly organised warehouse. Even so, the excavations made is correct, the main reason why the complex acquired its particular ortho­
by Martha Anders21 showed that the use given to the cubicles was completely gonal-cellular design, so typical of Wari architecture in William Isbell’s defi­
different from what had been expected. Anders showed that each cubicle nition, was the need to materialise the principles of social organisation. It
became the temporary lodgings and workshop of a small group of tributaries can be assumed that a patio unit was meant for a consanguineous kinship
during certain days in the year. The central corridor divides the sector into group comparable with the Inca panaca and/or a specific ritual. McEwan
two halves, which would correspond to the moieties-sayas in which the valley’s correctly notes that the Inca cancha, the form of which is reproduced both in
population was perhaps divided into, as was the case at the time of the dwellings as well as in temples, seems to have been derived from the Wari
Spanish conquest. Anders believed that the number of rooms in each walled patio-unit, in the same way that the kallanka imitates the long, niched and
enclosure was no happenstance, and that it followed from calculations made gabled building. The small, lined cubicles would have been meant to lodge
using the calendar and from the way the organisation of the world and society the representatives of lower-status families.
was conceptualised. In her interpretation, the large, 175 x 447 metres rectan-
gular building was used to temporarily house the neighbouring populations It must here be noted that Wari administrative centres were not planned like
when they gathered to perform the tasks set by the imperial administration downtown Spanish Lima or Teotihuacán, nor do they resemble an ancient
applying the mita system. Each group was assigned a specific room depending Greek city or a Roman castrum military encampment. We do not find in them
on its origin as part of one half, moiety, and ayllu. Ander’s interpretation parallel streets that delimit blocks and give access to family residences, nor
can be applied to other Wari settlements and is compatible with the presumed are there plazas. Wari administrative centres in the highlands seem to have
administrative function of the complexes. Even so, no other known adminis- been laid out in accordance to the rules followed by the art of decorated-
trative centre has the same numerical characteristics and the specific layout tapestry weaving: alignment, axes crossing at straight angles, symmetry,
of Azángaro. subdivision into quadrangles, repetition, alternation, subdivision, and multi-
plication. The resulting plans resemble abstract paintings (Fig. 20). The
William Isbell has proposed an alternative hypothesis for Conchopata (Fig. roofed buildings around patios or cubicles are all similar, aligned row after
18), Huari, Pikillacta, and Viracochapampa.22 These four extensive settle­ments row, organised into groups and enclosed by high walls. The total area meant
comprise several planned architectural groups with roofs and open areas, for open enclosures is larger than the roofed area. Streets, when they exist,
organised around the central patios in rigorously symmetrical fashion. The are enclosed by two high walls and lead directly to a specific room skirting
roofed buildings may include one or many elongated, parallel naves and have others. Despite the planning, each Wari settlement differs from all others in
up to three stories. Isbell believes that these buildings, which are similar several respects. In every case the size and the ratios are different, as well
to the Inca kallankas, were palatial dwellings. Each patio unit would have as the typology of the rooms and the way in which open and roofed rooms are
corresponded to a noble lineage. After the death of the ruler, his successor combined—some long and rectangular, others short rectangles or squares.
had to build his own residence alongside the previous ones. The old palace Patio units predominate at Pikillacta. At Viracochapampa, on the other hand,
became the funeral temple where the deceased ruler was worshipped, and the most recurring element is a large rectangular niched building similar
its management fell upon the surviving members of the lineage. Isbell’s inter- to the Inca kallanka. At Azángaro cubicles predominate by far while patio
pretation is relatively well-supported in the case of Huari and Conchopata. units just number twelve, and there are two possible rectangular niched
In both settlements, a dynamic history of the transformation of public—and buildings. The small ceremonial centre of Jargampata Norte has just two
potentially residential—spaces into cult areas through the construction aligned cubicles as well as several walled, rectangular enclosures. No evidence
of temples with a D-shaped plan, as well as funeral chambers, has been is available that explains these differences.
recorded. Even so, Pikillacta and Viracochapampa are substantially
different from Huari and Conchopata, and not just by their planned layout The patio units, whose domestic functions were verified in excavations,
that, strangely enough, was not applied in the Wari capitals in Ayacucho. are part not of planned, Pikillacta-type rectangular complexes, but of ‘urban’
Neither Pikillacta nor Viracochapampa, or Azángaro either, show any settlements with agglutinated architecture. The layout as well as the orien­
evidence that U-shaped temples and burial chambers were built inside the tation depend in part on the morphology of the terrain, as in the capital
architectonic layout of the administrative centre. Huari itself or in the Cerro Mejía and Cerro Baúl sites in Moquegua. Some
patio units, like those of Conchopata, have a partial orthogonal design.
Gordon McEwan recently presented a third interpretation23 after his system- Even so they do not comprise narrow, several stories-high galleries, and are
atic excavations at Pikillacta (Fig. 19 a-c), the largest, most complex, and instead three or four rectangular structures whose doors on the long wall
best preserved of all Wari administrative centres. A systematic survey that open to a common patio that is enclosed on all sides. The excavations carried
included several sectors and all architectural types and subtypes found no out in Moquegua showed that the patio units characterised elite precincts.
evidence of a city permanently and intensively occupied. The absence of The rectangular roofed rooms sometimes have different functions: multiple-
refuse and surface shards, as well as the low number of finds made in the use dwellings, kitchens or workshops.26
excavations, is surprising because the use of Pikillactas’s architectonic spaces
throughout 200-400 years has been verified.24 Evidence of offerings and other In light of the recent results achieved by field research, the role of Wari
ritual activities has been found in most roofed buildings, below and over administration in the erection of populous cities with a planned layout
the plaster floor, which was thick and clean. The ceramic fragments found has been discarded. Besides, the largest settlements apparently were not
on the floors belong to food-serving forms, whilst fragments of the pots populated administrative centres where bureaucrats controlled the inflow
and vessels used to store food and beverages are missing. The middens and and outflow of inputs and artefacts. The three proposals cited above agree
house contexts were instead found below the layer of the foundations and in several respects. The main reason why public buildings were built, some-
correspond to the camps the builders lived in. Eighteen rectangular, single- times leaving an imposing imprint on the landscape, was the desire to
288

organise the cult of the ancestors of all lineages involved in the hierarchies nostic fragments), Chakipampa (7.2%), Robles Moqo, Black Huari, Viñaque-
of power. The buildings besides provided a monumental stage for all kinds of Huamanga (to a lesser extent), Q’otakalli, and Araway. In this case the latter
supra-communal festivals in which political roles were established and nego- two, clearly local styles, comprise 10% of the sample. Just 12.5% of the frag-
tiated. The architecture determined the places and times in which given ments were undecorated, which is surprising considering the almost complete
families and lineages met. It can be deduced that several of these meetings absence of pottery with a complex figurative decoration. There are only
were also used to fulfil tax obligations that had to be rendered in labour and 4 small published fragments with Tiwanaku-iconography inspired designs,
in produce. The image we currently have of Wari society is that of a rural and 1 fragment from a figurine.29 A similar situation has been observed at
society in which all political roles required ritual underpinnings, and where Huaro.30 It therefore seems that in the Cuzco region no potters were
all hierarchies were supported by origin myths through a religious language acquainted with the complex Wari imperial iconography. At Viracochapampa,
and in accordance with the will of the oracles. We can assume that the ances- the number of ceramic fragments that have been found was extremely low,
tors of the noble lineages had a powerful voice in politics, and spoke and and John Topic related this with the scant progress made in construction,
decided just like the other deities. There would have been a remarkable simili­ which was soon aborted. All of the pottery seems to have been of local manu-
tude in this regard between the Wari and the Inca. This similitude likewise facture and lacked diagnostic decoration. Fine Wari ceramic pieces have, on
extends, at least in part, to the remains of Huari and Cuzco, the two capitals. the other hand, been found in a mausoleum at Cerro Amaro that may have
Both cities alternated monumental buildings of circular and rectangular been reused in the Middle Horizon. The present authors believe that the
(kallankas) plan in the layout of the ceremonial centres alongside patio units. weight of the local traditions is likewise perceived in the choice of masonry
In the case of the temple/oracle of Wari Willka, both cultures considered that techniques and architectural forms. John Topic established convincing paral-
the architectural forms of the cancha (the patio unit) and the kallanka (a lels between the Early Intermediate Period, pre-Wari buildings at Huama-
building with a niched nave) were suitable as cult constructions.27 chuco, amongst others at Cerro de las Monjas and Marca Huamachuco, and
the formal and functional characteristics of Wari buildings at Viracocha-
The limited progress made by the excavations undertaken at Huari, the state pampa. Topic believes that the idea of building large roofed enclosures with
of conservation, and the influence exerted by nature—the dense coverage of niches inside for the bundles originated in the Huamachuco region. 31 At
cactaceae—do not let us have an accurate picture of what remained constant Honcopampa, which is believed to have been the Wari provincial capital in
and what changes took place in the spatial organisation of this large settle- the Callejón de Huaylas, Tschauner perceived the survival of local Recuay
ment several kilometres wide throughout its four hundred years of existence. elements and not just in the masonry.32 It is worth pointing out that the great
The presence of major buildings whose layout is not visible on the surface, or mausoleums built during the Middle Horizon in this same area, like those of
which were modified by subsequent buildings, has been verified. Yet it is clear Willkawain and Ichic Willkawain (Fig. 21), were also not a direct imitation
that the urban complex resembles Conchopata in several respects, and that of Ayacucho architecture. The ceramic offerings found at Ichic Wilkawain
it comprises patio units comparable to those of Pikillacta. The major differ- (Fig. 22 a-b) show that the new political conditions during the Middle Horizon
ence lies in the absence of planning. In Huari each monumental building is helped break down idiosyncratic barriers and promoted a dialogue between
independent and varies in regard to its orientation. Besides, each building traditions and styles.
has its own history. If each patio unit fulfilled the functions of palace, perhaps
of a noble lineage and cult temple for the ancestors of this same lineage, as The evidence just presented clearly contradicts the way in which twentieth-
William Isbell and Gordon McEwan believe, then we can imagine that several century Andean archaeology understood the role of the Wari Empire, to wit,
of these powerful families vied for power, perhaps in similar fashion to as the origin of an overwhelming culture and religion that spread out from
Cuzco’s panacas. the capital and the provincial administrative centres. The first reaction of
the scholars was to discard the model and deny that the conquests comprised
Was Wari an Empire? the coastlands and the northern highlands.

The study of the possible capitals of the pre-Hispanic Empire showed that In the heat of the debate, new perspectives and ways of understanding the
the presumed highland administrative centres actually were enclaves in political, economic and religious dimensions of the hypothetical Wari Empire
territories that retained their own identity, and which in fact preserved their appeared in the last ten years. Katharina Schreiber emphasised the various
customs. To judge by the characteristics of the pottery and the construction ways in which the administration could be organised after the conquests.33
techniques, the Wari lords used not just the labour of local populations, but In most of these cases direct control through administrative centres was
also their technical knowhow and talent. They left the stamp of their customs dispensed with. This type of territorial control was only applied in certain
and productive habits on the objects produced and on the edifices built. enclaves. In most territories, the Ayacuchano authority ruled through local
The study of the pottery used in areas controlled by the Inca administration chiefs. Most scholars agree with McEwan and Cook who emphasise the
showed that the vessels were always produced by local potters, who eventu- probable similitude between the history of the Wari leaders and that of the
ally also produced designs or whole vessels inspired by prestigious styles Cuzco Incas.34 The comparison makes us separate the history of the core
like Polychrome Cuzco A and B or Chimú-Inca. Even so, the vessels used to Ayacuchano State from the process of conquest, be these attained and consoli-
prepare and store food were made in the local style and comprised most of dated or not. The diversity of actors, ethnic groups, lineages and leaders must
the output. Imports were extremely rare. The number of fine pottery imita­ be acknowledged. This diversity often passes unnoticed, hidden by the falla-
ting exotic styles that has been found is limited, particularly in comparison cious assumption that every empire entails a standardisation of ideas, tech-
with the overall number of fragments found in the excavations. The percen­ niques, forms and beliefs, i.e. it is assumed that the Wari culture was homoge-
tage rate can increase in funerary contexts and in the middens adjacent neous. The political history must also be reconstructed from cross-evidence
to ceremonial areas, where the floors are usually clean.28 and acknowledging the dynamic nature of the process and its progress,
collapse and re-structuring. Four hundred years is too long a period to assume
The issue of pottery manufacture in the Middle Horizon has been less that one single form of government was able to ensure the stability of a polity.
researched, but the available studies suggest a scenario that is quite similar We must bear in mind that the Inca Empire collapsed in sixty years (ca. A.D.
to what has been found for the Late Horizon. The hypotheses regarding 1470-1533). Makowski recently proposed revising the comparative model
the pottery exported from its manufacturing centre at Conchopata (Ayacucho) applied when reconstructing Wari history and recalled that the term “empire”
have not been verified. Quite the contrary, there is evidence that the vessels has been used by historians and archaeologists to describe very dynamic and
were exclusively meant for local use. In Pikillacta, although most of the frag- short-lived political phenomena.35 We can systematise this model as follows:
ments found belong to ceremonial vessels—bowls, kero-cups and jars—all
of the pottery is of local manufacture save for exceptional shards in the Nazca
and Cajamarca styles. According to Mary Glowacki, the potters imitated the
type of surface finish characteristic of the foreign styles Ocros (60% of diag-
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1. ‘Consolidated’ empires like the Roman and Byzantine Empires. This type the same thing is perceivable in textiles and metals: techniques that origi-
of empire survives changes not just of dynasty but also even in government nated in the highlands combined with those from the coast. Designs of local
systems throughout several centuries. origin adopted Tiwanaku conventions.41 We have seen that, in each case,
the architecture of each Wari capital also combined techniques and forms
2. Empires ‘under construction’ like the Inca Empire. This category includes with very different origins. Giersz 42 studied this in depth for the case of
cases of expansive States whose rulers have not managed to develop a stable Castillo de Huarmey. The above-mentioned circumstances arose in a clearly
and accepted dynastic system, so that every change of ruler potentially delimited period in the cultural sequence of the Central Andes. Its origins
entails a crisis. lay in the post-Huarpa Period in Ayacucho, post-Lima on the Central Coast,
and post-Moche on the North Coast (Fig. 23), and it came to an end after
3. ‘Failed’ empires like that of Alexander the Great. This type of empire does a brief period of decline that began around A.D. 1000 in Ayacucho. A most
not survive its founder, but the results of the conquests are lasting and trans- simple tradition in forms and techniques then followed; so simple that
form the economic, political, linguistic, and religious maps for centuries. village specialists were clearly in charge of manufacturing the pottery and
building the circular houses. A similar change took place on the Central
Two aspects of the comparative history of empires are worth considering. In Coast with Early Ychsma. A most particular tradition arose on the North
all known cases, conquest was preceded by a process whereby the State in Coast river valleys, between the Chao and Huarmey basins, that just like
whose capital city the future emperor was born, positioned itself within the all others were completely dis-socia­ted from the Wari past: the Casma
regional context.36 This process entailed some initial conquests and their culture. The studies Przadka-Giersz and Giersz made in the Culebras and
consolidation, and so it could take several centuries. There is also a more or Huarmey valleys showed that this new cultural and political entity—whose
less extensive history of the fragmentation of the conquered lands into inde- material culture has peculiar diagnostic elements such as finely decorated
pendent polities once the empire falls prey to crises and disintegrates. In pottery with incised sand cane imprints (local styles that are known under
the comparative approach considered by Makowski, the Wari Empire falls the names of Incised Casma and Incised Huarmey)—had no connection
within the ‘failed’ or ‘under construction’ options. The relative and absolute with the failed Wari Empire, as is shown by the lack of persistence of the
chrono­logies usually accepted suggest that in the seventh century AD, the settlement pattern and the artistic output.43 To sum up, a political will
Ayacucho leaders managed to secure their control of the areas of Cuzco and capable of moving skilled specialists thousands of kilometres away from
the South Coast, from Pisco to Moquegua. A Wari leader managed to extend their homes and making them work with others of different origin, imposed
the conquests as far as Cajamarca and Piura around A.D. 800 ±50 (cal.). The itself for a hundred years or more over a very large area between Moquegua
resistance offered by the Moche kingdoms and chiefdoms on the North Coast and Piura. These craftsmen were relocated—in a way that recalls the Inca
was quite varied. For the present authors, the advance of the warriors of institution of the mitmaquna—in order to lay the foundations for legitimacy
the Wari coalition explains the abandonment of Cerro del Oro (Cañete) and after the conquest of new lands; this was achieved through the cult given
of all the centres of the Lima culture, Pachacamac, Maranga, and Cajamar- to the ancestors, which was undertaken inside monumental buildings.
quilla in particular. The palaces and temples in these settlements were Makowski believes that the success attained in the conquests was articulated
buried under seals of soil and adobe bricks, and became burial sites during through the sudden abandonment of the local Lima, Moche, Recuay and
the Middle Horizon 2 and 3/4 (A.D. 800-1050). other symbols of power and religious iconography, which were replaced
with new Wari symbols of southern origin: the four-cornered cap, the kero
Power, Technology and Religion cup, the tumi knife and the unku shirt with new designs.44 It is quite possible
that the land conquered around A.D. 800 had begun to disintegrate a few
The changes that took place during the Middle Horizon have tended to be decades later in the early tenth century A.D.
understood as phenomena of an exclusively stylistic-formal type due to
the influence of the chronological approaches established in Andean archae- Much has been made of Menzel’s hypothesis which claimed that the Wari
ology in the first half of the twentieth century, which were sanctioned by the phenomenon had religious foundations and was related with the dissemina-
authority of Max Uhle and Alfred Kroeber.37 The crisis of the prevailing ideol- tion of the cult of a specific deity, which was worshipped at Tiahuanaco and
ogies, the increase in commercial exchanges; and the dissemination of a was depicted on The Sun Gate. This was the starting point of Conrad and
prose­lytising religion are often considered triggering factors. In Makowski’s Demarest, who suggested that Huari and Tiahuanaco were comparable to
approach, the empirical evidence accumulated during the last half century Rome and Byzantium, the former as a political capital and the latter as a
questions the validity of the interpretations mentioned above.38 Dorothy religious one.45 Several studies recently showed empirically that the dissemi-
Menzel had already shown through a formal-stylistic analysis of the most nation of Tiwanaku iconography was not due to the imitation of the model
complex ceramic examples as regards design and finish, that the change that found on The Sun Gate, which is a late monument that was never finished.
took place in her Middle Horizon 1 did not consist in an increase in imports Tiwanaku iconography was instead born as a textile art in the Formative
or the imitation of exotic objects.39 What changed was the organisation of Period.46 The decorated textiles were reproduced on the statues of kings and
production and the identity of the producers, which surfaced in their techno­ nobles of Tiwanaku. A large number of deities were represented in frontal
logies and in their preference as regards their choice of forms, finishing, and position with different attributes. An even larger repertoire of supernatural
decorations. Specialists of quite varied origins apparently shared imperial beings was depicted in profile, accompanying the front-facing personages.
workshops like those in Conchopata. The result was the manufacture of pieces The textiles were probably also used as a model by the potters. Patricia
that were hybrids from every possible standpoint. The coastal body form Knobloch and Krzysztof Makowski have shown that the iconography found
(e.g. the pilgrim flask) could have a modelled image from the Tiwanaku reper- at Conchopata, Huari, Robles Moqo, Pacheco, and other sites, is not an imita-
toire, and a painted Nazca design completed the decoration. At Huari and tion of the Doorway or of any known low-relief sculpture.47 The artists who
Conchopata there was no lack of specialists trained in the Tiwanaku icono­ decorated the pottery however had an extensive knowledge of the repertoire
graphy who decorated newly invented forms such as the urns, or traditional of forms, conventions, colours and secondary designs. Only someone trained
ones, with the origin both on the coast as well as in the highlands. In Huarmey, within the Tiwanaku culture could have had such knowledge. Armed with
the Central Coast potters—and perhaps those from the South Coast, too— this knowledge, the craftsmen reproduced images of mortal men either seized
formed more numerous groups along with the local artisans, who collaborated in order to be sacrificed or in combat posture, and deities who were about to
with their knowledge in manufacturing vessels (e.g. the jars and the mammi- behead a human being; deities including women. In light of these studies, the
form neck-face jars found by Giersz and his team at Castillo de Huarmey). argument that there was a proselytising cult of the Staff God simply fades
The mixture of forms, techniques, and designs is such that archaeologists away. Wari iconography emphasises the large number of mythical protago-
often find it difficult to identify the style; this is because the powerful and nists and their diversity. The results attained by these studies show that the
fallacious early twentieth-century academic tradition stipulated that each iconography was an expression of a polytheistic and inclusive religion. The
style has its time and its place of origin and dissemination.40 Just like pottery, hard-to-read figurative designs evoke stories in which the fate of valiant men
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and bloodthirsty gods seem to be mutually conditioned. Just like the rituals of greater size than previous ones, thus showing the administrative capacity
in which it was used, the cult paraphernalia decorated with the iconography the new central administration had.56 A fragmented configuration was likewise
set the journeys and the combats that ended with the beheading of the oppo- observable on a global scale, wherein each local organisation was free to
nents in a mythical time. establish alliances and affiliations with other local or foreign societies. It
comes as no surprise that new centres with a clear highland ascription then
The study of all of these types of sources—architecture, textiles, pottery, appeared on the North Coast, like the fortified site of Cerro Chepén, whose
iconography in all types of media—leads one to the same conclusion. Like all architecture is possibly of Cajamarquino origin.57 Some of the final Moche
theories of imperial expansion in humanity’s pre-industrial past, the fate of sites, like San Ildefonso in the Jequetepeque Valley, were unable to retain
this feat was conditioned by the capacity the leader had to establish links of their power and were abandoned.58
kinship and loyalty between groups of varied origins, cultures, and languages.
Just like with the Inca, in the case of Wari the establishment of alliances was On the other hand the neighbouring San José de Moro, a ceremonial centre
not based on military superiority (like that of the Macedonian phalanx or without monumental architecture and with an elite cemetery in the Jequete-
the Roman legions). With their bows and bronze weapons, the southerners peque Valley, was continuously occupied during the Transitional Period (A.D.
certainly could be fearsome adversaries. Even so, the political strategy used 750-900), and the local tradition was reconfigured.59 Exotic pottery in different
was more sophisticated—and the only one possible in such difficult ecological Middle Horizon styles then began to appear in typical Moche burials; its
conditions, and with such rudimentary means of transportation and commu- presence in local elite tombs reflects a particular aspect of the identity of the
nication. The big pyramid of subject-peoples was moved to submit to the individuals buried therein. According to Luis Jaime Castillo, the case of San
conqueror when the ancestors of their curacas were included in the great José de Moro suggests that the rulers from Ayacucho were unable to establish
imperial cult. This is why the Wari model for expansion and territorial control their imperial power on the North Coast, but their impact, as reflected by
seems to have been very similar to that of the Incas: they introduced both the fine Wari objects found in ritual contexts, shows the clear interest Moche
peaceful policies and mediations with the local chiefs of given lands, as well elites had in affiliating themselves with the Wari political organisation, and
as alliances and an efficient manipulation of ‘the institution of Andean reci- so in their strategies of power they took the side of this affiliation. Castillo
procity.’ When these means failed, however, they turned to military solutions. posits a similar scenario for other areas where the presence of Wari seems to
The discovery of weapons, the presence of trophy heads, the modelled ceramic have had less impact, like the Central Coast and the Northern Highlands.60
depictions, and the images on metals and textiles all evince the presence of In any case the recent finds made at Castillo de Huarmey are a call for more
an institutionalised military force, and in turn show that Wari elites combined prudence when discussing theoretically attractive models, that are to a large
military and ritual power in order to establish and sustain imperial control. extent based on the silence of the sources. The evidence that a potentially
external factor had a role in the undeniable cultural transformations that
Changing Old Frontiers took place around A.D. 800 multiplies as fieldwork increases.

Our recent research at Castillo de Huarmey clearly showed that this North The excavations undertaken in the Southern Moche territory revealed
Coast border-area had a major role in the attempt to incorporate this region somewhat different circumstances from those which characterised the
into the Andean empire. Between the eighth and the ninth centuries A.D. the Northern Moche area during the final phase of this pre-Inca culture. The
North coast of Peru saw the decline and final collapse of the Moche culture; Huaca de la Luna was almost completely remodeled in A.D. 600-800. The main
this obviously did not happen suddenly, nor was it the same throughout the building was sealed off in the seventh century, but this did not entail the
land the Moche occupied. There are different proposals in the scientific abandonment and the fall into oblivion of the hypothetical capital city. The
literature regarding this issue. One of them considers that the Wari cultural urban complex at the foot of the Huaca de la Luna continued in use, and
pheno­menon was the major dynamic element in the process of reorganisation construction works of impressive size were made to the east of the residential
that took place inside the Late Moche groups. The proponents of this inter­ core. The Moche built this new monument—now known as the Huaca del
pretation support this proposal with the arrival of highland and Central Sol—rapidly; it differed formally from the previous one, which comprised
Coast stylistic elements to the North Coast,48 as well as the apparent intro­ stepped platforms and ramps. A new building was also built beside the Huaca
duction of architectural models supposedly of highland origin.49 The second de la Luna with tiered platforms that rose over the slopes of Cerro Blanco. All
proposal instead views the process of social and political reorganisation that of these activities hint at a remarkable transformation in the religious prac-
the North Coast experienced in the Middle Horizon as a result of the reesta­ tices and tradition. Students likewise suggest a change in the relations of
blishment of the Moche socio-political structure.50 Other scholars tried to power between the priestly and the warrior elites. At this same time a new
explain the decline of the Moche culture as a result of changes in the climate centre of political and religious power rose in the mid—to upper—Moche basin
brought about by a paleo-ENSO.51 For the scholars who work on the northern at Galindo. The coexistence of two centres of power in the Moche Valley is
part of Peru’s North Coast, the scenario suggested for this area, where the perhaps comparable with the “Balkanisation” scholars have suggested for the
Wari inserted themselves in the midst of a presumed gradual transition Lambayeque Valley, but it does not necessarily entail a total fragmentation.
from Moche to Sicán—two great local traditions—suggests that the presence A similar phenomenon, for instance is, observable—in the context of a
of artefacts decorated using techniques and iconography from Ayacucho is possible concentration of power—at this same time in the area of the Lima
explain­able only as a result of the process of pre-industrial Andean globali­ culture: Maranga and Cajamarquilla, both in the Rímac Valley, were the
sation, and not as a result of the establishment of the political mechanisms capitals. In any case the elites responsible for the rise of the new centres and
that characterise an empire.52 Still, other scholars doubt the very existence the remodelling of the old capital, did not fully respect the tradition-sanctioned
of the Ayacuchano Empire.53 On the other hand, researchers who study the institutions, and perhaps changed the rules of the political game in self-
Southern Coast and Southern Highlands defend the existence of the Empire.54 serving ways: Uceda believes that a building with palatial functions, and
In recent years, the hypothetical influence Wari exerted over Moche territory, which was meant to carry out a dynastic cult, replaced the old shrine.61
which was proposed as an explanation of the changes perceivable in the The cultural changes that took place in the valleys located south of the Moche
Moche IV-V transition, has been reassessed. The most reliable data comes Valley in A.D. 700-900 are still being studied. In the Virú Valley, the members
from the study of late Moche sites like Pampa Grande, San Ildefonso, San of the Virú Project documented a relatively dense post-Moche occupation that
José de Moro, El Brujo, Huacas de la Luna y el Sol and Galindo.55 These corresponded to the Tomaval Period.62 The American scholars noted a quite
studies have presented a whole range of scenarios for the end of Moche that homogeneous distribution of all sites throughout the valley studied. What
are quite distant from one another. stands out here is the lack of occupational continuity in the Huancaco Period,
in contrast with the remarkable reoccupation of the Gallinazo Period sites
It was in this epoch that the valleys located to the north of the Pampas and the rise of new ones in the sector closest to the sea. The beginning of the
de Paiján, between the valley of Jequetepeque and La Leche, attained their Tomaval Period was marked by a drastic change in the ceramic sequence of
highest development. A new capital city—Pampa Grande—was then built, the Virú Valley.63
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In the light of the surface survey of the Santa Valley, David Wilson64 team—the sites recorded concentrate in the middle and upper valley, and are
suggested that this change in ceramic traditions and in settlement patterns related with the North-South inter-valley road network. New centres with a
was related with the coming of a new people and the formation of an expan- different architectural pattern then appeared, where walled enclosures with
sionist State. An extensive road network and 200 nearby associated sites an orthogonal plan predominated. The dwellings of the Moche elites were
joined the Santa and the Chao Valleys with other northern valleys. The abandoned or became cemeteries. On the other hand, new local centres with
presence of the Middle Horizon settlements in the Santa Valley was verified a different architectural pattern also appeared, where walled enclosures of
by the members of the Université de Montréal’s Santa Project.65 The Middle orthogonal layout predominated.72 A remarkable change in the location of
Horizon in the Nepeña River Valley was marked by a demographic explosion the settlements also took place. The densely populated area moved to the
and by a most dense and homogeneous occupation of the entire valley. More middle-lower valley, where the now contemporary North-South road also led.
than half the sites in the Nepeña Valley had Middle Horizon occupation The new road axis ensured communications with the main provincial Wari
levels, and many older sites were reoccupied by peoples whose material site at Castillo de Huarmey. From this period onwards, the number of
culture was under the influence of the Wari.66 A similar case has been described recorded sites grew continuously.73 It is therefore clear that this was a period
for the Casma Valley. The distribution of the new sites was essentially conti­ of relative prosperity. On the other hand, the construction of fortified sites
nuous from the mouth of the Sechín and Casma Rivers, to the area of Pariacoto suggests the presence of conflicts with the polities north of the Culebras
and Quillo. An extensive road network with associated sites hints at a strong Valley. The increase in the number of settlements and their location on the
integration inside the valleys and between them. The sites rise alongside valley floor, as well as on hard-to-defend sites, indicate in turn that this
a complex desert road system between the Sechín and Casma Valleys. David defensive system proved effective.
Wilson has suggested the possibility that some links may have existed
between this part of Peru’s coast and the part of the Callejón de Huaylas that The changes are visible not just in the reconfiguration of the settlement
was subdued by the Wari, and who had their capital at Honcopampa.67 pattern, but also in the sudden apparition of southern Wari ceramic pieces
in the context of local pottery. A new local ceramic tradition was likewise
In the neighbouring highlands, the ancient Recuay tradition endured in this conglo­merating that comprised both oxidisation as well as reduced-firing
new socio-political context. The supposed Wari capital in the Callejón de with mould-stamped decoration.74 The ancient iconographic repertoire of the
Huaylas at Honcopampa has both local and foreign architectonic elements. Northern Coast and highlands—particularly complex themes based on Moche
Its layout includes buildings typical of the Ayacuchano tradition like D-shaped and Recuay iconography: shining couples copulating, the deer hunt, felines
ceremonial structures and patio units with an orthogonal plan. The site, on confronting each other, shining personages under the two headed arch, marine
the other hand, is commanded by a group of chullpa/mausoleum-type funeral scenes, felines or dragons over the crescent moon—began to be replaced with
architecture that belongs to a local tradition. The pottery found on the surface new, southern-derived designs, particularly geometric shapes, meanders,
of the site comprises a high percentage of utilitarian shards in the local waves, human faces on rayed volutes, and personages in profile. There also
Recuay style, and a very low percentage of shards in the Wari Atarco and appeared anthropomorphic face-neck jars or with low-relief depictions of
Viñaque styles, and pieces with mould-stamped decoration that may have front-facing personages with staffs that are so characteristic of Tiwanaku
come from the neighbouring coast.68 The same phenomenon was observed in and Wari iconography. Vessels with mould-stamped decoration often also
other sites from this same epoch in the area of the Callejón de Huaylas. have polychrome ornaments. The change in the ceramic tradition also
Ceramic imports were essentially found in funerary contexts and include the emerged in the introduction of new shapes of containers, particularly in the
Chaquipampa, Huamanga, Nievería, Viñaque and Cajamarca styles, as well kero-type ceremonial cup form. Local pottery appeared in the same archaeo-
as mould-stamped, oxidised, or black polished North Coast pottery.69 The logical contexts alongside foreign pottery in various classic Wari styles. In the
presence of exotic pottery indicates a significant long-distance interaction that case of the Culebras Valley, the explanation given for the presence of imports
was probably facilitated by the early expansion and the economic organisation and imitations of southern pottery—a result of the new exchange network
of the Wari Empire. The rise of the chullpas in the ancient Recuay necropo- established by the elites, in a context of political crisis that anticipated the
lises of Willkawain, Ichic Willkawain, Waullac or Chinchawas, as well as in the decline of the Moche culture—clashes with the evidence recorded regarding
new centres of power, can be understood as a material manifestation of the the magnitude and the nature of the changes that took place in the organi­
power of the new rulers. It is now almost universally accepted that in the long sation of the settlements in the context of the abandonment of the Moche
term, the Wari Empire did not manage to consolidate its presumed and actual sites that was presumably earlier in comparison with the core area of the
conquests on the coast and in the northern highlands. The construction of a valleys to the north.
possible palatial complex for the Wari governors at Viracochapampa—in the
Huamachuco highlands, on the headwaters of the Moche valley and in the In comparison with the Moche, the Wari occupation left a very different
area of influence of the Recuay and the Cajamarca—was abandoned shortly mark on the cultural landscape of the Huarmey and Culebras Valleys, and
after it was begun.70 On the other hand, and as was briefly noted in previous this necessarily implies differences in the strategies of power. Our recent
sections, it cannot be doubted that the presence of Wari in the Northern finds at Castillo de Huarmey provide arguments that support the successful
Highlands altered the political relations established in previous epochs. This conquest of this land by the warriors from the south. The evidence from
process is reflected in the finds George Lau made at the site of Chinchawas, Culebras likewise suggests the hypothesis that the Wari administration
on the headwaters of the Casma Valley at around 3850 metres above sea level turned this valley into a fortified fortress whilst preparing for the conquest
(masl). Chinchawas was occupied in the late Early Intermediate Period by the of other northern valleys.
local community, which used utilitarian pottery in the Recuay style. It was
during the Chinchawasi Phase 2 (A.D. 700-850) that the site reached its apogee Castillo de Huarmey as the Provincial Capital of the Empire
in terms of its occupation and size. The archaeological materials include
imported pottery in polychrome Wari styles like Huamanga and Viñaque, and Most specialists believe that the imperial provincial capitals had the nature
exotic pottery from Cajamarca, mould-stamped pottery from the North of a palace as well as that of a funerary cult temple of the ancestors of all
Central Coast, and the Nievería style from the Central Coast.71 ‘noble’ lineages in charge of the macro-ayllus in each basin. Thus, they were
not heavily populated cities or administrative centres sensu stricto, nor were
In the valleys located on the southern marches of the Moche world, on the they built in the image and likeness of the imperial capital; they instead
border-zone of the modern-day province of Huarmey, the problem of the end creatively combined local designs and technologies with their southern coun-
of the Moche is unquestionably related with Wari influence in the highlands terparts. Castillo de Huarmey fulfils in this regard, the definition of provincial
and on the Northern Coast (Fig. 27 a-b). A re-configuration of the settlement capital of the Wari Empire.
pattern is visible in the Middle Horizon both in the Huarmey as well as
in the Culebras Valleys. In the latter valley—the best-studied case thanks
to the archaeological work carried out over more ten years by Giersz and his
292

The absence of Moche IV pieces on the one hand, and the lack of excavated (1) In this volume we have followed the de Pachacamac: Huari en la costa
contexts with the Middle Lambayeque pottery that Shimada75 calls standardisation proposed by William Isbell central,” Boletín de Arqueología PUCP 4:
un regard the spelling and usage of the 313-358, 2000.
“Middle Sicán”—this time as terminus antequem—let us place the Castillo
terms Wari, Huari, Tiwanaku, and Tiahua-
de Huarmey complex in time around A.D. 800-1000. We believe it is possible (11) Makowski, Krzysztof. Primeras
naco:
that the abandonment of the centres of power on the North Coast in the Civilizaciones. Enciclopedia Temática del
Huari: capital city and type-site, as well as Perú, vol. IX. Lima: Empresa Editora
ninth century AD, is causally related with the conquest of the Huarmey and
its material remains. El Comercio, pp. 154, 155; Makowski,
Culebras Valleys by the coalition of southern peoples known in the archaeo- Krzysztof. “Pachacamac y la política
logical literature as the Wari. Wari: widely disseminated culture and art
imperial inca.” Paper delivered in the
style.
International Symposium “The Secrets
Castillo de Huarmey has parallels with the most complex funerary contexts Tiahuanaco: capital city and type-site, as of the Inca,” Jerusalem, 7th May, 2012.
well as its material remains.
known in the heartland of the Wari Empire. First of all, this is a mortuary (12) Cook, Anita G. Wari y Tiwanaku: entre
complex that comprises chambers of varied shapes and which is directly asso- Tiwanaku: widely disseminated culture el estilo y la imagen. Lima: Fondo Editorial
ciated with a palatial building, as is the case of the “royal” mausoleums in and art style. de la Pontificia Universidad Católica del
Perú, 1994; Stanish, Charles. Ancient
Ayacucho. There are obvious differences in the materials and the techniques Isbell, William. “Reflexiones finales”,
Titicaca: the evolution of complex society in
used as well as in some architectural designs, given that the people who built Boletín de Arqueología 5: 456-458, 2001.
southern Peru and northern Bolivia.
both buildings probably were not of Ayacuchano origin. Even so, the effort pp. 455-479.
Berkeley: University of California Press,
invested in hewing a chamber out of the rock is striking. According to William (2) Uhle, Max. Pachacamac. Report of the 2003; Albarracín-Jordán, Juan. “Tiwanaku:
Isbell, in Huari the burials of this category contained the bone remains of William Pepper, M.D., LL.D., Peruvian A Pre-Inka Segmentary State in the
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several individuals placed in several adjacent structures inside the same room
sity of Pennsylvania, 1903. and its Hinterland, vol.2, Urban and Rural
or building. At least one of the chambers or mortuary enclosures was the main Archaeology: Archaeology and Paleoecology
tomb, whilst the others seem to have been of lower rank.76 Bearing in mind (3) Tello, Julio C. “Las ruinas de Huari,” in of an Andean Civilization. Washington
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finish given to the floors, the mausoleum of Castillo de Huarmey is comparable
para la Historia del Perú, 3. Lima: Insti-
with the more complex Wari tombs of Huari, but with an interesting differ- tuto de Estudios Peruanos, 1970, pp. (13) Ponce Sanginés, Carlos. Tiwanaku:
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