Jump to content

Israeli–Palestinian conflict

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

This is an old revision of this page, as edited by Ezzex (talk | contribs) at 14:04, 19 November 2007. The present address (URL) is a permanent link to this revision, which may differ significantly from the current revision.

See also: Arab-Israeli conflict
Israel, with the West Bank, Gaza Strip and Golan Heights

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is an ongoing dispute between the State of Israel and Arab Palestinians. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is part of the wider Arab-Israeli conflict. The conflict can be traced to the late 19th century, when Zionist Jews expressed their desire to create a modern state in the ancient land of the Israelites, which they considered to be their rightful homeland. To further that objective, the World Zionist Organization encouraged immigration to the land and purchasing land, which was then part of the Ottoman Empire.[1] The concrete background for the conflict was the massive Jewish immigration to Palestine after first World War and their aspiration to create a Jewish state.

Following World War I and the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire, the region came under the control of United Kingdom through the League of Nations. In 1947, the United Nations approved the partition of the British Mandate of Palestine into two states, one Jewish and one Arab. The Arab League rejected the plan, but on May 14, 1948, after numerous attempts to partition the land[2] and hostilities,[3] Israel declared its independence. Local Arab nations and Israel fought in the 1948 Arab-Israeli War, in which Israel won control over borders which remained in place until their success in the Six Day War led to the occupation of the lands of the West Bank and Gaza Strip.

For decades after 1948, Arab governments had refused to recognize Israel and in 1964 the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) was founded with the central tenet that the state be eliminated.[4] However, in 1988, Yasser Arafat stated that he recognized Israel's right to exist, thus providing the first step needed to enable negotiations between Israel and the PLO.

An attempt to broker a 'two state solution' was seen in the Oslo peace process, where Israel and the PLO negotiated, unsuccessfully, to come to a mutual agreement. During Oslo, which began in 1993, the Palestine Liberation Organization was permitted autonomy to run Palestinian affairs in the Gaza Strip and West Bank in the form of the Palestinian National Authority with the understanding that it would uphold recognition of and mutual co-existence with Israel. However there was continual contention over whether actual events and conditions proved that there was greater acceptance of Israel's existence by Palestinian leaders.[5]

Most Palestinians accept the West Bank and Gaza Strip as at least a part of the territory of their future state.[6] Most Israelis also accept this solution.[6] Vocal minorities on both sides advocate other solutions, most of which contradict the goal of 'two states for two peoples.' In both communities, some individuals and groups advocate total removal or transfer of the other community. A small minority advocates a one state solution, where all of Israel, the Gaza Strip, and West Bank would become a bi-national state, providing equal citizenship to all of its current residents.[7][8]

One central question of this conflict is the degree to which Palestinians are willing and able to accept the right of Israel to exist, and are willing to uphold acceptance of this principle. Similarly, another central question is the degree to which Israel feels conditions exist in which it is possible to allow Palestinians to achieve sovereignty.[9][6]

Israel asserts that one major condition of Palestinian sovereignty over any territory must be acceptance of mutual co-existence and elimination of terrorism by the Palestinians. Some Palestinian groups, notably Fatah, a political party founded by PLO leaders, claim they are willing to foster co-existence if Palestinians are steadily given more political rights and autonomy. In 2006, Hamas won a majority in the Palestinian Legislative Council, where it remains the majority party. While Hamas has openly stated in the past that it completely opposed Israel's right to exist,[10] indeed its charter states this,[11] the position has softened somewhat recently.[12][13]

History

Main article: History of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict

1945-1948

After World War II, the continuing tension between Arabs and Jews in the British mandate of Palestine was a major international concern. In an endeavour to resolve the conflict in the Palestinian territory, the United Nations proposed a two-state solution. The 1947 UN Partition Plan was to come into effect on 15 May 1948. However, the Plan was rejected by the Arab League representing the Palestinians and the other Arab states.[14]

Israel declared its independence on May 14, 1948. Almost immediately, Egypt, Lebanon, Syria, Transjordan, Saudi Arabia and Iraq declared war on the nascent nation. By the conclusion of the 1948 Arab-Israeli War, Israel had greatly expanded its borders, and signed ceasefire agreements with all its Arab neighbors.[15]

A significant exodus of Palestinians from Israel[16] occurred during this time, coupled with an even greater Jewish exodus from Arab lands.[17] These changes in demographics helped lay the long-term groundwork for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, since it drastically increased the size of the Jewish population of Israel, and created a problem of Palestinian refugees.[17]

1949-1967

PLO Fatah Hamas PIJ PFLP
File:Fateh-logo.jpg File:HamasLogo.jpg File:PFLP Emblem.gif
The emblems of major Palestinian organizations include a map of present-day Israel, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. (Significant populations of Palestinians and Israelis alike claim a right to the entire region).

By the end of 1949, only 150,123 Palestinians remained within Israel.[18] For this reason, the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict took a back seat to the broader Arab-Israeli Conflict during this time.[19]

Palestinians played a crucial role in the Egyptian-Israeli conflict during this time.[9][20] Beginning in 1950, Egypt began using fedayeen to conduct a war of proxy against Israel. These units of Palestinians—often trained and equipped by Egypt—would infiltrate across what was then the Israeli-Egyptian border at Gaza, and conduct guerilla raids against Israeli targets (mostly civilian in nature).[21] In the first five years of the 1950s, "884 Israelis were wounded or killed by" Palestinian fedayin trained and sent into Israel by the Egyptians.[20] The fedayin attacks was cited as being among the factors leading up to the Israeli decision to participate in the Sinai Campaign in 1956.[9]

The scope of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict again broadened after Israel conquered the West Bank from Jordan and the Gaza Strip from Egypt during the Six-Day War.[9]

Oslo peace process (1993-2000)

Main article: Oslo peace process
A peace movement poster: Israeli and Palestinian flags and the words peace in Arabic and Hebrew. Similar images have been used by several groups proposing a two-state solution to the conflict.

In 1993, Israeli and Palestinian leaders from the Palestine Liberation Organization strove to find a peaceful solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict known as the Oslo peace process. Perhaps the most important milestone of this period was Yasser Arafat's letter of recognition of Israel's right to exist. The crux of the Oslo agreement was that Israel would gradually cede control of the Palestinian territories over to the Palestinians in exchange for peace. The Oslo process was delicate and progressed in fits and starts, but finally came to a close when Arafat and Barak failed to reach agreement. Robert Malley, special assistant to President Clinton for Arab-Israeli Affairs, has confirmed that Barak made no formal written offer to Arafat.[22][23] Consequently, there are different accounts of the proposals considered.[24][25][26] However, the main obstacle to agreement appears to have been the status of Jerusalem.[27]

Map of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, showing areas of formal Palestinian authority in dark green and Israeli-administered areas in light green.

Peace Initiatives (2002)

Road Map for Peace

Main article: Road map for peace

One peace proposal, presented by the Quartet of the European Union, Russia, the United Nations and the United States on September 17, 2002, was the Road map for peace. This plan did not attempt to resolve difficult questions such as the fate of Jerusalem or Israeli settlements, but left that to be negotiated in later phases of the process. Israel did not accept the proposal as written, but called out 14 "reservations" or changes before they would accept it[28], which were unacceptable to the current Palestinian government. The proposal never made it beyond the first phase, which called for a halt to Israeli settlement construction and a halt to Israeli and Palestinian violence, none of which was achieved. Prime Minister Ariel Sharon stated around this period that further unilateral withdrawals from some West Bank settlements might be undertaken if the peace process seemed to be stalled.[citation needed]

Arab Peace Initiative

See also: Arab Peace Initiative and Beirut Summit

The Arab Peace Initiative (Arabic: مبادرة السلام العربية) is a peace initiative first proposed by Abdullah of Saudi Arabia, then crown prince, in the Beirut Summit. The peace initiative is a proposed solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict as a whole, and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in particular.

The initiative was initially published on 28 March 2002 in Beirut Summit, and agreed on again in 2007 in the Riyadh Summit. The peace initiative achieved the unanimous consent of all members of the Arab League, including both the Hamas and Fatah Palestinian factions.

Considered a progressive proposal that would end the Arab-Israeli conflict, unlike the Road map for peace it spelled out "final-solution" borders based explicitely on the UN borders established before the 1967 Six-Day War. It offered full normalization of relations with Israel, in exchange for the withdrawal of its forces from all the Occupied Territories, including the Golan Heights, to recognize "an independent Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital" in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, as well as a "just solution" for the Palestinian refugees.

Although initially rejected by Israel, the Arab Leage continues to raise it as a possible solution, and meetings between the Arab League and Israel have been scheduled[29].

2003-present

See also: 2006 Israel-Gaza conflict

Prime Minister of Israel Ariel Sharon announced a controversial disengagement plan in December 2003[30]. Israel was to remove all of its civilian and military presence in the Gaza Strip, (namely 21 Jewish settlements there, and four in the West Bank), but continue to supervise and guard the external envelope on land excepting a border crossing with Egypt, which is jointly run by the Palestinian National Authority in conjunction with the European Union. Israel also maintained exclusive control in the air space of Gaza. The Israeli government argued that "as a result, there will be no basis for the claim that the Gaza Strip is occupied territory,"[31] while others argued that the only effect would be that Israel "would be permitted to complete the wall (that is, the Israeli West Bank Barrier) and to maintain the situation in the West Bank as is."[32]

Israel implemented their disengagement plan in August-September 2005, and it was initially popular with most Israelis, helping Prime Minister Ehud Olmert to win the following election after Sharon was incapacitated by a stroke[33]. As preparation for Israel's withdrawal from the Gaza Strip, Fatah and Hamas had called a cease-fire on attacks against Israel in February 2005. CNN reported in 2006 that Fatah and Hamas "stuck to the cease-fire it announced in February 2005, but other groups did not sign on and have continued attacks against Israel."[34] Nevertheless, Israel continued to target militants inside Gaza whom it alleged had planned or carried out attacks on Israel, including some members of Hamas. [35]. Then in June 2006, violence on both sides escalated. Israel killed a Hamas official in a missile attack on June 5; then on June 6 militants from the "Popular Resistance" group fired rockets into Israel which produced no casualties; Israel launched airstrikes against those militants and others, killing five; and then an Israeli navy gunboat fired shells onto a northern Gaza beach, killing seven and wounding 20 amongst the Palestinian families picnicking on the beach. In response, Hamas called off its 16-month-old cease-fire[34].

Since that time, Israeli military incursions into Gaza and Palestinian rocket attacks towards Israeli cities have continued to this day.[34][36][37][38] Later in June 2006, Corporal Gilad Shalit, a 19-year-old Israeli IDF soldier, was kidnapped by members of Hamas. Israel carried out a military operation against targets in Gaza, which it claimed to be in response to Palestinian attacks. Israeli Prime Minister Olmert stated that Israel's goal was not to reacquire control of the Gaza Strip, and that the IDF would withdraw once its operations were completed. [39]

Hamas's victory in the 2006 elections for Palestinian Legislative Council, and Ismail Haniyeh’s ascension to the post of Prime Minister further complicated the peace process. Hamas openly states that it does not recognize Israel's right to exist, although they have expressed openness to a long-term hudna or truce[13][40]

In early 2007, Hamas and Fatah met in Saudi Arabia, and reached agreement to form a new unity government. Haniyeh later resigned, and a new unity coalition government of both Fatah and Hamas took office in March 2007. In 2007, the coalition of Hamas and Fatah collapsed, and the two engaged in a physical struggle. Eventually, Fatah was defeated in Gaza, and Hamas took over full control of the Gaza Strip. Fatah retains control of the West Bank. Gaza has been subjected to economic sanctions due to Hamas' non-recognition of Israel, and sporadic fighting between Israel and Hamas in Gaza has continued. Hamas has made recent attempts to renew a cease-fire with Israel, but Israel has so far rejected their offer[41][42].

Politics of Palestine
Coat of arms of Palestine
Officeholders whose status is disputed are shown in italics
National symbols
Administrative divisions
Government
Legislative Council
Elections
Local elections
Political parties
Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) factions
Other parties
Palestinian Electoral Lists
Leaders
Map shows birthplaces or family origins
Foreign relations
Arab League Member state of the Arab League
flag Palestine portal
Part of a series on the
Politics of Israel
Basic Laws
Presidency
Executive
Legislature
Elections
Judiciary
Administrative divisions
Foreign relations
flag Israel portal

Major issues between the two sides

See also: Peace process in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict

Since the Oslo Accords, finalized in 1993, the government of Israel and the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) have been officially committed to an eventual two-state solution. However, there are many major issues which remained unresolved between the two parties.[9][6][10]

The status of the occupied territories

See also: Israeli-occupied territories, West_bank § Status, and Positions on Jerusalem

The West Bank, Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem—territories which Israel conquered from Egypt and Jordan in the 1967 Six-Day War—are the subject of contentious legal, ethical and political dispute between Israelis and Palestinians. [43][44]

In 1980, Israel outright annexed East Jerusalem.[45] The United Nations rejected this annexation on August 20 of that year. [46] Israel has never annexed the West Bank or Gaza Strip, and the United Nations has demanded the "[t]ermination of all claims or states of belligerency and respect for and acknowledgement of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of every State in the area and their right to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries free from threats or acts of force" and that Israeli forces withdraw "from territories occupied in the recent conflict" - the meaning and intent of the latter phrase is disputed. See United Nations Security Council Resolution 242#Semantic dispute.

It has been the position of Israel that the most Arab-populated parts of West Bank (without major Jewish settlements), and the entire Gaza Strip must eventually be part of an independent Palestinian State. However, the precise borders of this state are in question. In 2000, for example, Ehud Barak offered Yasser Arafat an opportunity to establish an independent Palestinian State composed of the entire Gaza Strip and 92% of the West Bank. Due to security restrictions, and Barak's opposition to a broad right of return, Arafat refused this proposal.[47]

Some Palestinians claim they are entitled to all of the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem. Israel says it is justified in not ceding all this land, due to security concerns, and also because the lack of any valid diplomatic agreement at the time means that ownership and boundaries of this land is open for discussion.[48] Palestinians claim any reduction of this claim is a severe deprivation of their rights. In negotiations, they claim that any moves to reduce the boundaries of this land is a hostile move against their key interests. Israel considers this land to be in dispute, and feels the purpose of negotiations is to define what the final borders will be.

Other Palestinian groups, such as Hamas, insist that Palestinians must control not only the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem, but also all of Israel proper. For this reason, Hamas views the peace process "as religiously forbidden and politically inconceivable."[49]

House demolition in the occupied territories

Main article: House demolition in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict

A factor in the ongoing conflict between the Israelis and Palestinians is the demolition of homes in the areas conquered in the 1967 Six-Day War. The Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) have demolished and continue to demolish Palestinian homes in the occupied territories. The reasons for these demolitions are a subject of heated dispute.[50]. Israel justifies the demolition of Palestinian homes on the grounds of deterrence against alleged terrorists and their families and as a means of counter-terrorism and as self-defense to protect Israeli citizens.[51][52] Human Rights groups such as Amnesty International oppose the demolitions claiming they are in violation of international law, and accuse the Israelis of Collective punishment against innocent Palestinians and annexation of Palestinian land for the benefit of Israeli settlements[53][54].

Mutual recognition

The Oslo peace process was based upon Israel ceding authority to the Palestinians to run their own political and economic affairs. In return, it was agreed that Palestinians would promote peaceful co-existence, renounce violence and promote recognition of Israel among their own people.[55] Despite Yasser Arafat's official renouncement of terrorism and recognition of Israel, some Palestinian groups continue to practice and advocate violence against civilians and do not recognize Israel as a legitimate political entity.[9][10] Simultaneously, at the time of Hamas's victory in the 2006, polls indicated that 66% of Palestinians supported mutual recognition and a two-state solution to the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict.

It is widely felt among Israelis that Palestinians did not in fact promote acceptance of Israel's right to exist. Palestinians respond that their ability to spread acceptance of Israel was greatly hampered by Israeli restrictions on Palestinian political freedoms, economic freedoms, civil liberties, and quality of life. Many feel that their own opposition to Israel was justified by Israel's apparent stifling of any genuine Palestinian political and economic development.[56]

Israel cites past concessions, such as Israel’s disengagement from the Gaza Strip in August, 2005, which did not lead to a reduction of attacks and rocket fire against Israel, as an example of the Palestinian people not accepting Israel as a state. Palestinian groups and Israeli Human Rights organizations (namely B'tzellem) have pointed out that while the military occupation in Gaza was ended, the Israeli government still retained control of Gaza's airspace, territorial water, and borders, legally making it still under Israeli control. Practically, they also point out that mainly thanks to these restrictions, the Palestinian quality of life in the Gaza Strip has not improved since the Israeli withdrawal. Furthermore, given that the Israeli army has run incursions into the Gaza Strip on various occasions, closed off its borders, and placed an embargo on the region, the Gazan economy has since gone into free fall. This has led and continues to result in warnings of the Palestinian population becoming more radicalized unless conditions improve.

The question of Palestinian refugees

See also: Palestinian Right of Return, Palestinian refugee, and Palestinian Exodus

The number of Palestinians who fled Israel following its creation and their descendants now stands at around four million.[57]

Left-wing Israelis are open to compromise on the issue, by means such as the monetary reparations and family reunification initiatives offered by Ehud Barak at the Camp David 2000 summit. However, the majority of Israelis find a comprehensive right of return for Palestinian refugees to be unacceptable. The HonestReporting organization listed the following grounds for this opposition:

  • Palestinian flight from Israel was not compelled, but voluntary. After seven Arab nations declared war on Israel in 1948, many Arab leaders encouraged Palestinians to flee, in order to make it easier to rout the Jewish state. This point, however, is a matter of some contention. Certain actions on the part of Jewish militias were considered to provoke Palestinians to leave Israel. Eye witness accounts from Ain al-Zeitoum and Er-Rama, for example, record that the Palmach assembled all of their residents following the villages' surrender. The Jewish militia then demanded that all Muslim residents depart for Lebanon, and leave their possessions behind, under pain of death.[58] Still, such cases were relatively rare, and the vast majority of Palestinians fled of their own accord.[59] Since most Palestinians chose their status as refugees themselves, some argue that Israel is therefore absolved of responsibility.[59] In fact, a 1952 memorandum submitted to the League of Arab States by the Higher Arab Committee reveals that Arab states officially agreed to take responsibility for these refugees at the height of the Palestinian exodus, until such time as Israel would be destroyed:

Arab leaders and their ministries in Arab capitals ... declared that they welcomed the immigration of Palestinian Arabs into the Arab countries until they saved Palestine.[60]

  • There is no legal basis to demand repatriation of Palestinian refugees and their descendents. No international legislation, UN resolutions or agreements between Israel and the Palestinians require this.[61]
  • Historical legal precedent from the Middle East supports this contention. Since none of the 900,000 Jewish refugees who fled anti-Semitic violence in the Arab world were ever compensated or repatriated by their former countries of residence—to no objection on the part of Arab leaders—a precedent has been set whereby it is the responsibility of the nation which accepts the refugees to assimilate them.[62]
  • An influx of Palestinian refugees would lead to the destruction of the state of Israel. Because a right of return would make Arabs the majority within Israel, this would essentially seal the fate of the Jewish state. As Fatah explains: “To us, the refugees issue is the winning card which means the end of the Israeli state.”[63][62]

Palestinian and international authors have justified the right of return of the Palestinian refugees on several grounds[64][65][66]:

  • Several authors included in the broader New Historians assert that the Palestinian refugees were chased out or expelled by the actions of the Haganah, Lehi and Irgun[67]. A report from the military intelligence SHAI of the Haganah entitled "The emigration of Palestinian Arabs in the period 1/12/1947-1/6/1948", dated 30 June 1948 affirms that:

"At least 55% of the total of the exodus was caused by our (Haganah/IDF) operations." To this figure, the report’s compilers add the operations of the Irgun and Lehi, which "directly (caused) some 15%... of the emigration". A further 2% was attributed to explicit expulsion orders issued by Israeli troops, and 1% to their psychological warfare. This leads to a figure of 73% for departures caused directly by the Israelis. In addition, the report attributes 22% of the departures to "fears" and "a crisis of confidence" affecting the Palestinian population. As for Arab calls for flight, these were reckoned to be significant in only 5% of cases...[68][69][70]

  • The traditional Israeli point of view arguing that Arab leaders encouraged Palestinian Arabs to flee has also been disputed by the New Historians, which instead have shown evidence indicating Arab leaders' will for the Palestinian Arab population to stay put[71] .
  • The Israeli Law of Return that grants citizenship to any Jew from anywhere in the world is viewed by some as discrimination towards non-Jews and especially to Palestinians that cannot apply for such citizenship nor return to the territory from which they were displaced or left[72][73][74][75].
  • The strongest legal basis on the issue is UN Resolution 194, adopted in 1948. It states that, "the refugees wishing to return to their homes and live at peace with their neighbours should be permitted to do so at the earliest practicable date, and that compensation should be paid for the property of those choosing not to return and for loss of or damage to property which, under principles of international law or in equity, should be made good by the Governments or authorities responsible." UN Resolution 3236 "reaffirms also the inalienable right of the Palestinians to return to their homes and property from which they have been displaced and uprooted, and calls for their return". Resolution 242 from the UN affirms the necessity for "achieving a just settlement of the refugee problem," however, Resolution 242 does not specify that the "just settlement" must or should be in the form of a literal Palestinian right of return[76][77].

Israeli settlements

Main article: Israeli settlements

The issue of Israeli settlements in the West Bank and, until 2005, the Gaza Strip have been described as an obstacle to a peaceful resolution of the conflict, by the international media;[78][79] as well as the international political community (including the US[80], the UK[81], and the EU[82]). These actors have also called the settlements illegal under international law,[83] however Israel disputes this.[84] Furthermore, the ICJ[85] as well as international and Israeli human rights organizations[86] consider the settlements illegal. Whilst several scholars and commentators disagree, citing recent historical trends to back up their argument, [87][88][89] it has not changed the view of the international community and human rights organizations.

As of 2006, 267,163 Israelis lived within the West Bank and East Jerusalem.[90] The establishment and expansion of these settlements in the West Bank and (at the time, the) Gaza Strip have been described as violations of the fourth Geneva Convention by the UN Security Council in several resolutions. The European Union[91] and the General Assembly of the United Nations[92] consider the settlements to be illegal. Proponents of the settlements justify their legality using arguments based upon Article 2 and 49 of the fourth Geneva Convention, as well as UN Security Council Resolution 242.[93] On a practical level, some objections voiced by Palestinians are that settlements divert resources needed by Palestinian towns, such as arable land, water, and other resources; and, that settlements reduce Palestinians' ability to travel freely via local roads, owing to security considerations.

In 2005, Israel's unilateral disengagement plan, a proposal put forward by Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, was enacted. All Jewish residents in the Gaza strip were evacuated, and all residential buildings were demolished.[94]

Various mediators and various proposed agreements have shown some degree of openness to Israel retaining some fraction of the settlements which currently exist in the West Bank; this openness is based on a variety of considerations, such as: the desire to find real compromise between Israeli and Palestinian territorial claims, [95] [96] Israel's position that it needs to retain some West Bank land and settlements as a buffer in case of future aggression, [97] and Israel's position that some settlements are legitimate, as they took shape when there was no operative diplomatic arrangement, and thus they did not violate any agreement. [98] [99]

President George Bush has stated that he does not expect Israel to return entirely to the 1949 armistice lines, due to "new realities on the ground. [100] One of the main compromise plans put forth by the Clinton Administration would have allowed Israel to keep some settlements in the West Bank, especially those which were in large blocs near the pre-1967 borders of Israel. In return, Palestinians would have received some concessions of land in other parts of the country. [101]

Israeli security

Further information: Violence in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict

Without the West Bank, Israel would be only nine miles across at its narrowest point, close to its greatest population center.[102] Many fear that this would leave it vulnerable to any future attacks by an Arab alliance. Moreover, such an army would be fighting from the higher ground of the West Bank,[103] and would find its invasion made easier, since it would not have to cross the Jordan River.[citation needed]

The threat of Qassam rockets fired from the Palestinian Territories into Israel is also of great concern. In 2006--the year following Israel's disengagement from the Gaza Strip--the Israeli government recorded 1,726 such launches, more than four times the total rockets fired in 2005.[104] Many Israelis see this as evidence that greater Palestinian autonomy necessarily comes at the expense of Israel's ability to defend itself against threats from the Palestinian territories.[105]

Contrarily, many maintain that Israeli concessions will result in reduced friction between Israelis and Palestinians, and that this will in turn bring about a reduction of violence.[105]

The division of resources

Further information: [[:Water Politics in the Middle East]]

Palestinians note, as one of their most central concerns, that their society must be given land and resources with enough contiguity to give them a viable society, and that they must therefore not be forced to give up too many resources to Israel, as this may cause economic collapse.

In the Middle East, water is a resource of great political concern. Since Israel receives much of its water from two large aquifers which are sprawled across Green Line, the use of this water has been contentious in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Since some of the wells used to draw this water lie within the Palestinian Authority areas, there are many who question the legality of using their water for Israeli needs.[106][107][108]

But critics of this argument point out that even though Israel withdraws some water from these areas, it also supplies the West Bank with 40 MCMs--77% of its consumption. While Israel's consumption of this water has decreased since it began its occupation of the West Bank, it still consumes the vast majority of it: in the 1950s, Israel consumed 95% of the water output of the Western Aquifer, and 82% of that produced by the Northeastern Aquifer. This water was drawn entirely on Israel's own side of the pre-1967 border. By 1999, these numbers had declined to 82% and 80%, respectively.[106][107][108]

Finally, Israel cites the Oslo II Accord. In this treaty, both sides agreed to maintain "existing quantities of utilization from the resources." In so doing, the Palestinian Authority established unequivocally the legality of Israeli water production in the West Bank. Moreover, Israel obligated itself in this agreement to provide water to supplement Palestinian production, and further agreed to allow additional Palestinian drilling in the Eastern Aquifer. Many Palestinians counter that the Oslo II agreement was intended to be a temporary resolution, and that it was not intended to remain in effect more than a decade later. Indeed its name is "The Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement."[109]

This agreement also established the right of the Palestinian Authority to explore and drill for natural gas, fuel and petroleum within its territory and territorial waters. It also delineated the major terms of conduct regarding regulations on the parties' facilities.[109]

Current status

The Oslo peace process obligated both sides to work towards a two-state solution, as noted above. However, during the process itself, there were numerous acts of violence by both sides. Israelis claimed they were acting only in response to Palestinian acts of terrorism. Palestinians claimed they were only carrying out legitimate resistance, against numerous violations by Israel of Palestinian rights, and political sovereignty.[citation needed]

In addition, during this process, both sides expressed dissatisfaction and grievances with the other side. The main Israeli allegation was that Palestinians were actively inciting and funding terrorism against Israel. The main Palestinian complaint was that Israel was repeatedly violating Palestinian rights, which made it pointless to attempt to persuade ordinary Palestinians to accept Israel.[citation needed]

In 2006, Hamas won a majority in the Palestinian Legislative Council, prompting the United States and many European countries to cut off all funds to the Palestinian Authority. The US cited three conditions that the Palestinian government would need to satisfy for a resumption of aid: an end to violence, recognition of Israel, and adherence to the Road Map for Peace. Palestinian critics stated that the US and Israel themselves complied with none of these conditions, and that Israel's support of the Road Map was accompanied by 14 reservations which, they say, drain it of its substance. Furthermore, they assert that Israeli violence against Palestinians continues without discussion. Israel states that its recent military operations are in response to Hamas's frequent rocket attacks from Gaza into Sderot, and on other Israeli cities. [citation needed]

In early 2007, Hamas and Fatah met in Saudi Arabia, and reached agreement to unite their respective parties, and a new unity coalition government of both Fatah and Hamas took office in March 2007. There remained much debate as to whether the PNA was now a credible negotiating authority, and whether sanctions should be lifted. When the Fatah-Hamas coalition collapsed, and the two parties engaged in a physical conflict, the debate changed to whether the newly separated Fatah was a credible negotiating partner. [citation needed]

In June 2007 Hamas militarily defeated Fatah in the Gaza Strip in response to attacks which critics of Fatah said were an overthrow and possible coup attempt funded and assisted by the United States, Israel, Jordan, and Egypt, engineered by US National Security Advisor for Global Democracy Strategy Elliott Abrams and executed by Fatah militants, led by Mohammed Dalan.[citation needed] The various forces affiliated with Fatah engaged in combat with Hamas, in numerous gun battles. Most Fatah leaders escaped to Egypt and the West Bank, and some were captured and killed. Fatah remained in control of the West Bank, and President Abbas formed a new governing coalition, which some critics of Fatah said subverts the Palestinian Constitution and excludes the majority government of Hamas.

The current policy of Israel, the United States, and several allied governments, is to censure Hamas for its non-recognition of Israel, and to assist and deal with President Abbas and Fatah, in support of their stance in favor of recognition of Israel. It is the position of the UN, the International Criminal Court, and a vast majority of the international community that Israel and the Palestinians should come to a peaceful resolution based on international laws, UN Resolutions, reciprocal recognition of self-determination and human rights.

Arab-Israeli peace diplomacy and treaties

See also

Geography
General background and information
Ideology and ideas
Elements of the conflict
Peace organizations in the region
Documentaries

References

  1. ^ Mark Tessler. A History of the Arab-Israeli Conflict (Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1994), p. 53.
  2. ^ See Peel Commission, 1947 UN Partition Plan
  3. ^ See 1920 Palestine riots, 1929 Palestine riots, Jaffa riots, 1936–1939 Arab revolt in Palestine, Palestinian Civil War (1947-1948)
  4. ^ Sela, Avraham. This was ."Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO)." The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East. Ed. Avraham Sela. New York: Continuum, 2002. pp. 689-696.
  5. ^ "A decade ago, a different Palestinian charter was at the center of controversy. The founding covenant of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), like the one written by Hamas, called for Israel's destruction, though the PLO said that it had embraced the concept of a two-state solution since 1988. Ten years later, during President Clinton's visit to Gaza, a PLO body announced it had annulled the paragraphs calling for Israel's demise." Ilene R. Prusher. Will Hamas change course?, Christian Science Monitor, February 01, 2006.
  6. ^ a b c d Dershowitz, Alan. The Case for Peace: How the Arab-Israeli Conflict Can Be Resolved. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2005.
  7. ^ Israel: The Alternative, The New York Review of Books, Volume 50, Number 16, October 23, 2003
  8. ^ Virginia Tilley, The One-State Solution, University of Michigan Press (May 24, 2005), ISBN 0472115138
  9. ^ a b c d e f Sela, Avraham. "Arab-Israeli Conflict." The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East. Ed. Avraham Sela. New York: Continuum, 2002. pp. 58-121.
  10. ^ a b c Dershowitz, Alan. The Case for Israel. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2003. p. 3.
  11. ^ "Hamas's charter uncompromisingly seeks Israel's destruction." "Palestinian Rivals: Fatah & Hamas", BBC News, May 25, 2006.
  12. ^ Climbdown as Hamas agrees to Israeli state, The Guardian, June 22, 2006
  13. ^ a b Hamas Officials Already Recognize Israel's Right to Exist, Apparently CommonDreams.org, May 31, 2006
  14. ^ "The incredible shrinking Palestine". {{cite news}}: Unknown parameter |source= ignored (help)
  15. ^ "Israel." Encarta Encycolpedia. http://encarta.msn.com/encyclopedia_761575008_10____75/Israel_(country).html#s75
  16. ^ General Progress Report and Supplementary Report of the United Nations Conciliation Commission for Palestine, Covering the Period from 11 December 1949 to 23 October 1950, published by the United Nations Concilation Commission, October 23, 1950. (U.N. General Assembly Official Records, 5th Session, Supplement No. 18, Document A/1367/Rev. 1)
  17. ^ a b Frank, Mitch. Understanding the Holy Land: Answering Questions about the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. New York: Viking, 2005. p. 52-54.
  18. ^ Tessler, Mark A History of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict (Indiana University Press, 1994). p. 279. ISBN 0-253-20873-4.
  19. ^ Tessler, Mark A History of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict (Indiana University Press, 1994). p. 336. ISBN 0-253-20873-4.
  20. ^ a b Rossel, Seymour. Israel: Covenant People Covenant Land. New York: Union of American Hebrew Congregations, 1985. p. 191.
  21. ^ Tessler, Mark A History of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict (Indiana University Press, 1994). p. 346. ISBN 0-253-20873-4.
  22. ^ Hussein Agha and Robert Malley, 'Camp David: The Tragedy of Errors', The New York Review of Books, Volume 48, Number 13, August 9, 2001.
  23. ^ Selby, 2003, p. 185.
  24. ^ Propositions israéliennes, de Camp David (2000) à Taba (2001), Reconstruction by Le Monde Diplomatique, accessed 22 April, 2007.
  25. ^ Hussein Agha and Robert Malley, 'Camp David and After: An Exchange (2. A Reply to Ehud Barak)', The New York Review of Books, Volume 49, Number 10, June 13, 2002.
  26. ^ Benny Morris and Ehud Barak, Reply by Hussein Agha and Robert Malley, 'Camp David and After—Continued', The New York Review of Books, Volume 49, Number 11, June 27, 2002.
  27. ^ Enderlin, 2003, p. 263-264.
  28. ^ http://www.caabu.org/press/documents/israeli-resolution-roadmap.html
  29. ^ Arab League Summit: Outcomes and Reactions Churches for Middle East Peace, April 11, 2007
  30. ^ Israeli Withdrawal from Gaza Explained Washington Post, Aug. 10, 2005
  31. ^ http://www.fmep.org/documents/disengagement_plan_of_Sharon.html
  32. ^ http://electronicintifada.net/v2/article3331.shtml
  33. ^ Olmert pushes plan for West Bank Baltimore Sun, May 22, 2006
  34. ^ a b c Beach strike shakes Hamas cease-fire CNN June 9, 2006
  35. ^ More deaths threaten uneasy truce in Israel The Guardian, July 15, 2005
  36. ^ Hadad, Shmulik. "Peres: Enough with Qassam hysteria." Ynetnews. 20 June 2006. 1 October 2007.
  37. ^ Hadad, Shmulik. "2 Qassam rockets land near Sderot; no injuries reported." Ynetnews. 30 September 2007. 1 October 2007.
  38. ^ Hadad, Shmulik. "Qassam lands near Sderot." Ynetnews. 27 September 2007. 1 October 2007.
  39. ^ "PM: We will not recapture Gaza". Ynetnews. 2006-07-02. {{cite news}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  40. ^ Hamas: Ceasefire for return to 1967 border Ynet News, Jan. 30, 2006
  41. ^ Israel rejects Hamas cease-fire JTA, Sept. 21, 2007
  42. ^ Hamas renews call for cease-fire with Israel International Herald Tribune, Sept. 30, 2007
  43. ^ Emma Playfair (Ed.) (1992). International Law and the Administration of Occupied Territories. USA: Oxford University Press. p. 396. ISBN 0-19-825297-8.
  44. ^ Cecilia Albin (2001). Justice and Fairness in International Negotiation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 150. ISBN 0-521-79725-X.
  45. ^ Israel & the Palestinians: Key Maps British Broadcasting Corporation, April 10, 2007
  46. ^ United Nations Security Council Resolution 478 United Nations, Aug. 20, 1980
  47. ^ http://www.aijac.org.au/resources/Israel-peace-timeline.html
  48. ^ Eran, Oded. "Arab-Israel Peacemaking." Sela, The Continuum Political Encyclopedia. 121-147.
  49. ^ Sela, Avraham. "Hamas." Sela, The Continuum Political Encyclopedia. 335-342.
  50. ^ Update to Amnesty International’s briefing to the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, Amnesty International, 1 February 2007
  51. ^ Yaacov Lozowick (2004): "Right to Exist: A Moral Defense of Israel's Wars" ISBN 1400032431. p.260
  52. ^ "Israel limits house demolitions." BBC News 17 February 2005. 24 September 2007.
  53. ^ Israel and the Occupied Territories Under the rubble: House demolition and destruction of land and property. Amnesty International, 18 May 2004.
  54. ^ Through No Fault of Their Own: Israel's Punitive House Demolitions in the al-Aqsa Intifada. B'Tselem
  55. ^ http://www.palestinefacts.org/pf_1991to_now_oslo_accords.php
  56. ^ Israeli Settlements on Occupied Palestinian Territories
  57. ^ [“ Palestinian premier rejects Israel's condition for talks.” USA Today. May 7, 2003. http://www.usatoday.com/news/world/2003-05-07-mideast_x.htm]
  58. ^ Tessler, Mark. A History of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict (Indiana University Press, 1994), ISBN 0-253-20873-4
  59. ^ a b ”Rights and Wrongs.” Efraim Karsh. Australia/Israel & Jewish Affairs Council. June 2001. http://www.aijac.org.au/review/2001/266/essay266.html.
  60. ^ From a 1952 memorandum submitted to the League of Arab States by the Higher Arab Committee; quoted in Joseph B. Schechtman, The Refugees in the World (New York: Barnes, 1963), p. 197.
  61. ^ ”Legal Aspects of the Palestinian Refugee Question.” Ruth Lapidoth. Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs. http://www.jcpa.org/jl/vp485.htm.
  62. ^ a b http://wais.stanford.edu/Israel/israel_andthepalestinerightofreturn51603.html
  63. ^ http://www.fateh.net/e_public/refugees.htm
  64. ^ McGeown, Kate and Martin Asser. "Right of return: Palestinian dream?" BBC News. 18 February 2003. 15 July 2007.
  65. ^ Flapan, Simha (1987):The Palestinian Exodus of 1948. Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 16, No. 4. (Summer, 1987), pp. 3-26.
  66. ^ Khalidi, Rashid I.(1992): Observations on the Right of Return. Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 21, No. 2. (Winter, 1992), pp. 29-40.
  67. ^ Interview to Avi Shlaim in Haaretz's supplement
  68. ^ Kapeliouk, Amnon (1987): New Light on the Israeli-Arab Conflict and the Refugee Problem and Its Origins, p.21. Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 16, No. 3. (Spring, 1987), pp. 16-24.
  69. ^ Review by Dominique Vidal in Le Monde Diplomatique
  70. ^ Morris, Benny (1986): What Happened in History. Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 15, No. 4. (Summer, 1986), pp. 181-182.
  71. ^ See for example, Masalha, Nur-eldeen (1988):On Recent Hebrew and Israeli Sources for the Palestinian Exodus, 1947-49. Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 18, No. 1, Special Issue: Palestine 1948. (Autumn, 1988), pp. 121-137. and Childers, Irskine (1961): The Other Exodus. The Spectator (London), May 12, 1961.
  72. ^ Al-Awda web site on points of unity
  73. ^ Edward Said cited on the issue of the palestinian right of return and israeli Law of Return in www.samsonblinded.org
  74. ^ The Arab Association of Human Rights criticises the israeli Law of Return as being discriminatory towards arabs in www.arabhra.org
  75. ^ Jonathan Cook considers the support for the Israeli Law of Return together with the opposition towards Palestinian Right of Return as a way that "maintains the act of ethnic cleansing that dispossessed the Palestinian refugees more than half a century ago."
  76. ^ Global Policy Forum on Palestinians' right of return
  77. ^ Radley, K.René (1978): The Palestinian Refugees: The Right to Return in International Law. The American Journal of International Law, Vol. 72, No. 3 (Jul., 1978), pp. 586-614.
  78. ^ 700 housing units to be built in W. Bank Jerusalem Post, 4 September 2006
  79. ^ Obstacles to peace: Borders and settlements, BBC News, 25 May 2007
  80. ^ State Department annual report. US-led international commission on BBC
  81. ^ Select Committee on International Development in www.parliament.uk
  82. ^ Interparliamentary European Security and Defence Assembly. [http://www.arabmediawatch.com/amw/CountryBackgrounds/Palestine/Settlements/tabid/82/Default.aspx
  83. ^ Security Council. 49 speakers addresss Security Council. Summary record of the 16th meeting of the UN General Assembly. General Assembly Resolution A/RES/ES-10/7. Security Council Resolution 476 (1980)
  84. ^ Israel confirms settlement growth, BBC, 21 March, 2005.
  85. ^ Study Guide to the ICJ Advisory Opinion on the Israeli Wall Being Built in Palestine. Znet
  86. ^ The Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions. A Human Rights Review on the EU and Israel. NGO Monitor
  87. ^ Six reasons to settle Yedioth Ahronoth 18 June 2005
  88. ^ Bard, Mitchell G. "Myths & Facts - Settlements." Jewish Virtual Library. 9 July 2007.
  89. ^ Dershowitz, Alan. The Case for Israel. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2003. pp. 176-177
  90. ^ Report: 12,400 new settlers in 2006. Tovah Lazaroff. Jerusalem Post.
  91. ^ [1] EU Committee Report.
  92. ^ [2] General Assembly 1998 vote
  93. ^ Rostow, Eugene. Resolved: are the settlements legal? Israeli West Bank policies, The New Republic, October 21, 1991.
  94. ^ "Special Update: Disengagement - August 2005". Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
  95. ^ Remarks by Pres. Clinton, 1/7/01. (Full transcript available at: cnn transcript)
  96. ^ Tony Blair press conference, 4/17/04, incl. comments on compromising on settlements, UK Foreign office, accessed 7/12/07
  97. ^ What Happened to Secure Borders for Israel?, by Dore Gold, jcpa.org
  98. ^ Israeli Settlements and International Law, Israel Foreign Ministry website, 5/4/01, accessed 7/11/07.
  99. ^ Diplomatic and Legal Aspects of the Settlement Issue, by Jeffrey Helmreich, Institute for Contemporary Affairs, jcpa.org, accessed 7/11/07.
  100. ^ Israel 'to keep some settlements', BBC, 4/12/05.
  101. ^ Review of Dennis Ross book, BY RAY HANANIA, hanania.com, 8/16/04, accessed 7/11/07.
  102. ^ http://focusonjerusalem.com/newsroom72.html
  103. ^ http://www.grantjeffrey.com/article/rusisrl.htm
  104. ^ "Victims of Palestinian Violence and Terrorism since September 2000". Israeli Ministry of Internal Affairs. Retrieved April 10, 2007. {{cite web}}: Check date values in: |accessdate= (help)
  105. ^ a b "Security Implications of Disengagement from the Gaza Strip and Northern Samaria" (PDF). {{cite web}}: Unknown parameter |source= ignored (help)
  106. ^ a b "Geography of Water Resources." Princeton University. http://www.wws.princeton.edu/wws401c/geography.html
  107. ^ a b "What about water issues? Is Israel using Palestinian water?" Palestine Facts. http://www.palestinefacts.org/pf_1991to_now_water.php
  108. ^ a b "Does Israel Use 'Palestinian' Water?" Camera Backgrounder. July, 2001. http://world.std.com/~camera/docs/backg/water.html
  109. ^ a b The Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement - Annex I. Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs. September 5, 1995.

Further reading

General History

  • Bregman, Ahron (2002). Israel's Wars: A History Since 1947. London: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-28716-2
  • Bregman, Ahron Elusive Peace: How the Holy Land Defeated America.
  • Bard, Mitchell. The Complete Idiot's Guide to Middle East Conflict. 2nd ed. (Alpha, 2002), ISBN 0-02-864410-7
  • Bickerton, Ian J. and Carla L. Klausner. A Concise History of the Arab–Israeli Conflict. 4th ed. (Prentice Hall, 2001), ISBN 0-13-090303-5
  • Cohn-Sherbok, Dan. The Palestine-Israeli Conflict: A Beginner's Guide (Oneworld Publications, 2003), ISBN 1-85168-332-1
  • David, Ron. Arabs & Israel for Beginners (Writers and Readers Publishing, Inc. 1996), ISBN 0-86316-161-8
  • Dowty, Alan. Israel/Palestine (Polity, 2005), ISBN 0-7456-3202-5
  • Fraser, T. G. The Arab–Israeli Conflict. 2nd ed. (Palgrave Macmillan, 2004), ISBN 1-4039-1338-2
  • Gelvin, James L. The Israel-Palestine Conflict: One Hundred Years of War (Cambridge University Press, 2005), 0521618045
  • Harms, Gregory with Todd M. Ferry. The Palestine-Israel Conflict: A Basic Introduction (Pluto Press, 2005), ISBN 0-7453-2378-2
  • Hirst, David. The Gun and the Olive Branch. 3rd ed. (Nation Books, 2003), ISBN 1-56025-483-1
  • Hurewitz, J. C. The Struggle for Palestine (Shocken Books, 1976), [out of print]
  • Khouri, Fred J. The Arab–Israeli Dilemma. 3rd ed. (Syracuse University Press, 1985), ISBN 0-8156-2340-2
  • Morris, Benny. Righteous Victims: A History of the Zionist–Arab Conflict, 1881–2001 (Vintage Books, 2001), ISBN 0-679-74475-4
  • Mandel, Neville J. The Arabs and Zionism Before World War I (University of California Press, 1976), [out of print]
  • Roraback, Amanda. Palestine in a Nutshell or Israel in a Nutshell (Enisen Publishing, 2004), ISBN 0-9702908-4-5
  • Safran, Nadav. Israel: The Embattled Ally (The Belknap Press, Harvard, 1978), [out of print]
  • Sela, Avraham. "Arab-Israeli Conflict." The Continuum Political Encyclopedia of the Middle East. Ed. Avraham Sela. New York: Continuum, 2002. pp. 58-121.
  • Smith, Charles D. Palestine and the Arab–Israeli Conflict. 5th ed. (Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2004), ISBN 0-312-40408-5
  • Sykes, Christopher. Crossroads to Israel (Cleveland: The World Publishing Company, 1965), [out of print]
  • Tessler, Mark. A History of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict (Indiana University Press, 1994), ISBN 0-253-20873-4
  • Thomas, Baylis. How Israel Was Won (Lexington Books, 1999), ISBN 0-7391-0064-5
  • Wasserstein, Bernard. Israelis and Palestinians (Yale University Press, 2003), ISBN 0-300-10172-4

Analytical / Focused

  • Carey, Roane, ed. The New Intifada: Resisting Israel's Apartheid (Verso, 2001), ISBN 1-85984-377-8
  • Chomsky, Noam. The Fateful Triangle: The United States, Israel and the Palestinians. Rev. ed. (South End Press, 1999), ISBN 0-89608-187-7.
  • Dershowitz, Alan. The Case for Israel (John Wiley & Sons, 2004), ISBN 0-471-67952-6
  • Enderlin, Charles. Shattered Dreams: The Failure of the Peace Process in the Middle East, 1995-2002 (Other Press, 2003), ISBN 1-59051-060-7
  • Falk, Avner Fratricide in the Holy Land: A Psychoanalytic View of the Arab-Israeli Conflict. University of Wisconsin Press, 2004, ISBN 0-299-20250-X
  • Finkelstein, Norman. Image and Reality of the Israel-Palestine Conflict. 2nd ed. (Verso, 2003), ISBN 1-85984-442-1 2nd ed. introduction
  • Flapan, Simha. The Birth of Israel: Myth and Realities (Pantheon Books, 1987),[out of print]
  • Flapan, Simha. Zionism and the Palestinians (Croom Helm, 1979), [out of print]
  • Green, Stephen. Taking Sides: America's Secret Relations with a Militant Israel (William Morrow and Co., Inc., 1984), [out of print]
  • Maniscalco, Fabio. Protection, conservation and valorisation of Palestinian Cultural Patrimony (Massa Publisher, 2005), ISBN 88-87835-62-4
  • Martin, Dom. COEXISTENCE: Humanity's Wailing Wall TransGalactic Publications, 2006, ISBN 0-9616078-8-2
  • Pappe, Ilan, ed. The Israel/Palestine Question (Routledge, 1999), ISBN 0-415-16948-8
  • Pearlman, Wendy. Occupied Voices: Stories of Everyday Life from the Second Intifada (Nation Books, 2003), ISBN 1-56025-530-7
  • Quandt, William B. Peace Process. 3rd ed. (Brookings Institution Press, 2005), ISBN 0-520-24631-4
  • Reinhart, Tanya. Israel/Palestine: How to End the War of 1948 (Seven Stories Press, 2002), ISBN 1-58322-538-2
  • Ross, Dennis. The Missing Peace: The Inside Story of the Fight for Middle East Peace (Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2005), ISBN 0-374-19973-6
  • Safran, Nadav. The United States and Israel, ISBN 0-674-92490-8 [out of print]
  • Said, Edward W. The Question of Palestine (Vintage Books, 1992), ISBN 0-679-73988-2
  • Salinas, Moises. Planting Hatred, Sowing Pain: The Psychology of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict (Greenwood-Praeger Publishers, 2007), ISBN 0-275-99005-2
  • Selby, Jan (2003). Water, Power and Politics in the Middle East: The Other Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. I.B.Tauris. ISBN 1860649343
  • Shipler, David K. Arab and Jew: Wounded Spirits in a Promised Land. Rev. ed. (Penguin Books, 2002), ISBN 0-14-200229-1
  • Swisher, Clayton E. The Truth About Camp David (Nation Books, 2004), ISBN 1-56025-623-0
  • Tilley, Virginia. The One-State Solution, (University of Michigan Press, May 24, 2005), ISBN 0472115138

Peace proposals

Academic, news, and similar sites (excluding Israeli or Palestinian sources)
Conflict resolution groups
Human rights groups
Jewish and Israeli academic, news, and similar sites
Pro-Israel advocacy and watchdog sites
Pro-Palestinian advocacy and watchdog sites
Jewish and Israeli "peace movement" news and advocacy sites

Other sites:

Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Israeli–Palestinian_conflict&oldid=172483696"