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{{Infobox Military Person
{{Infobox Military Person
|name= Imád-uddín Muhammad bin Qasim bin Ukail Sakifi
|name= Imád-uddín Muhammad bin Qasim bin Ukail Sakifi
|battles= Muhammad bin Qasim is famous for his conquest of [[Sindh]] for the [[Umayyad]]s.
|battles= Muhammad bin Qasim is famous for his conquest of [[Sind]] for the [[Umayyad]]s.
|allegiance= [[Al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf]], Governor to the [[Umayyad]] [[Caliph]] [[Al-Walid I]]
|allegiance= [[Al-Hajjaj bin Yousef]], Governor to the [[Umayyad]] [[Caliph]] [[Al-Walid I]]
|rank= [[Emir]]
|rank= [[Amir]]
|lived= [[695]] - [[715]]
|lived= [[695]] - [[715]]
|placeofbirth= Sod, [[Bilad al-Sham]] ([[Levant]])
|placeofbirth= Sod, [[Bilad al-Sham]] ([[Levant]])
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|caption= Muhammad Bin Qasim leading his troops in battle
|caption= Muhammad Bin Qasim leading his troops in battle
|portrayedby=
|portrayedby=
}}'''Muhammad bin Qasim Al-Thaqafi''' ([[Arabic language|Arabic]]: '''محمد بن قاسم''') (c. [[695]]–[[715]]), born '''Muhammad bin Qasim bin Ukail Sakifi''', was a [[Syria]]n [[Arab]] general who conquered the [[Sindh]] and [[Punjab (Pakistan)|Punjab]] regions along the [[Indus River|Indus river]] (now a part of [[Pakistan]]). The conquest of Sindh and Punjab began the [[Islam]]ic era in [[South Asia]].
}}'''Muhammad bin Qasim Al-Thaqafi''' ([[Arabic language|Arabic]]: '''محمد بن قاسم''') (c. [[695]]–[[715]]) was a [[Syrian]] [[Arab]] general who conquered the [[Sindh]] and [[Punjab (Pakistan)|Punjab]] regions along the [[Indus River|Indus river]] (now a part of [[Pakistan]]). The conquest of Sindh and Punjab began the [[Islamic]] era in [[South Asia]].


== Life and Career ==
== Life and Career ==
'''Muhammad bin Qasim bin Ukail Sakifi''' was born around 695 AD. His father died when he was young, leaving Qasim's mother in charge of his education. [[Umayyad]] governor [[Al-Hajjaj bin Yousef]] was one of Qasim's close relatives, and was instrumental in teaching Qasim about warfare and governing. Qasim is known for his expansion of the Umayyad Caliphate to the east by adding Sindh and parts of Punjab.


Qasim's father died when he was young, leaving his mother in charge of his education. [[Umayyad]] governor [[Al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf]], one of Qasim's close relatives, was instrumental in teaching Qasim about warfare and governing. Under Hajjaj's patronage, Qasim was made governor of [[Persian Empire|Persia]], where he succeeded in putting down a rebellion. At the age of seventeen, he was sent by [[Caliph]] [[Al-Walid I]] to lead an army towards India into what are today the Sindh and Punjab regions of Pakistan.
Under Hajjaj's patronage, Qasim was made governor of [[Persian Empire|Persia]], where he succeeded in putting down a rebellion. At the age of seventeen, he was sent by [[Caliph]] [[Al-Walid I]] to lead an army towards India into what is today the [[Sindh]] and [[Punjab (Pakistan)|Punjab]] area of [[Pakistan]].

===Umayyad Interest in Sindh===
===Umayyad Interest in Sindh===
The primary reason for the Umayyad interest in the region is however viewed as the operation of the ''Mids'' and other who earlier preyed upon [[Sassanid]] and now [[Arab]] shipping from the mouth of the [[Tigris river]] to [[Sri Lanka]]n coast in their ''bawarij'' from [[Kutch]], Debal and [[Kathiawar]].<ref name="wink1"> Wink, pg.164</ref> With the rising importance of commercial traffic along the [[Persian Gulf]] route these cities had to be subjugated to safeguard the increasing important India trade from piracy. Sindh at this time was the wild frontier region of al-Hind inhabited largely by predatory semi-nomadic tribes whose activities disturbed much of the Western [[Indian Ocean]]. Muslim sources insist that it was this persistent insolence of Debal pirates and other lairs which forced the Arabs to subjugate the area to control the seaports and maritime routes of which Sindh was the hinge as well the overland pass-way.<ref> Wink, 51-52</ref> During Hajjaj's governorship the "Mids of Debal" kidnapped Muslim women travelling from Sri Lanka to Arabia providing a [[casus belli]] for the rising power of the [[Umayyad]] [[Caliph]]ate with a chance to gain a foothold in the [[Makran]], [[Balochistan (Pakistan)|Balochistan]] and [[Sindh]] regions and put and end to piratical activity.<ref name="wink1"/><ref name="Gier"> Nicholas F. Gier, ''FROM MONGOLS TO MUGHALS: RELIGIOUS VIOLENCE IN INDIA 9TH-18TH CENTURIES'', Presented at the Pacific Northwest Regional Meeting American Academy of Religion, Gonzaga University, May, 2006[http://www.class.uidaho.edu/ngier/mm.htm]</ref>Through conquest, it meant to protect its maritime interests, cut off fleeing both rebel chieftains and Sindhi support to non-Muslim Persians such as in various battles such as [[Nahawand]], [[Battle of Chains|Salasal]] and [[Battle of al-Qādisiyyah|Qādisiyyah]].


===The Campaign as recounted in the Chach-Nama===
The Umayyad interest in the region was galvanized by the operation of the ''Mids'' and others who had preyed upon [[Sassanid]] and now [[Arab]] shipping from the mouth of the [[Tigris]] to the [[Sri Lanka]]n coast, in their ''bawarij'' from [[Kutch]], [[Debal]] and [[Kathiawar]].<ref name="wink1"> Wink (2002), pg.164</ref> The Umayyad decided that these cities had to be subjugated in order to safeguard these increasingly important Indian trade routes from piracy. At the time, Sindh was the wild [[frontier]] region of al-Hind inhabited largely by semi-nomadic tribes whose activities disturbed much of the Western [[Indian Ocean]].<ref name="wink1"/> Muslim sources insist that it was this persistent insolence by the Debal pirates and others which forced the Arabs to subjugate the area, in order to control the seaports and maritime routes of which Sindh was the hinge as well the overland passage.<ref> Wink (2002), 51-52</ref> During Hajjaj's governorship, the ''Mids'' of Debal kidnapped Muslim women travelling from Sri Lanka to Arabia, providing a ''[[casus belli]]'' for the rising power of the Umayyad Caliphate. They were given a chance to gain a foothold in the [[Makran]], [[Balochistan (Pakistan)|Balochistan]] and Sindh regions and put and end to all pirate activity.<ref name="wink1"/><ref name="Gier"> Nicholas F. Gier, ''FROM MONGOLS TO MUGHALS: RELIGIOUS VIOLENCE IN INDIA 9TH-18TH CENTURIES'', Presented at the Pacific Northwest Regional Meeting American Academy of Religion, Gonzaga University, May, 2006[http://www.class.uidaho.edu/ngier/mm.htm]</ref>Through conquest, the caliphate intended to protect its maritime interest, while also cutting off fleeing rebel chieftains and Sindhi military support to the Sassanids rump akin to those received at several prior major battles such as those at [[Battle of Chains|Salasal]] and [[Battle of al-Qādisiyyah|Qādisiyyah]].
[[Image:QASIM.PNG|thumb|300px|Extent and expansion of [[Abassid]] rule under Muhammad bin Qasim (modern state boundaries shown in red).]]
The [[Chach Nama]] is the oldest chronicle of the [[Muslim conquests|Arab conquest]] of Sindh. It was translated into [[Persian language|Persian]] by Muhammad Ali bin Hamid bin Abu Bakr Kufi in 1216 CE.<ref>[[Common Era]] year is an approximation of the [[Islamic calendar]] date 613 AH.</ref> from an earlier Arabic text believed to have been composed by the Sakifí family, the kinsmen of Muhammad bin Qasim. At one time it was considered to be a [[Romance (genre)|romance]] until [[Mountstuart Elphinstone]]'s observations of it's historical veracity.


Qasim's expedition was the second, the first had failed due to stiffer than anticipated opposition as well as heat, exhaustion and scurvy.
===Political setting===
The campaign for the conquest of Sindh was launched under the leadership of Qasim, in the same period as the [[Umayyad conquest of Hispania]] and the launch of an offensive against the king of [[Kabul]]; it was a period of great expansion of the Umayyads under the governorship of Hajjaj, the first governor of both the ''Arabi'' and ''Ajami'' halves of the ex-[[Sassanid]] domains.<ref name="2004Wink1"> Wink (2004) pg 201-205</ref> The period also experienced an intensification of the rivalry between Arab conquerors and the ''mawali'', new non-arab converts, who were usually allied with Hajjaj's political opponents and thus frequently forced to participate in [[Jihad]]s on the frontier such as Kabul, Sind and [[Transoxania]]. Conflict was endemic among the frontier Muslims, with a considerable number seeking refuge with the king of Sindh.<ref name="2004Wink1"/>


Qasim was successful, rapidly taking all of Sindh and moving into southern [[Punjab (Pakistan)|Punjab]] up to [[Multan]] with a regiment of 6,000 Syrian soldiers.
==The Campaign==
[[Image:QASIM.PNG|thumb|300px|Extent and expansion of [[Umayyad]] rule under Muhammad bin Qasim (modern state boundaries shown in red).]]
Qasim's expedition was actually the second attempt, the first having failed due to stiffer-than-expected opposition as well as heat, exhaustion and [[scurvy]].{{cn}}


Hajjaj had put more care and planning into this campaign than the first campaign under Badil bin Tuhfa. Qasim was supported by [[Abdullah Shah Ghazi|Abdulla bin Nahban]]. When Qasim passed through [[Makran]], while raising forces, he had to re-subdue the restive Umayyad towns of Fannazbur and Arman Belah ([[Lasbela]])<ref> Wink (2004) pg 131</ref> In [[711]], Qasim first established his base at the Arman Belah and from there proceeded to assault Debal.{{cn}} Upon the orders of Al-Hajjaj, he exacted a bloody retribution on Debal in the process of freeing the kidnapped pilgrims as well as prisoners from the earlier failed campaign.{{cn}} The campaign was successful, rapidly taking all of Sindh from [[Raja Dahir]] and moving into southern Punjab up to [[Multan]] with a regiment of 6,000 Syrian soldiers.{{cn}}
Hajjaj had put more care and planning into this campaign than the first campaign under Badil bin Tuhfa. Qasim was supported by [[Abdullah Shah Ghazi|Abdulla bin Nahban]]. In [[711]], Qasim first established his base at the Ummayyad controlled Arman Belah ([[Lasbela]]) in [[Makran]] and from there proceeded to assault [[Debal]]. Following the orders of Al-Hajjaj, he exacted a bloody retribution on Debal while freeing the kidnapped pilgrams as well as prisoners from the earlier failed campaign. From Debal he then moved on to Nerun to resupply.<ref> The [[Indus River]] during this time used to flow to the east of Nerun. An earthquake at in the 10th century caused it to change course to what it is currently.</ref> Here, Nerun's Buddhist governor had acknowledged his city as a tributary of the [[Caliphate]] after the first campaign and opened the gates to their forces. From there, Qasim's armies then moved to capture Siwistan ([[Sehwan]]) and joined into an alliance with various tribal chiefs and secured the surrounding regions. With his new allies, he captured the fort at Sisam and secured the remaining regions to the west of the Mehran ([[Indus River]]). At this point, the soldiers of the Qasim expedition had to resort to using soaked cotton with vinegar to suck on as a [[prophylaxis]] against scurvy and send for new horses, due to losses by disease and the campaign.


[[Raja Dahir|Dahir]] attempted to prevent Qasim from crossing the [[Indus river]] by moving his forces to its eastern banks. However, Qasim successfully completed the crossing and defeated an attempt to repel him by Jaisiah, the son of Dahir, around the vicinity of Jitor. He then advanced onward to Raor ([[Nawabshah]]) in 712, where Dahir was defeated and died in battle.
From Debal, the Arab army marched north, taking towns such as Nerun and Sadusan ([[Sehwan]]) peacefully.<ref name="2004Wink1"/> A mosque was built to replace the main idolhouses, and one-fifth of the booty and slaves was dispatched to Hajjaj and the Caliph.<ref name="2004Wink1"/> The conquest of these towns was accomplished easily; however, Dahir's armies being prepared on the other side of the Indus<ref>The [[Indus River]] during this time used to flow to the east of Nerun. An earthquake at in the 10th century caused it to change course to what it is currently.</ref> had not yet been faced.<ref name="2004Wink1"/> To meet them Qasim moved back to Nerun to resupply and receive reinforcements sent by Hajjaj.<ref name="2004Wink1"/> Camped on the east bank of the Indus, Qasim sent emissaries and bargained with the river [[Jat people|Jats]] and boatmen.<ref name="2004Wink1"/> Upon securing the aid of Mokah Basayah, "the King of the island of Bet", Qasim crossed over the river where he was joined by the forces of the [[Thakore]] of Bhatta and the western Jats who paid homage to him.<ref name="2004Wink1"/>


Qasim's forces then marched upon Raor and took it, where it is noted in the Chach Nama that Dahir's wife Bai and some others committed [[Jauhar]]. He then made his way toward [[Mansura (Brahmanabad)|Brahmanabad]] where Jaisiah had invested himself and was gathering troops. Enroute he took the forts at Bahror, which he besieged for two months, and Dahlelah, where he captured Jaisiah's [[wazir]] who then defected to Qasim. When Qasim arrived at Brahmanabad, Jaisiah who had based himself there moved out and Qasim besieged the city for six months. The town was taken when a faction came over to Qasim and opened the gates. Here a report tells of the capture of another of Dahir's wives, Ladi, whom Qasim later married, and of the two daughters of Dahir from a third wife, who were sent on to the [[Khalifa]] as war booty. At Brahmanabad Qasim began to organize the administration of the lands before marching onward to the capital Alor ([[Aror]]), while consolidating his hold on the region and accepting pledges of allegiance, without encountering any significant resistance enroute. Aror was governed by one of Dahir's sons who fled to join his brothers and the city surrendered without much fighting. From here Qasim advanced northward to [[Multan]] and after crossing the [[Beas River]] began to encounter resistance once again from the local rulers at the forts of Golkondah, Sikkah and finally [[Multan]]. Jaisiah after attempting to raise support in [[Rajasthan]] fled to exile in [[Kashmir]].
At Ar-rur ([[Nawabshah]]) he was met by Dahir forces and the eastern Jats in battle.<ref name="2004Wink1"/> Qasim was triumphant and Dahir died in the battle leaving Qasim in control of Sind.<ref name="2004Wink1"/> In the wake of the battle the enemy soldiers were put to death but not artisans, merchants or farmers while Dahir's head along side those of his chiefs, the "daughters of princes" and the usual fifth of the booty and slaves was sent on to Hajjaj.<ref name="2004Wink1"/> Soon the capitals of the other provinces, [[Mansura (Brahmanabad)|Brahmanabad]], Alor ([[Aror]]) and [[Multan]], were captured alongside other in-between towns with light Muslim casualties.<ref name="2004Wink1"/> Usually after a siege of a few weeks or months the Arabs gained a city through the intervention of heads of mercantile houses with whom treaties and agreements would be settled.<ref name="2004Wink1"/> After battles all "fighting men ''(ahl-i harb)''" were executed and their wives and children were enslaved in considerable numbers and the usual fifth of slaves and booty was sent to Hajjaj.<ref name="2004Wink1"/> The general populace were granted safety ''(aman)'' and encouraged to carry on with their trades and taxes and tributes settled.<ref name="2004Wink1"/>


Qasim was preparing to march upon [[Kanauj]] when he received a summons from the [[Khalifa]], thereby ending his campaign.{{cn}}
Qasim was preparing to march upon [[Kanauj]] when he received a summons from the [[Khalifa]], thereby ending his campaign.


==Military and Political Strategy==
==Military Strategy==
The military strategy was outlined by Hajjaj to Qasim in a letter:<ref name="Derryl1"> Derryl pg. 37-39 </ref>
The military strategy outlined by Hajjaj to Qasim in a letter:<ref name="Derryl1"> Derryl pg. 37-39 </ref>
{{cquote|My ruling is given:Kill anyone belonging to the combatants (''ahl-i-harb''); arrest their sons and daughters for hostages and imprison them. Whoever does not fight against us..grant them ''aman'' (safety) and settle their tribute(''amwal'') as ''[[dhimmi|dhimmah]]''..}}
{{cquote|My ruling is given:Kill anyone belonging to the combatants (''ahl-i-harb''); arrest their sons and daughters for hostages and imprison them. Whoever does not fight against us..grant them ''aman'' (safety) and settle their tribute(''amwal'') as ''dhimmah''.}}


The Arabs' first concern was to facilitate the conquest of Sindh with the fewest casualties while also trying to preserve the economic infrastructure.<ref name="Derryl1"/> Towns were given two options: submit to Arab authority peacefully or be attacked by force (''anwattan''), with the choice governing their treatment upon capture.<ref name="Derryl1"/> The capture of towns was usually accomplished by means of a treaty with a party from among the enemy, who were then extended special privileges and material rewards.<ref name="Wink"/> There were two types of such treaties, "''Sulh''" or "''ahd-e-wasiq'' (capitulation)" and "''aman'' (surrender/ peace)".<ref name="Wink"/> Upon the capture of towns and fortresses, Qasim performed executions as part of his military strategy, but they were limited to the ''ahl-i-harb'' (fighting men), whose surviving dependents were also enslaved.<ref name="Wink"/>
The first Arab concern was to facilitate the conquest of Sindh with the least number of casualties while also trying to preserve the economic infrastructure.<ref name="Derryl1"/> Towns were given two options; submit to Arab authority peacefully or be attacked by force (''anwattan''), with the choice governing the Arab response upon capture.<ref name="Derryl1"/> Capture of towns was then usually accomplished by means of a treaty with a party from among the "enemy", who were then extended special privileges and material rewards.<ref name="Wink"/> There were two types of such treaties, "''Sulh''" or "''ahd-e-wasiq'' (capitulation)" and "''aman'' (surrender/ peace)".<ref name="Wink"/> Upon the capture of towns and fortresses, Qasim performed executions as part of his military strategy, but they were limited to the "''ahl-i-harb (fighting men)''" - whose surviving dependents were also enslaved.<ref name="Wink"/> Hence when resistance was strong, prolonged and intensive resulting in considerable Arab casualties his response was equally intensive; a three day long massacre at Daybul, 6,000 at Rawar, between 6,000 and 26,000 at Brahmanabad, 4,000 at Iskalandah and 6,000 at Multan. Conversely places taken by ''sulh'' such as Armabil, Nirun, Siwistan, Budhiyah, Bet, Sawandi and Aror where resistance was light few if any casualties occurred.<ref name="Derryl2"/> Sulh appeared to be Qasims preferred mode of conquest, accounting for between 63-65% of the towns and tribes recorded by Baladhuri or the Chachnama.<ref name="Derryl2"/> He was even berated by Hajjaj for being too lenient and therefore risked being considered by all as weak.<ref name="Derryl2"/> Pardon or ''aman'' was also granted to the common folk, who were encouraged to coutinue working, while the [[Brahmin]]s and [[Shramana]]'s continued to be employed as administrators.<ref name="Wink"/> While upon express orders of Hajjaj this option was not to be granted any inhabitant of Daybul, Qasim still bestowed it upon certain groups and indivuals.<ref name="Derryl2"/>


===Political Strategy===
Where resistance was strong, prolonged and intensive, often resulting in considerable Arab casualties, Qasim's response was dramatic, inflicting 6,000 deaths at Rawar, between 6,000 and 26,000 at Brahmanabad, 4,000 at Iskalandah and 6,000 at Multan.<ref name="Derryl2"/> Conversely, in areas taken by ''sulh'', such as Armabil, Nirun, and Aror, resistance was light and few casualties occurred.<ref name="Derryl2"/> Sulh appeared to be Qasim's preferred mode of conquest, the method used for more than 60% of the towns and tribes recorded by Baladhuri or the Chachnama.<ref name="Derryl2"/> At one point, he was actually berated by Hajjaj for being too lenient.<ref name="Derryl2"/> Meanwhile, the common folk were often pardoned and encouraged to coutinue working;<ref name="Wink"/> Hajajj ordered that this option not be granted to any inhabitant of Daybul, yet Qasim still bestowed it upon certain groups and individuals.<ref name="Derryl2"/>
After each major phase of his conquest, Qasim stopped to establish law and order in the newly-conquered territory by showing religious tolerance and incorporating the ruling class into his administration.<ref name="Wink"> Wink. pg. 204-206</ref>

{{sect-stub}}
After each major phase of his conquest, Qasim attempted to establish law and order in the newly-conquered territory by showing religious tolerance and incorporating the ruling class &ndash; the [[Brahmin]]s and [[Shramana]]s &ndash; into his administration.<ref name="Wink"> Wink (2002) pg. 204-206</ref>


===Reasons for Success===
===Reasons for Success===


Qasim succeeded partly because Raja Dahir was an unpopular Hindu king ruling over a [[Buddhism|Buddhist]] majority.<ref name="Gier"> Nicholas F. Gier, ''FROM MONGOLS TO MUGHALS: RELIGIOUS VIOLENCE IN INDIA 9TH-18TH CENTURIES'', Presented at the Pacific Northwest Regional Meeting American Academy of Religion, Gonzaga University, May, 2006[http://www.class.uidaho.edu/ngier/mm.htm]</ref> His campaign's success is ascribed to the support given by Buddhists and the Jat, [[Meds (tribe)|Meds]] and [[Bhutto (tribe)|Bhutto]] tribes.<ref>"The fall of Multan laid the Indus valley at the feet of the conqueror. The tribes came in, 'ringing bells and beating drums and dancing,' in token of welcome. The Hindu rulers had oppressed them heavily, and the Jats and Meds and other tribes were on the side of the invaders. The work of conquest, as often happened in India, was thus aided by the disunion of the inhabitants, and jealousies of race and creed conspired to help the Muslims. To such suppliants Mohammad Kasim gave the liberal terms that the Arabs usually offered to all but inveterate foes. He imposed the customary poll-tax, took hostages for good conduct, and spared the people's lands and lives. He even left their shrines undesecrated: 'The temples,' he proclaimed, 'shall be inviolate, like the churches of the Christians, the synagogues of the Jews, and the altars of the Magians.'"
He succeeded partly because [[Raja Dahir]] was an unpopular Hindu king that ruled over a [[Buddhism|Buddhist]] majority.<ref name="Gier"> Nicholas F. Gier, ''FROM MONGOLS TO MUGHALS: RELIGIOUS VIOLENCE IN INDIA 9TH-18TH CENTURIES'', Presented at the Pacific Northwest Regional Meeting American Academy of Religion, Gonzaga University, May, 2006[http://www.class.uidaho.edu/ngier/mm.htm]</ref> The forces of Muhammad bin Qasim defeated [[Raja Dahir]] in alliance with the tribe of [[Jat]]s and other Buddhist governors. His campaign's success is ascribed to the support of Buddhists and the tribal [[Jat]]s, [[Meds (tribe)|Meds]] and [[Bhutto (tribe)|Bhutto]] tribes.<ref> "The fall of Multan laid the Indus valley at the feet of the conqueror. The tribes came in, 'ringing bells and beating drums and dancing,' in token of welcome. The Hindu rulers had oppressed them heavily, and the Jats and Meds and other tribes were on the side of the invaders. The work of conquest, as often happened in India, was thus aided by the disunion of the inhabitants, and jealousies of race and creed conspired to help the Muslims. To such suppliants Mohammad Kasim gave the liberal terms that the Arabs usually offered to all but inveterate foes. He imposed the customary poll-tax, took hostages for good conduct, and spared the people's lands and lives. He even left their shrines undesecrated: 'The temples,' he proclaimed, 'shall be inviolate, like the churches of the Christians, the synagogues of the Jews, and the altars of the Magians.'"
Stanley Lane-Poole, ''Medieval India under Mohammedan Rule'', 712-1764, G.P. Putnam's Sons. New York, 1970. p. 9-10 </ref> [[Chach of Alor]] and his kin were regarded as usurpers of the [[Rai Dynasty]]),<ref name="Gier">* Nicholas F. Gier, ''FROM MONGOLS TO MUGHALS: RELIGIOUS VIOLENCE IN INDIA 9TH-18TH CENTURIES'', Presented at the Pacific Northwest Regional Meeting American Academy of Religion, Gonzaga University, May, 2006 [http://www.class.uidaho.edu/ngier/mm.htm], Last accessed September 30 2006</ref> and rebel soldiers served as valuable infantry in the cavalry-heavy force that first arrived at Arman Belah. His army at Multan was reported in the Tarikh Masumi as numbering 50,000, of which only 6,000 had originally come with Qasim.
Stanley Lane-Poole, ''Medieval India under Mohammedan Rule'', 712-1764, G.P. Putnam's Sons. New York, 1970. p. 9-10 </ref> [[Chach of Alor]] and his kin were regarded as usurpers of the [[Rai Dynasty]]),<ref name="Gier">* Nicholas F. Gier, ''FROM MONGOLS TO MUGHALS: RELIGIOUS VIOLENCE IN INDIA 9TH-18TH CENTURIES'', Presented at the Pacific Northwest Regional Meeting American Academy of Religion, Gonzaga University, May, 2006 [http://www.class.uidaho.edu/ngier/mm.htm], Last accessed September 30 2006</ref> and rebels formed the infantry to his primarily cavalry force that first arrived at Arman Belah. His army at Multan was reported in the Tarikh Masumi at 50,000, of which only 6,000 came with Qasim.


Along with this were:
Along with this were:
# Superior military equipment (including [[siege engines]]<ref>The Chach-nama make special reference to one particular [[catapult]] called "(trans.) the small bride" which required 500 men to operate.</ref> and the [[Mongol bow]])<ref name="Gier"/>
# Superior Military equipment ([[siege engines]]<ref>The Chach-nama make special reference to one particular [[catapult]] called "(trans.) the small bride" which required 500 men to operate.</ref> and the [[Mongol bow]])<ref name="Gier"/>
# Troop discipline and leadership <ref name="Gier"/>
# Troop discipline and leadership <ref name="Gier"/>
# The concept of Jihad as morale booster <ref name="Gier"/>
# The concept of [[jihad]] as morale booster <ref name="Gier"/>
# A large Buddhist population unhappy with their Hindu rulers <ref name="Gier"/>
# Religion; the dissatisfaction of the Buddhist populace, the widespread belief in the prophecy of Muslim success, as well as Dahir's marriage to his sister which alienated him from others.<ref> The Chach-Nama. English translation by Mirza Kalichbeg Fredunbeg. Delhi Reprint, 1979 [http://persian.packhum.org/persian/pf?file=12701030&ct=3 Online Version last accessed 30 September 2006]</ref><ref name="Gier"/>
# Positive response by Qasim to overtures of surrender and an avoidance of excessive bloodshed and destruction. <ref name="Gier"/>
# Ready support from lower [[caste]] races; the [[Jat]]s and [[Med]]s formed the [[infantry]] to the predominantly [[cavalry]] army that came with Qasim.<ref name="Gier"/>
# The role played by the belief in prophecy; both of Muslim success, and Dahir's marriage (unconsummated) to his sister which alienated him from others.<ref> The Chach-Nama. English translation by Mirza Kalichbeg Fredunbeg. Delhi Reprint, 1979 [http://persian.packhum.org/persian/pf?file=12701030&ct=3 Online Version last accessed 30 September 2006]</ref>


== Administration by Qasim ==


After the conquest, Qasim's task was to set up an administrative structure for a stable Muslim state that incorporated a newly conquered alien land, inhabited by non-Muslims.<ref name="Appleby292"> Appleby. pg. 291-292</ref> He adopted a conciliatory policy, asking for acceptance of Muslim rule by the natives in return for non-interference in their religious practice,<ref name="Appleby292"/> so long as the natives paid their taxes and tribute.<ref name="Gier"/> He established Islamic [[Sharia]] law over the people of the region; however, Hindus were allowed to rule their villages and settle their disputes according to their own laws<ref name="Gier"/>, and traditional hierarchical institutions, including the Village Headmen (''Rais'') and Chieftains (''dihqans'') were maintained.<ref name="Appleby292"/> A Muslim officer called an ''amil'' was stationed with a troop of cavalry to manage each town on a hereditary basis <ref name="Appleby292"/>


== Administration by Qasim ==
Everywhere taxes (''mal'') and tribute (''kharaj'') were settled and hostages taken - occasionally this also meant the custodians of temples.<ref name="Wink"/> Natives were excused from military service and payment of the tax paid by Muslim subjects - [[Zakat]].<ref name="Appleby292"/> The tax enforced on the natives was the [[jizya]] - it was a [[progressive tax]], being heavier on the upper classes and light for the poor.<ref name="Appleby292"/> "/> In addition, three percent of government revenue was allocated to the Brahmins.<ref name="Gier"/>


Qasim's task was seen as administrator was to set up an administrative structure for a stable Muslim state that incorporated a newly conquered alien land, inhabited by non-Muslims<ref name="Appleby292"> Appleby. pg. 291-292</ref> He adopted a concilatory policy, resulting in the acceptance of Muslim rule by the natives in return for non-interference in their religious practice.<ref name="Appleby292"/> He established Islamic [[Sharia]] law over the people of the region, however Hindu's were allowed to rule their villages and settle their disputes according to their own laws<ref name="Gier"/> and traditional hierarchical structures such as those of Village Headmen (''Rais''), Chieftains (''dihqans'') were maintained<ref name="Appleby292"/>. A Muslim officer called an ''amil'' was stationed with a troop of cavalry to manage each town; on a heridatary basis <ref name="Appleby292"/>
The [[Chachnama]] notes the following as some of the other highlights of Qasim’s rule:

The [[Chach-Nama]] notes the following as highlights of Qasim’s rule:
* He permitted all to practice their religion freely.<ref name="Gier"/><ref name="Mirza"> The Chach-Nama. English translation by Mirza Kalichbeg Fredunbeg. Delhi Reprint, 1979.[http://persian.packhum.org/persian/pf?file=12701030&ct=3 Online Version last accessed 30 September 2006]</ref>
* Hindus were included in the [[Ahl al Kitab]] <ref name="Gier"/>
* Hindus were included in the [[Ahl al Kitab]] <ref name="Gier"/>
* The status of [[Dhimmi]] (protected people) was conferred upon Hindus and Buddhists<ref name="Gier"/>
* the status of [[Dhimmi]]s (protected people) was conferred upon [[Hindu]]s and [[Buddhist]]s <ref name="Gier"/>

===Taxation===
Everywhere taxes (''mal'') and tribute (''kharaj'') were settled and hostages taken - occasionally this also meant the custodians of temples.<ref name="Wink"/> One-fifth of the slaves and booty taken were sent on to Hajjaj<ref name="Wink"/> as both treasure and to repay the Caliph for his outlay in outfitting the campaign. As a whole, the non-Muslim populations of conquered territories were treated as [[People of the Book]] and granted [[Hindu]], [[Jain]] and [[Buddhist]] religions the freedom to practice their faith in return for payment of the poll tax ([[jizya]]). <ref name="Gier"/> They were then excused from military service or payment of the tax paid by Muslim subjects - [[Zakat]].<ref name="Appleby292"/> The jizya enforced was a graded tax, being heaviest on the elite and lightest on the poor.<ref name="Appleby292"/>


===Incorporation of ruling elite into administration===
===Incorporation of ruling elite into administration===
During his administration Hindus and Buddhists were inducted into the administration as trusted advisors and governors.<ref name="Gier"/> A Hindu, Kaksa, was the second most important person in his administration.<ref>H. M. Elliot and John Dowson, ''The History of India as Told by Its Own Historians'', (London, 1867-1877), vol. 1, p. 203. "Kaksa took precedence in the army before all the nobles and commanders. He collected the revenue of the country and the treasury was placed under his seal. He assisted Muhammad ibn Qasim in all of his undertakings..."</ref> Dahir's prime minister and various chieftains were also incorporated into the administration.<ref>The Chach-Nama. English translation by Mirza Kalichbeg Fredunbeg. Delhi Reprint, 1979. [http://persian.packhum.org/persian/pf?file=12701030&ct=3 Online Version last accessed 3 October 2006]</ref>

During his administration, Hindus and Buddhists were inducted into the administration as trusted advisors and governors.<ref name="Gier"/> A Hindu, Kaksa, was at one point the second most important member of his administration.<ref>H. M. Elliot and John Dowson, ''The History of India as Told by Its Own Historians'', (London, 1867-1877), vol. 1, p. 203. "Kaksa took precedence in the army before all the nobles and commanders. He collected the revenue of the country and the treasury was placed under his seal. He assisted Muhammad ibn Qasim in all of his undertakings..."</ref> Dahir's prime minister and various chieftains were also incorporated into the administration.<ref>The Chach-Nama. English translation by Mirza Kalichbeg Fredunbeg. Delhi Reprint, 1979. [http://persian.packhum.org/persian/pf?file=12701030&ct=3 Online Version last accessed 3 October 2006]</ref>


==Religion==
==Religion==
No mass conversions were attempted.<ref name="Schimmel">Schimmel pg.4</ref> The destruction of temples such as the Sun Temple at Multan<ref name="Schimmel"/> was forbidden and 3% of the government revenue was allocated to the Brahmins.<ref name="Gier"/>
No mass conversions were attempted and the destruction of temples such as the Sun Temple at Multan was forbidden.<ref>Schimmel pg.4</ref> However, Qasim was not entirely deferential to the native religions. Many town idolhouses were converted into mosques. At Multan, 6000 custodians of the Sun-temple were made captive and their wealth confiscated. The temple housing the ''great idol (sanam)'' was a source of great wealth for the town, receiving pilgrims from across the region. Qasim left the idol where it was, but he hung a piece of cow flesh on its neck by way of mockery; he then built a mosque in the same [[bazaar]] at the center of the town.<ref> Wink (2002) pg 187-188</ref> A small minority who converted to Islam were granted exemption from slavery and taxes.<ref name="Appleby292"/>

A small minority who converted to Islam and were granted exemption from slavery and the [[jizya]].<ref name="Appleby292"/> Mosques were built, prayers held and coins struck in the name of the Caliph. The people of Sindh were allowed to repair damaged temples and construct new ones.<ref name="Appleby292"/>

An eccelastical office "''sadru-I-Islam al affal"'' was created to oversee the secular governors.<ref name="Appleby292"/> While [[proslytization]] occurred, the social dynamics of Sind were no different from other Muslim regions such as [[Egypt]], where conversion to Islam was slow and took centuries, and generally came from among the ranks of Buddhists.<ref name="Appleby292"/>

==The taking of slaves==
According to Wink , "a considerable number of Jats was captured as prisoners of war and deported to Iraq and elsewhere as slaves." <ref name=" Andre Wink "> Wink, pg.161</ref>
{{sect-stub}}

==Strategy of Temple Plunder==
The plunder was also achieved by an ingenious system of leaving the prosperous population alone, so that they would continue to bring donations to the temples, and then the Muslims would loot these temples. In order to save their temple from destruction, many Hindu warriors refused to fight: According to '''Wink''' : <ref name="wink1"> Wink, pg.187-188</ref><br>

"An even greater part of the revenue of these rulers was derived from the gifts donated by pilgrims who came from all over Sind and Hind to the great idol (sanam) of the sun-temple at Multan… When Muhammad al-Qasim conquered Multan, he quickly discovered that it was this temple which was one of the main reasons for the great wealth of the town. He 'made captives of the custodians of the budd, numbering 6000' and confiscated its wealth, but not the idol itself – which was made of wood, covered with red leather and two red rubies for its eyes and wearing a crown of gold inlaid with gems --, 'thinking it best to leave the idol where it was,<br> but hanging a piece of cow's flesh on its neck by way of mockery".

==Strategy of Temples as Ransom==
According to '''Wink'''<ref name="wink1"> Wink, pg.187-188</ref>
AI-Qasim built his mosque in the same place, in the most crowded bazaar in the center of the town. The possession of the sun-temple -- rather than the mosque -- is what in later times the geographers see as the reason why the local governors or rulers could hold out against the neighboring Hindu powers. Whenever an 'infidel king' marched against Multan and the Muslims found it difficult to offer adequate resistance, they threatened to break the idol or mutilate it, and this, allegedly, made the enemy withdraw. In the late tenth century however the Isma'ilis who occupied Multan broke the idol into pieces and killed its priests. A new mosque was then erected on its site…"

==Enslavement of non combatants priests women and children==
On the other hand in the matter of treatment of brahmins and enslavement of women and children '''Farishta''' the muslim historian records in Chapter IX of his chronicle <br>

"In a few days after which the place fell. Mahomed Kasim levelled the temple and its walls with the ground, and circumcised the bramins. The infidels highly resented this treatment, by invectives against him and the true faith. On which Mahomed Kasim caused every bramin, from the age of seventeen and upwards, to be put to death: the young women and children of both sexes were retained in bondage; and the old women being released, were permitted to go whithersoever they chose. <ref name=" Farishta ">
Farishta, Chapter IX </ref>

==Treatment of Jats ==
The narrative in the Chach Namah a persian book translated from an earlier arab book conveys that Chach humiliated the Jats and Lohanas .Ibbetson records on page 358 volume II that "Muhammad bin Qasim maintained these regulations , declaring that the jats resembled the savages of Persia "


An eccelastical office, "''sadru-I-Islam al affal"'', was created to oversee the secular governors.<ref name="Appleby292"/> While some [[proselytism]] did occur, the social dynamics of Sindh were not too different from other Muslim regions such as [[Egypt]], where conversion to Islam was slow and took centuries, and generally came from among the ranks of Buddhists.<ref name="Appleby292"/>


== Death ==
== Death ==
Qasim had begun preparations for further expansions when Hajjaj died, as did Caliph [[Al-Walid I]], who was succeeded by [[Sulayman ibn Abd al-Malik]]. After Hajjaj's death, the new governor took revenge against all who were close to Hajjaj. Sulayman owed political support to opponents of Hajjaj and so recalled both of Hajjaj's successful generals [[Qutaibah bin Muslim]] and Qasim. He also appointed [[Yazid ibn al-Muhallab]], once tortured by Hajjaj and a son of [[Al Muhallab ibn Abi Suffrah]], as the governor of [[Fars]], [[Kirman]], Makran and Sindh; he immediately placed Qasim in chains.<ref> Wink (2002) pg. 53</ref>
Qasim had begun preparations for further expansions when [[Al-Hajjaj bin Yousef]] died, as did Caliph [[Al-Walid I]] who was succeeded by [[Sulayman ibn Abd al-Malik]]. Once Hajjaj, Qasim’s father-in-law and a notoriously brutal governor of Iraq died, the new governor took revenge against all who were close to Hajjaj. Hajjaj had pursued a systematic to break [[Umayyad]] power and with them the ''[[Azd]]i'' who under [[Mohalib]] had grown powerful in the eastern regions of the empire also suffered. Sulayman owed political support to opponents of Hajjaj and so recalled both of Hajjaj's successful generals [[Qutaibah bin Muslim]] and Qasim. He also appointed [[Yazid ibn al-Muhallab]], once tortured by Hajjaj and a son of Mohalib, as the governor of [[Fars]], [[Kirman]], [[Makran]] and [[Sindh]] who placed Qasim in chains.<ref> Wink, pg. 53</ref>


There are two accounts regarding the details of Qasim's fate:
There are two accounts on the details of fate of Qasim, but both agree that he was recalled by the new caliph Sulayman.<br>
#The account from the Chach Nama narrates a tale in which the Khalifa had been tricked into ordering Qasim's recall by Raja Dahir's daughters. Upon taking them captive, the women were sent on as presents to the Khalifa, whom they convinced that Qasim had violated them before sending them on. As a result of this subterfuge, Qasim was wrapped in oxen hides and returned to [[Syria]], resulting in his death en route from suffocation. This narrative attributes the motive for this subterfuge to securing vengeance for their father's death. Upon discovering this subterfuge, the Khalifa is recorded to have been filled with remorse and ordered the sisters buried alive in a wall.<ref> The Chach-Nama. English translation by Mirza Kalichbeg Fredunbeg. Delhi Reprint, 1979.[http://persian.packhum.org/persian/pf?file=12701030&ct=24 Online Version Last accessed 15 May 2007]</ref><ref name="keay185"> Keay, pg. 185 </ref>
# The Persian historian [[Baladhuri]]'s account states that the Khalifa was a political enemy of Hajjaj and recalled Qasim after Hajjaj's death and imprisoned him; Qasim is reported to have died under torture.<ref name="Gier"/><ref name="keay185"/>


#The account from the Chach Nama narrates a tale in which the Khalifa had been tricked into ordering Qasims recall by the daughters of [[Raja Dahir]]'s. Upon having been taken captive they were sent on as presents to the Khalifa, whom they convinced into believing that Qasim had violated them before sending them on. As result of this subterfuge Qasim was wrapped in oxen hides and returned to [[Syria]] resulting in his death enroute, from suffocation. This narrative attributes the motive as one securing vengeance for their father's death. Upon discovering this subterfuge the Khalifa is recorded to have been filled with remorse and ordering the sisters be buried alive in a wall.<ref> The Chach-Nama. English translation by Mirza Kalichbeg Fredunbeg. Delhi Reprint, 1979.[http://persian.packhum.org/persian/pf?file=12701030&ct=24 Online Version Last acceesed 15 May 2007]</ref><ref name="keay185"> Keay, pg. 185 </ref>
==Controversy==
# The [[Persian people|Persian]] historian [[Baladhuri]]'s account states that the khalifa was a political enemy of Hajjaj and recalled Qasim after Hajjaj's death and imprisoned him where Qasim is reported to have died at the age of twenty under torture.<ref name="Gier"/><ref name="keay185"/>
There is controversy regarding the conquest and subsequent conversion of Sindh. This is usually voiced in two antagonistic perspectives viewing Qasim's actions:<ref name="Derryl2"> Derryl pg.22-29 </ref>
#''Coercive conversion'' has been attributed to early historians such as Elliot, Cousens, Majumdar and Vaidya.<ref name="Derryl2"/> They hold the view that the conversion of Sindh was necessitated as a direct consequence of the violent nature of Islam. Qasim's numerical inferiority is said to explain any instances of apparent religious toleration, with the destruction of temples seen as a reflection of the more basic, religiously motivated intolerance.<ref name="Derryl2"/>
#''Voluntary conversion'' has been attributed to Thomas W. Arnold and modern Muslim historians such as Habib and Qureishi. They believe that the conquest was largely peaceful, and the conversion entirely so, and that the Arab forces enacted liberal, generous and tolerant policies.<ref name="Derryl2"/> These historians mention the "praiseworthy conduct of Arab Muslims" and attribute their actions to a "superior civilizational complex".<ref name="Derryl3"> Derryl pg.31-33 </ref>


==Controversy==
Various [[polemic]]al perceptions of Islam, Hinduism and Buddhism are also reflected in this debate.<ref name="Derryl3"/> Elliot perceived Islam as a religion of "terror, devastation, murder and rapine" where the conquering Arabs were characterized as "ruthless bigots" and "furious zealots" motivated by "plunder and proselytism".<ref name="Derryl2"/> The period of Qasim's rule has been called by U.T. Thakkur "the darkest period in Sind history", with the records speaking of massive forced conversions, temple destruction, slaughters and genocides; the people of Sindh, described as inherently pacifist due to their Hindu/Buddhist religious inclinations, had to adjust to the conditions of "barbarian inroad".<ref name="Thakkur"> Sindhi Culture by U.T. Thakkur, University of Bombay 1959</ref> On one extreme, the Arab Muslims are seen as being compelled by religious stricture to conquer and forcibly convert Sindh, but on the other hand, they can be seen as being respectful and tolerant of non-Muslims as part of their religious duty, with conversion being facilitated by the vitality, equality and morals of the Islamic religion.<ref name="Derryl3"/> Citations of towns taken either violently or bloodlessly, reading back into Arab Sindh information belonging to a later date and dubious accounts such as those of the forcible circumcision of Brahmins at Deybul or Qasims consideration of Hindu sentiment in forbidding the slaughter of cows are used as examples for one particular view or the other.<ref name="Derryl3"/>
{{Expand-section|date=January 2007}}
The is considerably controversy on the topics of conversion and conquest of Sindh voiced in two antagonistic perspectives have resulted in a polemical debate.<ref name="Derryl2"> Derryl pg.22-29 </ref>
#)''Coercive Conversion'' has been attributed to early British administrator historians such as Elliot and Cousens and Indian nationalists such as Majumdar and Vaidya.<ref name="Derryl2"/> This holds the view that conversion in Arab Sind was necessarily forced as a direct consequence of the presumed violent nature of Islam and explains examples of religious toleration as accommodation due to Arab weakness due to numerical inferiority and Arab killings in various battles and temple destructions as a reflection of religiously motivated intolerance.<ref name="Derryl2"/>
#) To Indian Muslims like Habib and Pakistani Nationalists like Qureishi the conquest was largely and the conversion wholly peaceful.<ref name="Derryl2"/>


Some historians strike a middle ground, saying that Qasim was torn between the political expediency of making peace with the Hindus and Buddhists; having to call upon non-Muslims to serve under him as part of his mandate to administer newly conquered land; and orthodoxy by refraining from seeking the co-operation of "infidels". It is contended that Qasim may have struck a middle ground, conferring the status of [[Dhimmi]] upon the native Sindhis and permitting them to participate in his administration, but treating them as "noncitizens" (i.e. in the [[Khilafat]], but not of it).<ref name="Appleby292"/>.
Elliot perceived Islam as a religion of "terror, devastation, murder and rapine" where the conquering Arabs were characterized as "ruthless bigots" and "furious zealots" motivated by "plunder and prosletism".<ref name="Derryl2"/> The period of bin-Qasim's rule has been called by U.T. Thakkur as "The darkest period in Sind history" with the records speaking of massive forced conversions, temple destruction, slaughters and genocides<ref name="Thakkur">Sindhi Culture by U.T. Thakkur, University of Bombay 1959</ref> where the people of Sind, who being described as inherently pacifist at the time had to re-adjust to the conditions of "barbarian inroad".<ref name="Thakkur"/> Descriptions interpreted by Thakkur also entailed "frightful outbreaks of religious bigotry in several places and temples were wantonly desecrated" during bin-Qasim's rule, and that Muslim travelers often extorted resources from Hindus by legal mandate<ref>Sindhi Culture by U.T. Thakkur, University of Bombay 1959 P15</ref> or as attesting to forced conversions imparted on the native Sindhis by bin-Qasim including a systematic depopulation of the region. Some historians strike a middle ground, saying that bin-Qasim was torn between the political expediency of making peace with the Hindus and Buddhists; having to call upon non-Muslims to serve under him as part of his mandate to administer newly conquered land; and orthodoxy by refraining from seeking the co-operation of "infidels". It is contended that bin-Qasim may have struck a middle ground, conferring the status of [[Dhimmi]] upon the native Sindhis and permitting them to participate in his administration, but treating them as "noncitizens" i.e. in the [[Khilafat]], but not of it.<ref name="Appleby292"/>.


== Legacy ==
== Legacy ==
*Qasim's presence and rule was very brief. His conquest for the Umayyads brought Sindh into the gambit of the Muslim world <ref name="Markovits"> Markovits, Claude ''The Global World of Indian Merchants, 1750-1947: Traders of Sind from Bukhara to Panama'', Cambridge University Press, Jun 22, 2000, ISBN 0-521-62285-9, pg. 34. </ref>
*Qasim's presence and rule was very brief. His conquest for the [[Umayyad]]s brought [[Sindh]] into the gambit of the Muslim world <ref name="Markovits"> Markovits, Claude ''The Global World of Indian Merchants, 1750-1947: Traders of Sind from Bukhara to Panama'', Cambridge University Press, Jun 22, 2000, ISBN 0-521-62285-9, pg. 34. </ref>


*The next Arab governor died on arrival. Dahir’s son Jaisimha recaptured Brahmanabad and c. [[720]], he was granted pardon and included in the administration in return for converting to Islam. Soon, however, he recanted and split off when the Umayyads were embroiled in a succession crisis. Later, [[Junaid Ibn Abdur Rahman al-Marri]] killed Jaisimha and recaptured the territory before his successors once again struggled to hold and keep it. During the [[Abassid]] period, c. [[870]], the local emirs shook off all allegiance to the caliphs and by the [[10th century]] the region was split into two weak states, [[Mansura (Brahmanabad)|Mansurah]] on the lower Indus and [[Multan]] on the upper Indus, which were soon captured by [[Ismailis]] who set up an independent [[Fatimid]] state.<ref name="Gier"/><ref> Keay, pg 186-187</ref> These successor states did not achieve much and shrank in size. The Arab conquest remained checked in what is now the south of Pakistan for three centuries by powerful Hindu monarchs to the north and east until the arrival of [[Mahmud of Ghazni]].<ref> Akbar, M.J, ''"The Shade of Swords"'', Routledge (UK), Dec 1, 2003, ISBN 0-415-32814-4 pg.102.</ref>
*The next Arab governor died on arrival, and Dahir’s son Jaisimha recaptured Brahmanabad and c.720 was granted pardon and inclusion in the administration in return for converting to Islam but soon recanted and split off when the Umayyads were embroiled in a succession crisis. Later [[Junaid Ibn Abdur Rahman al-Marri]] killed Jaisimha and recaptured the territory before his successors once again struggled to hold and keep it. During the [[Abassid]] period c.870 the local [[Amir]]s shook off all allegiance to the caliphs and by the 10th century the region was split into two weak states, [[Mansura (Brahmanabad)|Mansurah]] on the lower Indus and [[Multan]] on the upper Indus; which was soon captured by [[Ismailis]] who set up an independent [[Fatimid]] state and destroyed an old and historic temple in Multan that bin Qasim had protected and built a mosque in its place.<ref name="Gier"/><ref> Keay, pg 186-187</ref> These successor states did not achieve much and shrank in size. The Arab conquest remained checked in what is now the south of Pakistan for three centuries by powerful Hindu monarchs to the North and east until the arrival of [[Mahmud of Ghazni]].<ref> Akbar, M.J, ''"The Shade of Swords"'', Routledge (UK), Dec 1, 2003, ISBN 0-415-32814-4 pg.102.</ref>


*Coastal trade and a Muslim colony in Sindh allowed for cultural exchanges and the arrival of [[Sufi]] missionaries to expand Muslim influence.<ref> Federal Research Division. ''"Pakistan a Country Study"'', Kessinger Publishing, Jun 1, 2004, ISBN 1-4191-3994-0 pg.45.</ref> From Debal, which remained an important port until the 12th century, commercial links with the [[Persian Gulf]] and the [[Middle East]] intensified as Sindh became the "hinge of the Indian Ocean Trade and overland passway."<ref name="Markovits"/>
*Coastal trade and a Muslim colony in Sindh allowed for cultural exchanges and the arrival of [[Sufi]] missionaries to expand Muslim influence.<ref> Federal Research Division. ''"Pakistan a Country Study"'', Kessinger Publishing, Jun 1, 2004, ISBN 1-4191-3994-0 pg.45.</ref> From Debal, which remained an important port until the 12th century, commercial links with the [[Persian gulf]] and the [[Middle East]] intensified as Sindh became the "hinge of the Indian Ocean Trade and overland passway."<ref name="Markovits"/>


*[[Port Qasim]], Pakistan's second major port is named in honor of Muhammad bin Qasim.<ref> Cheesman, David ''Landlord Power and Rural Indebtedness in Colonial Sind'', Routledge (UK), Feb 1, 1997, ISBN 0-7007-0470-1</ref>
*[[Port Qasim]], [[Pakistan]]'s second major port is named in honor of Muhammad bin Qasim.<ref> Cheesman, David ''Landlord Power and Rural Indebtedness in Colonial Sind'', Routledge (UK), Feb 1, 1997, ISBN 0-7007-0470-1</ref>


*Muhammad bin Qasim is sometimes called the "the first Pakistani citizen".<ref>{{cite web | title=History books contain major distortions | publisher=Daily Times |url=http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=story_30-3-2004_pg7_16}}</ref>
*Muhammad bin Qasim is sometimes called the "the first Pakistani citizen".<ref>{{cite web | title=History books contain major distortions | publisher=Daily Times |url=http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=story_30-3-2004_pg7_16}}</ref>
Line 109: Line 140:
* [[Qutaibah bin Muslim]]
* [[Qutaibah bin Muslim]]
* [[Muslim conquests]]
* [[Muslim conquests]]

==External links==
==External links==
* [http://www.berzinarchives.com/web/en/archives/e-books/unpublished_manuscripts/historical_interaction/pt1/history_cultures_04.html#n5 Alexander Berzin, ''"Part I: The Umayyad Caliphate (661 - 750 CE), The First Muslim Incursion into the Indian Subcontinent"'', The Historical Interaction between the Buddhist and Islamic Cultures before the Mongol Empire]
* [http://www.berzinarchives.com/web/en/archives/e-books/unpublished_manuscripts/historical_interaction/pt1/history_cultures_04.html#n5 Alexander Berzin, ''"Part I: The Umayyad Caliphate (661 - 750 CE), The First Muslim Incursion into the Indian Subcontinent"'', The Historical Interaction between the Buddhist and Islamic Cultures before the Mongol Empire]
* [http://persian.packhum.org/persian/pf?file=12701030&ct=0 Online Version of the Chach Nama, Last accessed 3 September 2007]


==Footnotes==
==Footnotes==
Line 132: Line 161:


* Wink, Andre, ''"Al-Hind, the Making of the Indo-Islamic World"'', Brill Academic Publishers, Aug 1, 2002, ISBN 0-391-04173-8
* Wink, Andre, ''"Al-Hind, the Making of the Indo-Islamic World"'', Brill Academic Publishers, Aug 1, 2002, ISBN 0-391-04173-8

* Wink, Andre, ''"Al-Hind, the Making of the Indo-Islamic World"'', Brill Academic Publishers, 2004, ISBN 9-004-09249-8


* Keay, John, ''"India: A History"'', Grove Press, May 1, 2001, ISBN 0-8021-3797-0
* Keay, John, ''"India: A History"'', Grove Press, May 1, 2001, ISBN 0-8021-3797-0

Revision as of 23:25, 5 September 2007

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Imád-uddín Muhammad bin Qasim bin Ukail Sakifi
Muhammad Bin Qasim leading his troops in battle
AllegianceAl-Hajjaj bin Yousef, Governor to the Umayyad Caliph Al-Walid I
RankAmir
Battles / warsMuhammad bin Qasim is famous for his conquest of Sind for the Umayyads.

Muhammad bin Qasim Al-Thaqafi (Arabic: محمد بن قاسم) (c. 695715) was a Syrian Arab general who conquered the Sindh and Punjab regions along the Indus river (now a part of Pakistan). The conquest of Sindh and Punjab began the Islamic era in South Asia.

Life and Career

Muhammad bin Qasim bin Ukail Sakifi was born around 695 AD. His father died when he was young, leaving Qasim's mother in charge of his education. Umayyad governor Al-Hajjaj bin Yousef was one of Qasim's close relatives, and was instrumental in teaching Qasim about warfare and governing. Qasim is known for his expansion of the Umayyad Caliphate to the east by adding Sindh and parts of Punjab.

Under Hajjaj's patronage, Qasim was made governor of Persia, where he succeeded in putting down a rebellion. At the age of seventeen, he was sent by Caliph Al-Walid I to lead an army towards India into what is today the Sindh and Punjab area of Pakistan.

Umayyad Interest in Sindh

The primary reason for the Umayyad interest in the region is however viewed as the operation of the Mids and other who earlier preyed upon Sassanid and now Arab shipping from the mouth of the Tigris river to Sri Lankan coast in their bawarij from Kutch, Debal and Kathiawar.[1] With the rising importance of commercial traffic along the Persian Gulf route these cities had to be subjugated to safeguard the increasing important India trade from piracy. Sindh at this time was the wild frontier region of al-Hind inhabited largely by predatory semi-nomadic tribes whose activities disturbed much of the Western Indian Ocean. Muslim sources insist that it was this persistent insolence of Debal pirates and other lairs which forced the Arabs to subjugate the area to control the seaports and maritime routes of which Sindh was the hinge as well the overland pass-way.[2] During Hajjaj's governorship the "Mids of Debal" kidnapped Muslim women travelling from Sri Lanka to Arabia providing a casus belli for the rising power of the Umayyad Caliphate with a chance to gain a foothold in the Makran, Balochistan and Sindh regions and put and end to piratical activity.[1][3]Through conquest, it meant to protect its maritime interests, cut off fleeing both rebel chieftains and Sindhi support to non-Muslim Persians such as in various battles such as Nahawand, Salasal and Qādisiyyah.

The Campaign as recounted in the Chach-Nama

Extent and expansion of Abassid rule under Muhammad bin Qasim (modern state boundaries shown in red).

The Chach Nama is the oldest chronicle of the Arab conquest of Sindh. It was translated into Persian by Muhammad Ali bin Hamid bin Abu Bakr Kufi in 1216 CE.[4] from an earlier Arabic text believed to have been composed by the Sakifí family, the kinsmen of Muhammad bin Qasim. At one time it was considered to be a romance until Mountstuart Elphinstone's observations of it's historical veracity.

Qasim's expedition was the second, the first had failed due to stiffer than anticipated opposition as well as heat, exhaustion and scurvy.

Qasim was successful, rapidly taking all of Sindh and moving into southern Punjab up to Multan with a regiment of 6,000 Syrian soldiers.

Hajjaj had put more care and planning into this campaign than the first campaign under Badil bin Tuhfa. Qasim was supported by Abdulla bin Nahban. In 711, Qasim first established his base at the Ummayyad controlled Arman Belah (Lasbela) in Makran and from there proceeded to assault Debal. Following the orders of Al-Hajjaj, he exacted a bloody retribution on Debal while freeing the kidnapped pilgrams as well as prisoners from the earlier failed campaign. From Debal he then moved on to Nerun to resupply.[5] Here, Nerun's Buddhist governor had acknowledged his city as a tributary of the Caliphate after the first campaign and opened the gates to their forces. From there, Qasim's armies then moved to capture Siwistan (Sehwan) and joined into an alliance with various tribal chiefs and secured the surrounding regions. With his new allies, he captured the fort at Sisam and secured the remaining regions to the west of the Mehran (Indus River). At this point, the soldiers of the Qasim expedition had to resort to using soaked cotton with vinegar to suck on as a prophylaxis against scurvy and send for new horses, due to losses by disease and the campaign.

Dahir attempted to prevent Qasim from crossing the Indus river by moving his forces to its eastern banks. However, Qasim successfully completed the crossing and defeated an attempt to repel him by Jaisiah, the son of Dahir, around the vicinity of Jitor. He then advanced onward to Raor (Nawabshah) in 712, where Dahir was defeated and died in battle.

Qasim's forces then marched upon Raor and took it, where it is noted in the Chach Nama that Dahir's wife Bai and some others committed Jauhar. He then made his way toward Brahmanabad where Jaisiah had invested himself and was gathering troops. Enroute he took the forts at Bahror, which he besieged for two months, and Dahlelah, where he captured Jaisiah's wazir who then defected to Qasim. When Qasim arrived at Brahmanabad, Jaisiah who had based himself there moved out and Qasim besieged the city for six months. The town was taken when a faction came over to Qasim and opened the gates. Here a report tells of the capture of another of Dahir's wives, Ladi, whom Qasim later married, and of the two daughters of Dahir from a third wife, who were sent on to the Khalifa as war booty. At Brahmanabad Qasim began to organize the administration of the lands before marching onward to the capital Alor (Aror), while consolidating his hold on the region and accepting pledges of allegiance, without encountering any significant resistance enroute. Aror was governed by one of Dahir's sons who fled to join his brothers and the city surrendered without much fighting. From here Qasim advanced northward to Multan and after crossing the Beas River began to encounter resistance once again from the local rulers at the forts of Golkondah, Sikkah and finally Multan. Jaisiah after attempting to raise support in Rajasthan fled to exile in Kashmir.

Qasim was preparing to march upon Kanauj when he received a summons from the Khalifa, thereby ending his campaign.

Military Strategy

The military strategy outlined by Hajjaj to Qasim in a letter:[6]

My ruling is given:Kill anyone belonging to the combatants (ahl-i-harb); arrest their sons and daughters for hostages and imprison them. Whoever does not fight against us..grant them aman (safety) and settle their tribute(amwal) as dhimmah.

The first Arab concern was to facilitate the conquest of Sindh with the least number of casualties while also trying to preserve the economic infrastructure.[6] Towns were given two options; submit to Arab authority peacefully or be attacked by force (anwattan), with the choice governing the Arab response upon capture.[6] Capture of towns was then usually accomplished by means of a treaty with a party from among the "enemy", who were then extended special privileges and material rewards.[7] There were two types of such treaties, "Sulh" or "ahd-e-wasiq (capitulation)" and "aman (surrender/ peace)".[7] Upon the capture of towns and fortresses, Qasim performed executions as part of his military strategy, but they were limited to the "ahl-i-harb (fighting men)" - whose surviving dependents were also enslaved.[7] Hence when resistance was strong, prolonged and intensive resulting in considerable Arab casualties his response was equally intensive; a three day long massacre at Daybul, 6,000 at Rawar, between 6,000 and 26,000 at Brahmanabad, 4,000 at Iskalandah and 6,000 at Multan. Conversely places taken by sulh such as Armabil, Nirun, Siwistan, Budhiyah, Bet, Sawandi and Aror where resistance was light few if any casualties occurred.[8] Sulh appeared to be Qasims preferred mode of conquest, accounting for between 63-65% of the towns and tribes recorded by Baladhuri or the Chachnama.[8] He was even berated by Hajjaj for being too lenient and therefore risked being considered by all as weak.[8] Pardon or aman was also granted to the common folk, who were encouraged to coutinue working, while the Brahmins and Shramana's continued to be employed as administrators.[7] While upon express orders of Hajjaj this option was not to be granted any inhabitant of Daybul, Qasim still bestowed it upon certain groups and indivuals.[8]

Political Strategy

After each major phase of his conquest, Qasim stopped to establish law and order in the newly-conquered territory by showing religious tolerance and incorporating the ruling class into his administration.[7]

Reasons for Success

He succeeded partly because Raja Dahir was an unpopular Hindu king that ruled over a Buddhist majority.[3] The forces of Muhammad bin Qasim defeated Raja Dahir in alliance with the tribe of Jats and other Buddhist governors. His campaign's success is ascribed to the support of Buddhists and the tribal Jats, Meds and Bhutto tribes.[9] Chach of Alor and his kin were regarded as usurpers of the Rai Dynasty),[3] and rebels formed the infantry to his primarily cavalry force that first arrived at Arman Belah. His army at Multan was reported in the Tarikh Masumi at 50,000, of which only 6,000 came with Qasim.

Along with this were:

  1. Superior Military equipment (siege engines[10] and the Mongol bow)[3]
  2. Troop discipline and leadership [3]
  3. The concept of jihad as morale booster [3]
  4. A large Buddhist population unhappy with their Hindu rulers [3]
  5. Positive response by Qasim to overtures of surrender and an avoidance of excessive bloodshed and destruction. [3]
  6. Ready support from lower caste races; the Jats and Meds formed the infantry to the predominantly cavalry army that came with Qasim.[3]
  7. The role played by the belief in prophecy; both of Muslim success, and Dahir's marriage (unconsummated) to his sister which alienated him from others.[11]


Administration by Qasim

Qasim's task was seen as administrator was to set up an administrative structure for a stable Muslim state that incorporated a newly conquered alien land, inhabited by non-Muslims[12] He adopted a concilatory policy, resulting in the acceptance of Muslim rule by the natives in return for non-interference in their religious practice.[12] He established Islamic Sharia law over the people of the region, however Hindu's were allowed to rule their villages and settle their disputes according to their own laws[3] and traditional hierarchical structures such as those of Village Headmen (Rais), Chieftains (dihqans) were maintained[12]. A Muslim officer called an amil was stationed with a troop of cavalry to manage each town; on a heridatary basis [12]

The “Chach-Nama” notes the following as highlights of Qasim’s rule:

Taxation

Everywhere taxes (mal) and tribute (kharaj) were settled and hostages taken - occasionally this also meant the custodians of temples.[7] One-fifth of the slaves and booty taken were sent on to Hajjaj[7] as both treasure and to repay the Caliph for his outlay in outfitting the campaign. As a whole, the non-Muslim populations of conquered territories were treated as People of the Book and granted Hindu, Jain and Buddhist religions the freedom to practice their faith in return for payment of the poll tax (jizya). [3] They were then excused from military service or payment of the tax paid by Muslim subjects - Zakat.[12] The jizya enforced was a graded tax, being heaviest on the elite and lightest on the poor.[12]

Incorporation of ruling elite into administration

During his administration Hindus and Buddhists were inducted into the administration as trusted advisors and governors.[3] A Hindu, Kaksa, was the second most important person in his administration.[14] Dahir's prime minister and various chieftains were also incorporated into the administration.[15]

Religion

No mass conversions were attempted.[16] The destruction of temples such as the Sun Temple at Multan[16] was forbidden and 3% of the government revenue was allocated to the Brahmins.[3]

A small minority who converted to Islam and were granted exemption from slavery and the jizya.[12] Mosques were built, prayers held and coins struck in the name of the Caliph. The people of Sindh were allowed to repair damaged temples and construct new ones.[12]

An eccelastical office "sadru-I-Islam al affal" was created to oversee the secular governors.[12] While proslytization occurred, the social dynamics of Sind were no different from other Muslim regions such as Egypt, where conversion to Islam was slow and took centuries, and generally came from among the ranks of Buddhists.[12]

The taking of slaves

According to Wink , "a considerable number of Jats was captured as prisoners of war and deported to Iraq and elsewhere as slaves." [17]

Strategy of Temple Plunder

The plunder was also achieved by an ingenious system of leaving the prosperous population alone, so that they would continue to bring donations to the temples, and then the Muslims would loot these temples. In order to save their temple from destruction, many Hindu warriors refused to fight: According to Wink : [1]

"An even greater part of the revenue of these rulers was derived from the gifts donated by pilgrims who came from all over Sind and Hind to the great idol (sanam) of the sun-temple at Multan… When Muhammad al-Qasim conquered Multan, he quickly discovered that it was this temple which was one of the main reasons for the great wealth of the town. He 'made captives of the custodians of the budd, numbering 6000' and confiscated its wealth, but not the idol itself – which was made of wood, covered with red leather and two red rubies for its eyes and wearing a crown of gold inlaid with gems --, 'thinking it best to leave the idol where it was,
but hanging a piece of cow's flesh on its neck by way of mockery".

Strategy of Temples as Ransom

According to Wink[1] AI-Qasim built his mosque in the same place, in the most crowded bazaar in the center of the town. The possession of the sun-temple -- rather than the mosque -- is what in later times the geographers see as the reason why the local governors or rulers could hold out against the neighboring Hindu powers. Whenever an 'infidel king' marched against Multan and the Muslims found it difficult to offer adequate resistance, they threatened to break the idol or mutilate it, and this, allegedly, made the enemy withdraw. In the late tenth century however the Isma'ilis who occupied Multan broke the idol into pieces and killed its priests. A new mosque was then erected on its site…"

Enslavement of non combatants priests women and children

On the other hand in the matter of treatment of brahmins and enslavement of women and children Farishta the muslim historian records in Chapter IX of his chronicle

"In a few days after which the place fell. Mahomed Kasim levelled the temple and its walls with the ground, and circumcised the bramins. The infidels highly resented this treatment, by invectives against him and the true faith. On which Mahomed Kasim caused every bramin, from the age of seventeen and upwards, to be put to death: the young women and children of both sexes were retained in bondage; and the old women being released, were permitted to go whithersoever they chose. [18]

Treatment of Jats

The narrative in the Chach Namah a persian book translated from an earlier arab book conveys that Chach humiliated the Jats and Lohanas .Ibbetson records on page 358 volume II that "Muhammad bin Qasim maintained these regulations , declaring that the jats resembled the savages of Persia "


Death

Qasim had begun preparations for further expansions when Al-Hajjaj bin Yousef died, as did Caliph Al-Walid I who was succeeded by Sulayman ibn Abd al-Malik. Once Hajjaj, Qasim’s father-in-law and a notoriously brutal governor of Iraq died, the new governor took revenge against all who were close to Hajjaj. Hajjaj had pursued a systematic to break Umayyad power and with them the Azdi who under Mohalib had grown powerful in the eastern regions of the empire also suffered. Sulayman owed political support to opponents of Hajjaj and so recalled both of Hajjaj's successful generals Qutaibah bin Muslim and Qasim. He also appointed Yazid ibn al-Muhallab, once tortured by Hajjaj and a son of Mohalib, as the governor of Fars, Kirman, Makran and Sindh who placed Qasim in chains.[19]

There are two accounts on the details of fate of Qasim, but both agree that he was recalled by the new caliph Sulayman.

  1. The account from the Chach Nama narrates a tale in which the Khalifa had been tricked into ordering Qasims recall by the daughters of Raja Dahir's. Upon having been taken captive they were sent on as presents to the Khalifa, whom they convinced into believing that Qasim had violated them before sending them on. As result of this subterfuge Qasim was wrapped in oxen hides and returned to Syria resulting in his death enroute, from suffocation. This narrative attributes the motive as one securing vengeance for their father's death. Upon discovering this subterfuge the Khalifa is recorded to have been filled with remorse and ordering the sisters be buried alive in a wall.[20][21]
  2. The Persian historian Baladhuri's account states that the khalifa was a political enemy of Hajjaj and recalled Qasim after Hajjaj's death and imprisoned him where Qasim is reported to have died at the age of twenty under torture.[3][21]

Controversy

The is considerably controversy on the topics of conversion and conquest of Sindh voiced in two antagonistic perspectives have resulted in a polemical debate.[8]

  1. )Coercive Conversion has been attributed to early British administrator historians such as Elliot and Cousens and Indian nationalists such as Majumdar and Vaidya.[8] This holds the view that conversion in Arab Sind was necessarily forced as a direct consequence of the presumed violent nature of Islam and explains examples of religious toleration as accommodation due to Arab weakness due to numerical inferiority and Arab killings in various battles and temple destructions as a reflection of religiously motivated intolerance.[8]
  2. ) To Indian Muslims like Habib and Pakistani Nationalists like Qureishi the conquest was largely and the conversion wholly peaceful.[8]

Elliot perceived Islam as a religion of "terror, devastation, murder and rapine" where the conquering Arabs were characterized as "ruthless bigots" and "furious zealots" motivated by "plunder and prosletism".[8] The period of bin-Qasim's rule has been called by U.T. Thakkur as "The darkest period in Sind history" with the records speaking of massive forced conversions, temple destruction, slaughters and genocides[22] where the people of Sind, who being described as inherently pacifist at the time had to re-adjust to the conditions of "barbarian inroad".[22] Descriptions interpreted by Thakkur also entailed "frightful outbreaks of religious bigotry in several places and temples were wantonly desecrated" during bin-Qasim's rule, and that Muslim travelers often extorted resources from Hindus by legal mandate[23] or as attesting to forced conversions imparted on the native Sindhis by bin-Qasim including a systematic depopulation of the region. Some historians strike a middle ground, saying that bin-Qasim was torn between the political expediency of making peace with the Hindus and Buddhists; having to call upon non-Muslims to serve under him as part of his mandate to administer newly conquered land; and orthodoxy by refraining from seeking the co-operation of "infidels". It is contended that bin-Qasim may have struck a middle ground, conferring the status of Dhimmi upon the native Sindhis and permitting them to participate in his administration, but treating them as "noncitizens" i.e. in the Khilafat, but not of it.[12].

Legacy

  • Qasim's presence and rule was very brief. His conquest for the Umayyads brought Sindh into the gambit of the Muslim world [24]
  • The next Arab governor died on arrival, and Dahir’s son Jaisimha recaptured Brahmanabad and c.720 was granted pardon and inclusion in the administration in return for converting to Islam but soon recanted and split off when the Umayyads were embroiled in a succession crisis. Later Junaid Ibn Abdur Rahman al-Marri killed Jaisimha and recaptured the territory before his successors once again struggled to hold and keep it. During the Abassid period c.870 the local Amirs shook off all allegiance to the caliphs and by the 10th century the region was split into two weak states, Mansurah on the lower Indus and Multan on the upper Indus; which was soon captured by Ismailis who set up an independent Fatimid state and destroyed an old and historic temple in Multan that bin Qasim had protected and built a mosque in its place.[3][25] These successor states did not achieve much and shrank in size. The Arab conquest remained checked in what is now the south of Pakistan for three centuries by powerful Hindu monarchs to the North and east until the arrival of Mahmud of Ghazni.[26]
  • Coastal trade and a Muslim colony in Sindh allowed for cultural exchanges and the arrival of Sufi missionaries to expand Muslim influence.[27] From Debal, which remained an important port until the 12th century, commercial links with the Persian gulf and the Middle East intensified as Sindh became the "hinge of the Indian Ocean Trade and overland passway."[24]
  • Muhammad bin Qasim is sometimes called the "the first Pakistani citizen".[29]
  • Youm-e-Babul Islam is observed in Pakistan, in honor of Muhammad bin Qasim.[30]

See also

Footnotes

  1. ^ a b c d Wink, pg.164 Cite error: The named reference "wink1" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
  2. ^ Wink, 51-52
  3. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r Nicholas F. Gier, FROM MONGOLS TO MUGHALS: RELIGIOUS VIOLENCE IN INDIA 9TH-18TH CENTURIES, Presented at the Pacific Northwest Regional Meeting American Academy of Religion, Gonzaga University, May, 2006[1] Cite error: The named reference "Gier" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
  4. ^ Common Era year is an approximation of the Islamic calendar date 613 AH.
  5. ^ The Indus River during this time used to flow to the east of Nerun. An earthquake at in the 10th century caused it to change course to what it is currently.
  6. ^ a b c Derryl pg. 37-39
  7. ^ a b c d e f g Wink. pg. 204-206
  8. ^ a b c d e f g h i Derryl pg.22-29
  9. ^ "The fall of Multan laid the Indus valley at the feet of the conqueror. The tribes came in, 'ringing bells and beating drums and dancing,' in token of welcome. The Hindu rulers had oppressed them heavily, and the Jats and Meds and other tribes were on the side of the invaders. The work of conquest, as often happened in India, was thus aided by the disunion of the inhabitants, and jealousies of race and creed conspired to help the Muslims. To such suppliants Mohammad Kasim gave the liberal terms that the Arabs usually offered to all but inveterate foes. He imposed the customary poll-tax, took hostages for good conduct, and spared the people's lands and lives. He even left their shrines undesecrated: 'The temples,' he proclaimed, 'shall be inviolate, like the churches of the Christians, the synagogues of the Jews, and the altars of the Magians.'" Stanley Lane-Poole, Medieval India under Mohammedan Rule, 712-1764, G.P. Putnam's Sons. New York, 1970. p. 9-10
  10. ^ The Chach-nama make special reference to one particular catapult called "(trans.) the small bride" which required 500 men to operate.
  11. ^ The Chach-Nama. English translation by Mirza Kalichbeg Fredunbeg. Delhi Reprint, 1979 Online Version last accessed 30 September 2006
  12. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k Appleby. pg. 291-292
  13. ^ The Chach-Nama. English translation by Mirza Kalichbeg Fredunbeg. Delhi Reprint, 1979.Online Version last accessed 30 September 2006
  14. ^ H. M. Elliot and John Dowson, The History of India as Told by Its Own Historians, (London, 1867-1877), vol. 1, p. 203. "Kaksa took precedence in the army before all the nobles and commanders. He collected the revenue of the country and the treasury was placed under his seal. He assisted Muhammad ibn Qasim in all of his undertakings..."
  15. ^ The Chach-Nama. English translation by Mirza Kalichbeg Fredunbeg. Delhi Reprint, 1979. Online Version last accessed 3 October 2006
  16. ^ a b Schimmel pg.4
  17. ^ Wink, pg.161
  18. ^ Farishta, Chapter IX
  19. ^ Wink, pg. 53
  20. ^ The Chach-Nama. English translation by Mirza Kalichbeg Fredunbeg. Delhi Reprint, 1979.Online Version Last acceesed 15 May 2007
  21. ^ a b Keay, pg. 185
  22. ^ a b Sindhi Culture by U.T. Thakkur, University of Bombay 1959
  23. ^ Sindhi Culture by U.T. Thakkur, University of Bombay 1959 P15
  24. ^ a b Markovits, Claude The Global World of Indian Merchants, 1750-1947: Traders of Sind from Bukhara to Panama, Cambridge University Press, Jun 22, 2000, ISBN 0-521-62285-9, pg. 34.
  25. ^ Keay, pg 186-187
  26. ^ Akbar, M.J, "The Shade of Swords", Routledge (UK), Dec 1, 2003, ISBN 0-415-32814-4 pg.102.
  27. ^ Federal Research Division. "Pakistan a Country Study", Kessinger Publishing, Jun 1, 2004, ISBN 1-4191-3994-0 pg.45.
  28. ^ Cheesman, David Landlord Power and Rural Indebtedness in Colonial Sind, Routledge (UK), Feb 1, 1997, ISBN 0-7007-0470-1
  29. ^ "History books contain major distortions". Daily Times.
  30. ^ "KARACHI: Babul Islam day observed". Dawn.

References

  • The Chach-Nama. English translation by Mirza Kalichbeg Fredunbeg. Delhi Reprint, 1979.
  • Nicholas F. Gier, FROM MONGOLS TO MUGHALS: RELIGIOUS VIOLENCE IN INDIA 9TH-18TH CENTURIES, Presented at the Pacific Northwest Regional Meeting American Academy of Religion, Gonzaga University, May, 2006[2]
  • Stanley Lane-Poole, Medieval India under Mohammedan Rule, 712-1764, G.P. Putnam's Sons. New York, 1970
  • Schimmel, Annemarie Schimmel, Religionen - Islam in the Indian Subcontinent, Brill Academic Publishers, Jan 1, 1980, ISBN 90-04-06117-7
  • Appleby, R Scott & Martin E Marty, Fundamentalisms Comprehended, University of Chicago Press, May 1, 2004, ISBN 0-226-50888-9
  • Wink, Andre, "Al-Hind, the Making of the Indo-Islamic World", Brill Academic Publishers, Aug 1, 2002, ISBN 0-391-04173-8
  • Keay, John, "India: A History", Grove Press, May 1, 2001, ISBN 0-8021-3797-0
  • Maclean, Derryl N. "Religion and Society in Arab Sind", Brill Academic Publishers, 1989 ISBN 9-004-08551-3