Venezuelan opposition: Difference between revisions
NoonIcarus (talk | contribs) →Legal issues: Removing section. This can be perfectly summarized with prose in a Chronology section, along with all of the nuances and irregularities. Also wrong information, including that of Popular Will, as the party was intervened and has never been declared a "terrorist organization", even when there have been threats for it |
NoonIcarus (talk | contribs) →International support: WP:COATRACK, and also WP:UNDUE. Signers are only a very small fraction of the Venezuelan opposition |
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[[File:President_Trump_Visits_with_the_Interim_President_of_the_Bolivarian_Republic_of_Venezuela_to_the_White_House_(49493581743).jpg|thumb|Opposition leader [[Juan Guaidó]] beside U.S. President [[Donald Trump]] at the [[White House]] in February 2020]] |
[[File:President_Trump_Visits_with_the_Interim_President_of_the_Bolivarian_Republic_of_Venezuela_to_the_White_House_(49493581743).jpg|thumb|Opposition leader [[Juan Guaidó]] beside U.S. President [[Donald Trump]] at the [[White House]] in February 2020]] |
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The United States has provided funding for opposition groups.<ref name=":1" /><ref name=":5">{{Cite news |last=Milne |first=Seumas |last2=Watts |first2=Jonathan |date=2014-04-08 |title=Venezuela protests are sign that US wants our oil, says Nicolás Maduro |language=en-GB |work=[[The Guardian]] |url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/apr/08/venezuela-protests-sign-us-wants-oil-says-nicolas-maduro |access-date=2023-11-16 |issn=0261-3077}}</ref> Prior to the 2002 coup, the [[National Endowment for Democracy]] funded the opposition's [[Confederación de Trabajadores de Venezuela]] and the [[Venezuelan Federation of Chambers of Commerce]], two groups that participated in the attempted overthrow of Chávez.<ref name=":1" /> During the 2002 to 2003 general strikes, [[United States Agency for International Development|United States Agency for International Development (USAID)]] funded Coordinadora Democrática.<ref name=":1" /> According to ''[[The Guardian]]'', in the decade preceding 2014, there was "extensive US government funding of Venezuelan opposition groups."<ref name=":5" /> Student movements belonging to the opposition were also provided funds by the USAID.<ref name=":12">{{Cite book |last=Wilde |first=Matt |title=A Blessing and a Curse: Oil, Politics and Morality in Bolivarian Venezuela |publisher=[[Stanford University Press]] |year=2023 |isbn=9781503637078 |language=en |quote=Led by Leopoldo López, a hardline opposition politician who played a significant role in the protests surrounding the 2002 coup, the protests drew on a large contingent of students from predominantly middle-class and wealthy backgrounds. Using La Salida (“The Exit”) as their motto, the protestors called for a national uprising against the government and railed against everything from corruption and insecurity to inflation and food shortages. ... Each side accused the other of inciting the violence, with the opposition pointing to the alleged involvement of pro-government armed groups in some killings, and Maduro highlighting the well-documented links between Venezuela’s right-wing student movement and organizations funded by the US government, such as USAID}}</ref> |
The United States has provided funding for opposition groups.<ref name=":1" /><ref name=":5">{{Cite news |last=Milne |first=Seumas |last2=Watts |first2=Jonathan |date=2014-04-08 |title=Venezuela protests are sign that US wants our oil, says Nicolás Maduro |language=en-GB |work=[[The Guardian]] |url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/apr/08/venezuela-protests-sign-us-wants-oil-says-nicolas-maduro |access-date=2023-11-16 |issn=0261-3077}}</ref> Prior to the 2002 coup, the [[National Endowment for Democracy]] funded the opposition's [[Confederación de Trabajadores de Venezuela]] and the [[Venezuelan Federation of Chambers of Commerce]], two groups that participated in the attempted overthrow of Chávez.<ref name=":1" /> During the 2002 to 2003 general strikes, [[United States Agency for International Development|United States Agency for International Development (USAID)]] funded Coordinadora Democrática.<ref name=":1" /> According to ''[[The Guardian]]'', in the decade preceding 2014, there was "extensive US government funding of Venezuelan opposition groups."<ref name=":5" /> Student movements belonging to the opposition were also provided funds by the USAID.<ref name=":12">{{Cite book |last=Wilde |first=Matt |title=A Blessing and a Curse: Oil, Politics and Morality in Bolivarian Venezuela |publisher=[[Stanford University Press]] |year=2023 |isbn=9781503637078 |language=en |quote=Led by Leopoldo López, a hardline opposition politician who played a significant role in the protests surrounding the 2002 coup, the protests drew on a large contingent of students from predominantly middle-class and wealthy backgrounds. Using La Salida (“The Exit”) as their motto, the protestors called for a national uprising against the government and railed against everything from corruption and insecurity to inflation and food shortages. ... Each side accused the other of inciting the violence, with the opposition pointing to the alleged involvement of pro-government armed groups in some killings, and Maduro highlighting the well-documented links between Venezuela’s right-wing student movement and organizations funded by the US government, such as USAID}}</ref> |
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Members of the Venezuelan opposition have also joined the [[Madrid Forum]], an anti-leftist organization founded by the Disenso Foundation [[think tank]] of the [[far-right]] Spanish political party [[Vox (political party)|Vox]].<ref name=":132">{{Cite web |last=Valencia |first=Martha |date=2023-03-29 |title=Foro Madrid se desarrolla en Lima con grupos y congresistas de derecha |url=https://elbuho.pe/2023/03/foro-madrid-se-desarrolla-en-lima-con-grupos-y-congresistas-de-derecha/ |access-date=2023-04-26 |website=El Búho |language=es}}</ref> |
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== Demographics == |
== Demographics == |
Revision as of 03:48, 22 November 2023
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![](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/2/2e/State_flag_of_Venezuela_%281954%E2%80%932006%29.svg/220px-State_flag_of_Venezuela_%281954%E2%80%932006%29.svg.png)
The Venezuelan opposition is a political umbrella term given to those who oppose the Bolivarian Revolution and its leaders, Hugo Chávez and Nicolás Maduro and which is made primarily of right-wing groups.[dubious – discuss][1][needs update][2][3][4][5][6][7][needs update][8][needs update][9][excessive citations] Actions between the opposition and the Bolivarian government resulted with increased political polarization in Venezuela;[dubious – discuss] the opposition would at times participate in undemocratic efforts to overthrow the government while the government would respond to these actions by justifying their own consolidation of power.[dubious – discuss][unbalanced opinion?][10] Countering the opposition by the Venezuelan government grew more severe over time, with low levels of repression initially occurring under Chávez and drifting towards authoritarianism during the presidency of Maduro following the 2014 Venezuelan protests of the La Salida movement.[11]
History
Chávez presidency
![](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/4/49/Hugo_Ch%C3%A1vez_sworn_in_1999.png/220px-Hugo_Ch%C3%A1vez_sworn_in_1999.png)
Since Hugo Chávez was elected president in the 1998 Venezuelan presidential election, the elite in Venezuela lost their power and consolidated in opposition against him.[12] Following Chávez's rise to the presidency, he described the 1961 Constitution of Venezuela as "moribund" upon swearing in and began to dismantle the oligarchy that had previously existed in Venezuela's political system as a result of the Puntofijo Pact.[12] The opposition to Chávez primarily consisted elite individuals who controlled Venezuela prior to his election.[13]
1999 Venezuelan Constituent Assembly election
Opposition parties in the 1999 elections for the constituent assembly participated in a divided approach instead of unifying under a single group, resulting with Chávez and his Fifth Republic Movement establishing near total control of the assembly.[14] After creating the 1999 Venezuela Constitution in about three months, with little influence from the opposition, the constituent assembly provided expanded powers to the presidency through the new charter, making groups opposed to the presidency more politically vulnerable.[14]
2002 Venezuelan coup attempt
![](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/d/dc/Pedro_Carmona_Jurament%C3%A1ndose.png/220px-Pedro_Carmona_Jurament%C3%A1ndose.png)
Between 2001 and 2003, the opposition appeared to hold the most power in Venezuela, with multiple chavistas defecting to join the opposition.[15] The opposition had access to multiple institutions including the legislature, the media, the petroleum industry and the military.[11] Venezuelan business, media outlets and non-governmental organizations began to generate dissent against Chávez.[15]
When Chávez attempted in November 2001 to restructure the state-run oil industry, PDVSA, he faced his first critical conflict as the company and its leaders operated as a state-within-a-state, personally profiting from Venezuelan oil sales.[12][16] Chávez's restructuring of PDVSA and his large popular support resulted with the opposition participating in insurrection.[12] The opposition then attempted to remove Chávez from the presidency in through a coup d'état.[12][17] Planning for a coup had been evolving for about two years.[18] Various groups openly discussed a coup against Chávez, including with American diplomats,[15][19][20] with the opposition calling on the military to remove Chávez.[21] A report by the Central Intelligence Agency on 6 April 2022 with the title "Conditions Ripening for Coup Attempt" concluded that the opposition was planning a coup against Chávez and that protests would be used as a platform to initiate the plot.[22] Dominguez compared the actions of the opposition during the 2002 coup to those taken by the right-wing opposition that participated in the 1973 Chilean coup d'état, writing that both groups formed coalitions said to be promoting democracy, they relied on American support and the use of private media to establish support.[12] On the day of the coup attempt, 11 April 2002, opposition protesters marched in Caracas, with numbers estimated to be up to one million people.[23][24] A confrontation between opposition marchers and Chávez supporters led to gunfire, which resulted to deaths on both sides. Chávez was forced to resign the presidency and was arrested.[25][26] Businessman Pedro Carmona subsequently declared himself president, with Carmona decreeing that the 1999 Venezuelan Constitution was invalid and dissolving the National Assembly and Supreme Court.[25] A letter signed by Chávez was later leaked from prison saying that he did not resign and popular protests forced Carmona to abandon his efforts, with Chávez being reinstalled as president.[27]
The attempt to overthrow Chávez was politically devastating for the opposition and led to increased political polarization.[15] Actions taken by the opposition reinforced Chávez's confrontational behavior, resulting with the government pushing the opposition to extreme positions and then later justifying its own actions.[15] Venezuela's armed forces would be purged by the Chávez government in 2002.[11]
General strike
The Venezuelan opposition also attempted to oust Chávez with the a general strike from late 2002 into 2003.[16][17] Coordinadora Democrática (CD), which led the strike, was led by Antonio Ledezma.[28] CD refused to recognize the 1999 constitutional mandate that a president could be recalled halfway through their tenure and demanded the immediate removal of Chávez.[15] The leaders of PDVSA thought that the Chávez government would fall if the general strike persisted, with the strike proving detrimental to Venezuela's fleet of oil tankers and its computers the petroleum industry.[16] As a result of the opposition strike, shortages of goods began, blackouts occurred and transportation was halted, though Chávez maintained the presidency.[16] Actions taken by the opposition during the strike again hurt its popularity, according to Corrales and Penfold,[15] with the two saying that the government would counter the opposition with government spending and penalizing the opposition.[29]
2004 recall attempt
In 2004, another attempt by the opposition to remove Chávez was through a recall referendum.[17] After the general strike failed, CD began negotiating more with the Chávez government and reached an agreement that a recall election would be held.[30] Cuban exile Roberto Alonso, an anti-Castro leader of the Venezuelan opposition group Bloque Democrático, created a protest tactic known as the guarimba as a way to remove Chávez after seeing the failed 2002 coup.[31][32][33][34] In an effort to create "total anarchy", Alonso partnered with the opposition to spring guarimba protests on 5 March 2004 and have a military coup remove Chávez two days later.[32] Thousands of protesters blocked streets in Venezuela after the signature collection for the referendum was declared fraudulent, though the demonstrations subsided when the opposition and government agreed on how to proceed with the recall referendum.[32] In May 2004, a ranch belonging to Alonso was raided during the Daktari Ranch affair and hundreds of Colombian paramilitaries were arrested in relation to an alleged plot to overthrow the Chávez government.[12][32]
Nearly sixty percent of voters refused to recall Chávez in the referendum in August 2004. CD rejected the results of the election and dissolved later that year.[30] During the lull in conflict, Chávez used the peacetime to consolidate power and place more obstacles against the opposition.[10] The 2005 Venezuelan parliamentary election was boycotted by the opposition a year later.[12]
2006 presidential elections
After the opposition boycotted and lost all seats in the National Assembly of Venezuela, the chavista legislators began to consolidate power, resulting with the opposition participating in elections once more and consolidating their actions.[11] Some party leaders made an informal agreement to choose Manuel Rosales of A New Era as a candidate due to his opinion polling support, though the opposition as a whole did not consolidate as they did not see Chávez as a threat.[11]
2007 protests and 2009 referendum
Three actions by Chávez to consolidate power resulted with a joint opposition coalition and an opposition student movement; the shut down of RCTV, the 2007 Venezuelan constitutional referendum to turn Venezuela into a socialist nation and the 2009 Venezuelan constitutional referendum which proposed indefinite re-election of the officeholders.[11][17] The 2007 Venezuelan RCTV protests and the 2007 Venezuelan referendum protests occurred as a result. Following its failed confrontational approach in the early 2000s, the opposition began to support participation in elections and created the Democratic Unity Roundtable (MUD) in 2008, which resulted in some electoral success.[17] Opposition leaders said that the formation of MUD was in response to their perception of increased repression from the Chávez government.[11]
2012 and 2013 presidential elections
By the time of the 2012 Venezuelan presidential election, moderate opposition presidential candidate and founder of Justice First Henrique Capriles had begun to appeal to disillusioned chavista voters and became a true contender against Chávez, though he was not elected.[35][36]
Maduro presidency
![](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/d/db/Venezuela_protest_26_October_%28size_diff%29.jpg/220px-Venezuela_protest_26_October_%28size_diff%29.jpg)
Following the death of Hugo Chávez, Capriles led a strong presidential campaign[36] and was narrowly defeated by Nicolás Maduro in the 2013 Venezuelan presidential election, with the opposition becoming more confrontational with the government once more following the failure of their electoral strategy.[17] Maduro did not have the charisma of his predecessor and as a result, began to lose support among his base.[37]
La Salida protests
After continuous electoral losses, the opposition's consolidation broke when some groups took individualized actions.[11] In February 2014, amid an economic decline and concerns about insecurity, Popular Will founder Leopoldo López led the La Salida movement of the opposition in an effort to remove Maduro from office.[35][38][39] During the protests, the opposition adopted similar tactics used during the 2002 coup attempt and the general strike shortly after, while also adopting the guarimba strategy used in 2004 in order to oust Maduro.[13][40] After protests turned violent, on 18 February 2014 López turned himself in and was imprisoned.[41][42] Tensions among the opposition were exposed as a result of La Salida and it weakened the MUD.[11] From this point, the Maduro government grew more repressive towards to opposition.[11]
2015 legislative elections and National Assembly control
In the 2015 Venezuelan parliamentary election, the opposition consolidated its strategy and won a majority in the National Assembly of Venezuela.[36] The lame duck chavista National Assembly would pack the Supreme Tribunal of Justice prior to its departure.[43][44] In 2017, Maduro would bypass the opposition-led National Assembly by creating the 2017 Constituent National Assembly of Venezuela, leading to the 2017 Venezuelan constitutional crisis since the constitutional body held more authority than the National Assembly.[37]
Presidential crisis
![](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/b/bf/Operaci%C3%B3n_Gede%C3%B3n_2020_-_SEBIN_capture.png/220px-Operaci%C3%B3n_Gede%C3%B3n_2020_-_SEBIN_capture.png)
Popular Will politician Juan Guaidó was named president of the opposition-led National Assembly in December 2018 and began to form a transitional government[45][46] after the opposition refused to recognize the 2018 Venezuelan presidential election, which was described by the opposition and its supporters as fraudulent. In 2019, the Venezuelan presidential crisis began when Guaidó declared himself president of Venezuela on 23 January 2019 with the assistance of the United States after he and his mentor Leopoldo López proposed the plan to American government.[47] The United States government, European allies and Latin American supporters of the opposition quickly recognized Guiadó as president of Venezuela.[47] The United States would institute sanctions on Venezuela in an attempt at regime change,[48][49][50] with Guaidó supporting the sanctions and demanding the European Union to place its own sanctions against the Maduro government.[51] Guaidó was seen in photographs with right-wing Colombian paramilitaries which raised concerns about his links to the groups, though the opposition has denied relations with guerillas.[52]
On 30 April 2019, Guaidó attempted to overthrow Maduro with a group of military defectors in an event variably described between a coup attempt[53] and an attempted uprising.[54] The unrest allowed Guaidó's mentor, Leopoldo López, to escape from house arrest.[55] Guaidó was only supported by a few dozen National Guardsmen and the attempted ousting of Maduro failed.[56]
A year later in May 2020, a group of Venezuelan military defectors led by former United States Army Special Forces soldier Jordan Goudreau again tried to forcibly overthrow Maduro. The plot and its participants were intercepted by the Maduro government prior to its full implementation, with two boats of dissident fighters being captured by Venezuelan authorities.[57] Six of the opposition fighters were killed during their attempted landing.[58] Following the event, a signed contract between representatives of the Guaidó government and the operation's organizer Silvercorp USA was unveiled[59] and support for Guaidó dropped.[60] In July 2020, the Venezuelan government described Popular Will, the party of Guaidó and López, as a terrorist organization following the attempted overthrow of Maduro.[61][62]
In December 2022, three of the four main opposition political parties (Justice First, Democratic Action and A New Era) backed and approved a reform to dissolve the interim government and create a commission of five members to manage foreign assets, as deputies sought a united strategy ahead of the next Venezuelan presidential election scheduled for 2024,[63][64] stating that the interim government had failed to achieve the goals it had set.[65]
2024 Venezuelan presidential election
In the 2023 Unitary Platform presidential primaries, the Venezuelan opposition selected María Corina Machado as their candidate for the 2024 presidential elections.[66] Described as a radical and a right-wing politician,[67][68][69] she is a supporter of capitalism and believes that "being rich is good"; she criticized Hugo Chávez, saying that "Chávez was the president of the poor, yes, very poor that he loved them, because there is no more effective way to control a society than to subject it to dependency. Dying with outstretched hand."[70] She was disqualified from holding office in Venezuela in June 2023, in relation to her support of Guaidó and sanctions on Venezuela.[71][72][73]
Function
Coordination
The temporary coalition of Coordinadora Democrática (CD) lacked cohesion and was dominated by business and media groups, resulting with divided decision making.[11] With the formation of the Democratic Unity Roundtable (MUD), the opposition coalition created a set of rules regarding decisions, including decisions being made by a majority of 3/5ths of members or 70% of the popular vote during election processes, the process to determine a joint candidate either through majority or a primary election and a unified policy framework.[11] Such coordination resulted with a more unified long-term strategy as opposed to short-term individualized interests.[11]
Strategies
According to Corrales and Penfold, different groups of the opposition utilized three strategies; electoral participation, electoral abstention and a combative approach.[74] Corrales and Penfold explained that the opposition would react to actions taken by the government by first protesting, then attempting to overthrow the government, and later by becoming more electorally involved.[10] Jiménez states that the opposition would take reactionary actions, including coup attempts and general strikes, when opponents were not consolidated in a joint cause.[11] Since the foundation of MUD, the opposition adopted the strategy of contesting every election.[11]
Following the opposition's loss in the 2013 presidential elections, some opposition groups alleged that Maduro was born in Colombia without providing any proof, saying that this would disqualify him from holding the presidential office in Venezuela.[75][76] The Associated Press described the tactic as an attempt to "push the embattled socialist leader from office at any cost."[76] The strategy was compared to the birther conspiracy, a fringe theory that targeted Barack Obama in a similar way.[75][76][77] A document obtained by a Panamanian politician and promoted by some members of the opposition was declared as falsified.[77]
During the presidential crisis, the opposition under Guaidó held three strategies to obtain power; protests, a military coup and foreign intervention.[78]
International support
![](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/5/5a/President_Trump_Visits_with_the_Interim_President_of_the_Bolivarian_Republic_of_Venezuela_to_the_White_House_%2849493581743%29.jpg/220px-President_Trump_Visits_with_the_Interim_President_of_the_Bolivarian_Republic_of_Venezuela_to_the_White_House_%2849493581743%29.jpg)
The United States has provided funding for opposition groups.[12][79] Prior to the 2002 coup, the National Endowment for Democracy funded the opposition's Confederación de Trabajadores de Venezuela and the Venezuelan Federation of Chambers of Commerce, two groups that participated in the attempted overthrow of Chávez.[12] During the 2002 to 2003 general strikes, United States Agency for International Development (USAID) funded Coordinadora Democrática.[12] According to The Guardian, in the decade preceding 2014, there was "extensive US government funding of Venezuelan opposition groups."[79] Student movements belonging to the opposition were also provided funds by the USAID.[80]
Demographics
Members of the opposition, Dominguez says, mainly comprises members of the old aristocracy, business groups and university students.[12] Opposition groups typically support right-wing politics[1][2][3][4][5] and opposition parties often ignored their ideological backgrounds in order to form a united opposition.[11] According to Gott, Maher and MacLeod, members of the Venezuelan opposition are primarily middle and upper class individuals who were white.[13][16][81][82] MacLeod notes that Hugo Chávez was the first non-white president of Venezuela in recent history and that since his election, Venezuela experienced class and racial conflict.[13] Gott would elaborate on race, saying that racism in Venezuela primarily used by white opposition supporters would be used against Chávez and his supporters.[16] Lupien writes that the opposition was shown as being "light-skinned" and "decent" while chavistas were called "thick-lipped" and "monkeys."[83] Further protests against Nicolás Maduro mainly comprised middle class and wealthy students who demonstrated in affluent communities.[79][80] As conditions worsened during the crisis in Venezuela, some lower class citizens began to oppose the Maduro government.[84]
Organization
Leadership
![](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/e/ee/Presentacion_de_la_iniciativa_La_Salida_-_enero_de_2014.jpg/220px-Presentacion_de_la_iniciativa_La_Salida_-_enero_de_2014.jpg)
Leadership of the Venezuelan opposition was an important aspect of the movement since their parties did not focus on policy and instead on the personality of who led.[36] Until the Venezuelan presidential crisis beginning in 2019, the Venezuelan opposition was primarily led by wealthy professionals who were prominent prior to the government of Hugo Chávez.[85] In 2002, Pedro Carmona and Carlos Ortega briefly provided leadership for the opposition. Henrique Capriles, a moderate opposition politician, served as its leader briefly during his candidacies in the 2012 and 2013 presidential elections. Following the opposition winning the majority in the 2015 Venezuelan parliamentary election, the National Assembly of Venezuela assumed leadership of the opposition. Juan Guaidó was the leader of the opposition during the presidential crisis, though he lost support as the opposition failed to achieve its objectives under his mandate.[86] Into the 2024 presidential elections, María Corina Machado was chosen as leader of the opposition.[66]
Media
Prior to the rise of Chávez, private Venezuelan media relied on government approval to grant licenses for their existence, with media heads and government officials establishing close relationships.[13] As a result of this relationship, the private media maintained support for the elite that were opposed to Chávez.[13] After Chávez maintained election victories that were validated by international observation, opposition media attempted to describe their efforts as actions to defend democracy from a populist leader supported by irrational supporters.[83] The Venezuelan opposition is supported by private media in the country according to Dominguez and MacLeod; the former says that outlets portray the opposition as seeking liberty while depicting the Bolivarian government as authoritarian[12] while the latter says that international media formed close relationships with Venezuela's elite and projected the opposition as "civil" while painting Chávez supporters as "thugs."[16]
During the 2002 coup attempt, private media groups, including Globovisión, supported the opposition's actions.[83][87] The media described Chávez supporters as "lowlifes", "satanic" and "Taliban."[83] Media mogul Gustavo Cisneros and owner of Venevisión was a prominent opposition media leader during the Chávez presidency until a meeting between him and Chávez was mediated by former president Jimmy Carter.[88]
Various media outlets have been described as supporting the opposition, including Efecto Cocuyo,[89][90][91] El Nacional,[90][92][93] El Pitazo,[89][94] La Patilla,[95] Runrunes[90][96][97][98][99] and Tal Cual.[100][101][102]
Between 1998 and 2014, independent television channels decreased from 88% to 46%.[103] Human Rights Watch has said that Chávez and Maduro both increased censorship in Venezuela in an effort to silence critics.[104][105]
Parties
Democratic Unity Roundtable
Party name | Acronym | Leader | Main ideology | International Associations | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Justice First
Primero Justicia |
PJ | Henrique Capriles Radonski | Humanism | None | |
A New Era
Un Nuevo Tiempo |
UNT | Manuel Rosales | Social democracy | Socialist International | |
Popular Will
Voluntad Popular |
VP | Leopoldo López | Progressivism
Social democracy |
Socialist International | |
Radical Cause
La Causa Radical |
LCR | Andrés Velásquez | Laboriousm | None | |
Progressive Movement of Venezuela
Movimiento Progresista de Venezuela |
MPV | Simón Calzadilla | Progressivism | None | |
Project Venezuela
Proyecto Venezuela |
PRVZL | Henrique Salas Feo | Liberal conservatism | IDU, UPLA | |
Clear Accounts
Cuentas Claras |
CC | Vicencio Scarano | Progressivism | None | |
Progressive Advance
Avanzada Progresista |
AP | Henri Falcón | Democratic socialism[citation needed] | None | |
Fearless People's Alliance
Alianza Bravo Pueblo |
ABP | Antonio Ledezma | Social democracy | None | |
Emergent People
Gente Emergente |
GE | Julio César Reyes | Social democracy | None | |
National Convergence
Convergencia Nacional |
CN | Juan José Caldera | Christian democracy | ODCA (observer) | |
Movement for a Responsible, Sustainable and Entrepreneurial Venezuela
Movimiento por una Venezuela Responsable, Sostenible y Emprendedora |
MOVERSE | Alexis Romero | Green politics | None | |
Ecological Movement of Venezuela
Movimiento Ecológico de Venezuela |
MOVEV | Manuel Díaz | Green politics | Global Greens |
Student groups
See also
References
- ^ a b Calla, Pamela; Striffler, Steve (September 2011). "Reform and revolution in South America: a forum on Bolivia and Venezuela". Dialectical Anthropology. 35 (3): 239–241. doi:10.1007/s10624-011-9239-5.
- ^ a b "Venezuela and the U.S. Left at a Crossroads". NACLA. Retrieved 2023-11-17.
- ^ a b Finn, Daniel (22 May 2017). "Unfinished Business". Jacobin. Retrieved 2023-11-17.
- ^ a b "Plotting a soft coup?". The Hindu. 2017-05-10. Retrieved 2023-11-17.
- ^ a b Mastrangelo, Dominick (2020-12-07). "Maduro claims sweeping victory in Venezuela elections boycotted by opposition politicians". The Hill. Retrieved 2023-11-17.
- ^ "Legislative election leaves Venezuela in political standoff". Associated Press. 2020-12-10. Retrieved 2023-11-18.
the right-wing opposition
- ^ Petras, James F.; Veltmeyer, Henry (2011). Beyond neoliberalism: a world to win. Ashgate. p. 173. ISBN 978-1409428473.
the right-wing opposition in countries such as ... Venezuela
- ^ Arnoldy, Laurie (2010). "Fact and Fiction: Venezuelan Education Reform Law". Law and Business Review of the Americas. 16 (4): 881.
Right-wing opposition continues to fight against liberalizing changes and cling to their traditional beliefs, while Chavez, the National Assembly, and their supporters struggle
- ^ "UN rights experts report a rise of efforts in Venezuela to curtail democracy ahead of 2024 election". PBS NewsHour. 2023-09-20. Retrieved 2023-11-20.
- ^ a b c Corrales, Javier; Penfold, Michael (2011). Dragon in the tropics: Hugo Chávez and the political economy of revolution in Venezuela. Washington, D.C: Brookings Institution Press. p. 15. ISBN 978-0815704973.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p Jiménez, Maryhen (February 2023). "Contesting Autocracy: Repression and Opposition Coordination in Venezuela". Political Studies. 71 (1): 47–68. doi:10.1177/0032321721999975.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m Dominguez, Francisco (2011). "Chapter 7 - Venezuela's opposition: desperately seeking to overthrow Chávez". Right-Wing Politics in the New Latin America: Reaction and Revolt. Zed Books. ISBN 9781848138148.
- ^ a b c d e f MacLeod, Alan (April 2019). "Chavista 'thugs' vs. opposition 'civil society': western media on Venezuela". Race & Class. 60 (4): 46–64. doi:10.1177/0306396818823639.
- ^ a b Corrales, Javier; Penfold, Michael (2011). Dragon in the tropics: Hugo Chávez and the political economy of revolution in Venezuela. Washington, D.C: Brookings Institution Press. pp. 18–19. ISBN 978-0815704973.
- ^ a b c d e f g Corrales, Javier; Penfold, Michael (2011). Dragon in the tropics: Hugo Chávez and the political economy of revolution in Venezuela. Washington, D.C: Brookings Institution Press. pp. 21–24. ISBN 978-0815704973.
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a nationwide effort called 'la Salida' or 'the Exit,' aimed at ending Maduro's rule.
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In the last several decades, financial and economic sanctions have become a key tool of U.S. foreign policy. The Trump administration has made particularly heavy use of this tool, especially in its efforts to induce regime change in Venezuela and Iran.
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In a campaign designed to oust Maduro from power, the United States has encouraged foreign governments and intergovernmental organizations to recognize Guaidó and has imposed a series of targeted economic sanctions to weaken Maduro's regime. ... the Trump administration has consistently exempted humanitarian assistance and insisted that the sanctions 'do not target the innocent people of Venezuela. Despite this assertion, Venezuela's economic situation has worsened severely under the prolonged sanctions, and the humanitarian crisis remains devastating.
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Venezuelan military personnel who had participated in the coup attempt had since sought asylum in the Brazilian Embassy in Caracas
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Foreign outlets, dutifully supporting Trump administration calls for regime change, reported that a widespread uprising was underway, even though Juan Guaidó's coup attempt had little support.
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If it walks like a coup and quacks like a coup, then it sure looks a coup – backed by the Trump administration. ... Juan Guaido, flanked by his political mentor Leopoldo Lopez and a handful of soldiers who had broken ranks, issued a message to Venezuela and the world: The time to topple Nicolas Maduro's authoritarian regime was right now
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Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro sought to rally the military on Thursday in the wake of an unsuccessful coup against him.
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{{cite news}}
: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) - "May Day street clashes in Paris fuelled by widening anti-Macron coalition". Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. 1 May 2019. Retrieved 1 June 2023.
Defiant Maduro claims victory over Guaido coup attempt
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Hemos tenido algo que pasó de ser provisional a convertirse en algo perpetuo. Y no se celebraron las elecciones, de manera que el artículo 233 perdió su razón de ser para justificar el gobierno interino.
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Machado's discourse has no religious bias, it does not foster prejudice nor does it stigmatize minorities or raise conservative arguments in the social field – even if some of her followers do.
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Led by Leopoldo López, a hardline opposition politician who played a significant role in the protests surrounding the 2002 coup, the protests drew on a large contingent of students from predominantly middle-class and wealthy backgrounds. Using La Salida ("The Exit") as their motto, the protestors called for a national uprising against the government and railed against everything from corruption and insecurity to inflation and food shortages. ... Each side accused the other of inciting the violence, with the opposition pointing to the alleged involvement of pro-government armed groups in some killings, and Maduro highlighting the well-documented links between Venezuela's right-wing student movement and organizations funded by the US government, such as USAID
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El Nacional, Efecto Cocuyo y Runrunes (que siguen una línea de oposición al Gobierno) (El Nacional, Efecto Cocuyo and Runrunes (which follow a line of opposition to the Government))
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le portail d'information pro-opposition Efecto Cocuyo
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With a daily drip-drip of rumors and details about Chavez's condition, the openly pro-opposition Bocaranda has garnered more than 670,000 followers
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Nelson Bocaranda, an opposition supporter who in his column "Runrunes" publishes information about Chávez's state of health, said that members of the military leadership are preparing a self-coup if the president does not renew in office.
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