The Volokh Conspiracy

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The Volokh Conspiracy

Academia

The LSAT Is Not What It Used to Be

Derek Muller explores recent changes in the test, how it is administered, and how it affects US News rankings.

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The Law School Admission Test (LSAT) has undergone significant changes over the past two decades--changes in its composition, administration, and score reporting--that may be affecting its reliability as a predictor of law school performance. In addition, US News has changed its weighting and treatment of LSAT scores, altering the incentives for law schools to prioritize the LSAT scores of applicants, though it is not clear many law schools have altered their admissions practice accordingly (at least not yet).

Derek Muller explores these changes and their implications in a long and highly informative post at Excess of Democracy. It begins:

The LSAT is an important predictor of law school success. It does a very good job of predicting who will perform well in law school. The higher your LSAT score, the higher your law school grades are likely to be. It is not perfectly correlated, but it is well correlated. When combined with your undergraduate grade point average (UGPA)—yes, regardless of your major, grade inflation, school disparities, and all that—it can even further predict law school success.

But the LSAT has changed over the years. As has its weight in the USNWR rankings. Many law school admissions practices, however, look at the LSAT like it's 2005—like the test scores resemble what they did back then, and like the USNWR rankings care about them like they did back then. A lot has changed in a generation.

Muller summarizes some of these changes, the aggregate effect of which may be to reduce the LSAT's predictive value.

The LSAT, as a raw score, is less predictive of ability than it was 20 years ago. That is, a 170 or a 160 means less than it did 20 years ago. It may still be predictive in the aggregate. That is, a 170 means a higher likelihood of success than a 160. But there are error rates in that 170 that were unknown 20 years ago—the 170 likely overstates the "true" value compared to 20 years ago. Relatively speaking, and in terms of its validity as a statistical matter, it's still valuable—it just has a different value than before.

Likewise, schools have continued to rely on the LSAT but used it in a way that makes it less predictive than it is designed to be—by relying on the highest score, for instance, or by refusing to use the index score. This is exacerbated by the fact that LSAC allows more retakes than it did a generation ago, and it allows cancellation of scores in mechanisms unknown a generation ago.

More recent developments, including the acceleration of extra time test-takers and the dropping of logic games from the LSAT, promise to further dilute the predictive validity of the LSAT in yet-unknown ways.

For more detail, and a discussion of how law schools have (and perhaps should) respond to some of these changes, read the whole thing.

AI in Court

D.C. Judge's Thoughts on Use of AI by Judges

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From D.C. Court of Appeals Judge John Howard's concurrence las month in Ross v. U.S., about the possible upsides and downsides of judges using AI (entirely apart from whether they use AI results as arguments in their opinions):

To be clear, I cast no aspersion on the use of AI by my colleagues. I find it interesting. AI tools are proliferating and we ignore them at our own peril. Not only for the concerning capabilities they now give parties with ill intent, but for the great utility such tools could potentially provide in easing the strain on our increasingly overburdened courts.

AI tools are more than a gimmick; they are coming to courts in various ways, and judges will have to develop competency in this technology, even if the judge wishes to avoid using it. Courts, however, must and are approaching the use of such technology cautiously. Specific use cases are being considered and we must always keep in mind the limits of different AI tools in how and when we use them, particularly with regard to security, privacy, reliability, and bias, to ensure ethical use.

Broadly, an AI system can be susceptible to bias at multiple points in its execution. Model Code of Judicial Conduct Rules 2.2 and 2.3, dealing with impartiality and fairness and bias, prejudice, and harassment, are potentially implicated in reliance on a system infected with bias. Ignorance of the technology seems like little defense in consideration of the duty of competence in Rule 2.5.

Other issues abound, but security and confidentiality of court information are particular concerns. Accordingly, before using an AI tool a judicial officer or staff member should understand, among many other things, what data the AI tool collects and what the tool does with their data.

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Politics

Apply for the 14th Annual James Wilson Fellowship

Young Lawyers, Law Clerks, and Law Students are welcome to apply for our Summer 2025 Fellowship on August 3-8, 2025.

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I am happy to pass along this announcement from my friends at the James Wilson Institute:

The 14th James Wilson Fellowship

Old Town Alexandria, VA, August 3-8, 2025

Deadline to Apply: April 23, 2025

In partnership with First Liberty Institute's Center for Religion, Culture, and Democracy, JWI Co-Directors, Profs. Hadley Arkes and Gerry Bradley, joined by other distinguished scholars, will offer an in-person seminar over seven days in the Washington, D.C. area, on Natural Law and its bearing on our jurisprudence. The course will focus on discussing the central points of a jurisprudence of Natural Law, such as the classic connection between the "logic of morals" and the "logic of law," the properties of moral truths and the principles of judgment, and how we would see certain landmark cases differently if they were viewed through the lens of Natural Law. Our main objective is to restore a moral coherence to our jurisprudence.

Application

Please submit the following package of materials to be considered for the James Wilson Fellowship. An electronic package of materials in separate PDF files is greatly preferred, though not required:

1. Personal Information Full name, DOB, mailing address, preferred telephone number, and email.

2. Resume/CV Undergraduate and graduate education with degrees expected, professional experience, fellowships, internships, awards, and publications.

3. Personal Statement In 500 words or fewer, please explain what draws you to the Fellowship for the James Wilson Institute and this project on the recovery of Natural Law: why are you interested in spending a week with peers studying Natural Law and its connection to our jurisprudence? Have you done any reading on the subject, or are you interested in acquiring a firmer hold on it? Have you read any of Prof. Arkes's or Prof. Bradley's writings, with their perspectives on Natural Law?

4. Legal Writing A journal article, legal brief, course paper, or other relevant piece excerpted up to 15 pages.

5. References Contact information (email and telephone number) for two references, academic or professional.

6. Official Academic Transcripts All undergraduate and graduate work; may be submitted separately from the application package via undergraduate and graduate transcript services.

All electronic application materials must be emailed to: Fellowships at JamesWilsonInstitute.org

Fellowships Email

Guns

N.Y. Federal Judge Upholds N.Y. Stun Gun/Taser Ban

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Most courts that have considered the constitutionality of such bans have struck them down (and others have been recently repealed). But Judge Edgardo Ramos's opinion yesterday in Calce v. City of N.Y. (S.D.N.Y.) upheld the New York state ban and New York City ban, concluding that the plaintiffs had the burden of introducing specific evidence of how common such weapons are:

"[T]he Second Amendment does not protect those weapons not typically possessed by law-abiding citizens for lawful purposes." Therefore, Plaintiffs must show that stun guns and tasers are in "common use" today, and that they are "typically possessed by law-abiding citizens for lawful purposes."

Here, Plaintiffs have not provided any studies, reports, or data for the Court to conduct a "statistical inquiry" into whether stun guns and tasers are in common use. Plaintiffs do not "even identify the most basic of statistics including, for example, the number of stun guns and/or tasers purchased in the United States for any given year." Thus, Plaintiffs provide "no evidence whatsoever to support their claim that stun guns and tasers are in common use in the United States for self-defense, let alone in New York City."

Plaintiffs' reliance on "findings and conclusions" from non-binding cases is of no moment. see People v. Yanna (Mich. Ct. App. 2012) ("Hundreds of thousands of Tasers and stun guns have been sold to private citizens, with many more in use by law enforcement officers."); Avitabile v. Beach (N.D.N.Y. 2019) ("[B]ased on the limited data available, the parties agree there are at least 300,000 tasers and 4,478,330 stun guns owned by private citizens across the United States."); O'Neil v. Neronha (D.R.I. 2022) ("Defendants agree that millions of stun guns have been sold nationwide[.]"). Putting aside that the phrases "hundreds of thousands" and "millions" are indefinite, and that the figures in Avitabile were based on "limited data," Plaintiffs do not provide a legal basis for the Court to adopt those findings. Moreover, Plaintiffs do not even attempt to argue how these scant sources could inform whether stun guns and tasers are commonly used for lawful purposes….

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AI in Court

D.C. Judge Uses ChatGPT in Discussing Whether "Common Knowledge" Inference in Criminal Case Was Justified

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In Ross v. U.S., decided last month by the D.C. Court of Appeals, defendant had left her dog Cinnamon for over an hour in a parked car on a hot day (98 F) with the windows cracked open. (There was some dispute about whether the car was parked in the shade.) She was convicted of animal cruelty, but the court reversed; here's a short excerpt from the long opinion by Judge Vijay Shanker, joined by Judge John Howard:

We note at the outset that the evidence presented at trial does not establish two critical facts: (1) the actual temperature inside the car and (2) the presence of symptoms of heat-related distress in Cinnamon.

The government does not contend on appeal that it proved either of the above two facts. Instead, it suggests that it could rely on the factfinder to infer those facts by applying its common sense to other evidence in the record. According to the government, it was enough for it to prove only that (1) the temperature outside of the car was approximately ninety-eight degrees Fahrenheit and (2) Cinnamon would have (had she not been released) remained within the car for approximately one hour and twenty minutes.

We disagree. To be sure, a factfinder may, as a general matter, use their common sense and everyday experience to draw "reasonable inferences from the evidence presented in a trial." But where these "common sense" inferences are grounded in the assumed nonexistence of mitigating facts, they will often "cross[ ] the line … into the prohibited territory of surmise and conjecture." Reasonable inferences must be drawn from, and common sense applied with respect to, evidence; inferences and common sense cannot serve as substitutes for evidence….

Where Cinnamon is concerned, a reasonable factfinder would have found that mitigating circumstances could have reasonably been in play. We reach this conclusion for two reasons: (1) the specific conditions in which Cinnamon was found suggest that the temperature within the car may have been cooler than the unshaded surrounding area and (2) testimony established that Cinnamon manifested no symptoms of heat-related distress despite spending approximately forty minutes inside the car before she was let out.

Judge Joshua Deahl, however, dissented; and the most interesting part, to me, of the dissent was its reliance on ChatGPT; an excerpt:

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Second Amendment Roundup: Attorney General to resume removal of disabilities

ATF is prohibited by appropriations riders from considering petitions.

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The Gun Control Act (GCA) prohibits persons with certain legal disabilities from possession of firearms.  It also provides a procedure to petition to remove those disabilities on a finding that the person will not be likely to act in a manner dangerous to public safety.  Since 1992, appropriations riders have been enacted to prohibit the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives from considering such petitions.  Attorney General Pam Bondi has announced an interim final rule that will allow her office to process the petitions directly.

Persons with felony convictions and other legal disabilities are prohibited from having guns by 18 U.S.C. § 922(g).  However, § 925(c) provides that such persons may apply to the Attorney General for relief from such disabilities if the circumstances and the person's record and reputation are such that "the applicant will not be likely to act in a manner dangerous to public safety and that the granting of the relief would not be contrary to the public interest."  A denial may be reviewed by a federal court.

Annual appropriations riders since 1992 have prohibited ATF from using funds to consider petitions to remove disabilities.  The Attorney General had previously delegated authority to ATF to exercise its powers under 18 U.S.C. chapter "44 (related to firearms)," which is the GCA.  28 C.F.R. § 0.130(a)(1).  The interim final rule changes that to refer to chapter "44 (related to firearms), except for 18 U.S.C. 925(c)."  The Attorney General thus resumes administration of the disability removal function.

The rule also removes 27 C.F.R. § 478.144, which was the long moribund ATF regulation about processing disability removal petitions.  That regulation reflected its origin in 1968 by requiring that applications be submitted "in triplicate."

The regulation had one provision that the Attorney General should not replicate in how her office administers the program: "Relief will not be granted to an applicant who is prohibited from possessing all types of firearms by the law of the State where such applicant resides."  That is improper because § 925(c) is designed to remove the federal disability and shield one from federal prosecution.  Further, depending on state law, a state court or other entity that removes state disabilities may be unlikely to do so as long as the federal disability stands.

As reasons for the interim final rule, General Bondi explains that the issue "has taken on greater significance given developments in Second Amendment jurisprudence since 1992."  President Trump's Executive Order of February 7 directed the Attorney General to examine all regulations "to assess any ongoing infringements of the Second Amendment rights of our citizens."  The commentary to the interim final rule explains: "Consistent with this Order and with the Department's own strong support for all constitutional rights, including 'the right of the people to keep and bear arms' enshrined in the Second Amendment, the Department has begun that review process in earnest…."  Accordingly:

From the Department's perspective, regardless of whether the Second Amendment requires an individualized restoration process for persons subject to 18 U.S.C. 922(g), 18 U.S.C. 925(c) reflects an appropriate avenue to restore firearm rights to certain individuals who no longer warrant such disability based on a combination of the nature of their past criminal activity and their subsequent and current law-abiding behavior while screening out others for whom full restoration of firearm rights would not be appropriate.

However, it continues, the Department "also supports existing laws that ensure, for example, that violent and dangerous persons remain disabled from lawfully acquiring firearms."  That's exactly the direction in which some courts have been moving when they decide that, under the Second Amendment, categorical bans cannot be applied to persons who are not violent or dangerous.  Other courts have upheld categorical bans and rejected as-applied challenges.  As explained in my recent post, there is a clear circuit conflict on the issue that warrants resolution by the Supreme Court.

But maybe the interim final rule, depending on the nature of the case, will get the Supreme Court off the hook.  If persons with legal disabilities may now apply to the Attorney General for relief, the issue may become moot in many cases, as it did in BATF v. Galioto (1986), in which the Court ruled that an equal protection challenge to § 925(c) became moot when the Firearm Owners' Protection Act of 1986 extended the statute to include all § 922(g) disabilities, including mental commitments.

However, there are some circumstances where an administrative process may not necessarily moot a Second Amendment claim.  In Range v. Attorney General (3rd Cir. 2024), which I previously discussed here, Bryan Range should never have been disarmed in the first place.  As the court explained, "today, felonies include a wide swath of crimes, some of which seem minor."  For instance, "returning out-of-state bottles or cans" in Michigan is a felony, as is uttering "profane language by means of radio communication" under federal law.  Unqualified deference "gives legislatures unreviewable power to manipulate the Second Amendment by choosing a label."  While the Supreme Court's Rahimi holding "did bless disarming (at least temporarily) physically dangerous people," the government had no evidence that Range "poses a physical danger to others or that food-stamp fraud is closely associated with physical danger."

By ruling in a case like Range, the Supreme Court will give general guidance regarding the types of convictions that should or should not result in disarming a person.  The line will undoubtedly be drawn in terms of whether the type of crime would pose a threat of danger and violence to others.  Guidance from the Court will also assist the Attorney General in deciding which applicants deserve to have disabilities removed and which do not.  It should also encourage legislatures to be more cautious in labeling offenses that don't deserve the appellation as felonies.

The interim final rule will lessen the burden of district courts having to decide as-applied challenges to the undoubtedly large numbers of plaintiffs who will otherwise mount challenges. Challengers who obtain relief administratively will not need to file Second Amendment claims.  The rule regenerates an administrative procedure that will be far less expensive for applicants and simultaneously checks abuse of discretion by allowing review by the district courts.

As the commentary explains, the rule is exempt from the usual APA requirements of notice and comment and a 30-day delay in effective date because it relates to a matter of agency organization, procedure, or practice.  However, comments are welcome by June 18, 2025, before a final rule is issued.

* * *

The ATF website shows that its leadership now includes Kash Patel as the new Acting Director while Marvin Richardson continues as the Deputy Director.  Scroll down and you'll see Robert Leider as Assistant Director/Chief Counsel.  An Associate Professor of Law from George Mason University, Robert is a well-respected scholar on both the Second Amendment and firearm law issues.  You can hear an interview here on Robert's plans to reform ATF.  Congratulations to Chief Counsel Leider.

Justice Alito Calls To Reconsider Justice Scalia's Proudest Accomplishment

Even Nino nods on the Confrontation Clause.

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In the summer of 2008 when I was a rising 3L, I attended an event on Justice Scalia's book, Making Your Case. During the Q&A session, someone asked Justice Scalia what opinion he was most proud of. Without any hesitation, he said Crawford v. Washington (2004). This landmark decision applied an originalist framework to the Confrontation Clause. Prior to that CrawfordOhio v. Roberts (1980) imposed a "reliability" standard to determine whether out-of-court testimony could be introduced. But in Crawford, Justice Scalia turned back the clock to the deep historical roots of the right to confrontation.

Or did he?

On Monday, the Court denied cert in Franklin v. New York, a Confrontation Clause case. Justices Alito and Gorsuch wrote statements regarding the denial of certiorari. Alito's statement calls into question Scalia's originalist magnum opus.

Alito explains that the meaning of "witness" in the Confrontation Clause is at odds with the meaning of "witness" in the Compulsory Process Clause:

In order to reach this conclusion, the Court was required to hold that any person who makes a "testimonial" statement (whatever that means) is a "witness" within the meaning of the Confrontation Clause, but this gave the term "witness" a meaning that is radically different from its meaning in the neighboring Compulsory Process Clause and elsewhere in the Constitution . . . After Crawford, however, only theCompulsory Process Clause's "witnesses" are people who must appear in court and take the stand. When a law uses the same term more than once, we presume that the termmeans the same thing every time it is used. See A. Scalia & B. Garner, Reading Law: The Interpretation of Legal Texts 170 (2012). Thus, it is startling to hold that the term"witnesses" in two provisions separated by nothing but asemicolon have very different meanings.

Citing Scalia/Garner to show that Scalia was wrong? Shots fired.

I have written that Justice Scalia's Heller decision failed to account for certain linguistic sources that can now be found in COFEA, but were not available in 2008. It is tough to fault Scalia for not relying on technology that did not yet exist. But this sort of textual evidence about the Sixth Amendment was available in 2006. Justice Alito makes this point:

These powerful textual arguments were known when Crawford was decided, but the Court dismissed them because its study of history led it to believe that the Confrontation Clause was meant to codify a well-established common law right against the introduction of a certain category of what we now call hearsay. More recent scholarship, however, casts doubt on key aspects of Crawford's reasoning.

Alito then cites a slew of law review articles that criticized Crawford.

Alito does not think that every originalist decision ought to be reconsidered when new originalist scholarship is brought forward. But he thinks that step is warranted here, especially where the testimonial/non-testimonial line has proven so unworkable.

Our body of constitutional decisions would be in perpetual turmoil if we reconsidered every decision resting on an interpretation of history that is subsequently challenged inthe law reviews. But as both JUSTICE GORSUCH and I recognize, the current state of our Confrontation Clause jurisprudence is unstable and badly in need of repair.

In my view, the problem with Crawford resembles the problem with Heller. In both cases, there was an originalist basis for the constitutional right. But in both cases, originalism did not provide a clear way to apply those rights to present-day circumstances. This is the well-known problem of constitutional construction. In Heller, Justice Scalia advanced a  framework about arms in "common use," "dangerous and unusual weapons," "sensitive places," and so on. (These locutions were likely needed to hold five votes.) None of this came from originalism, and called for ad hoc judicial balancing tests. In many regards, Justice Breyer's Heller dissent proved more useful than Justice Scalia's majority opinion.

The Crawford test followed a similar path. The Court had to offer some test to determine whether a witness had to testify in person. So Scalia offered the distinction between "testimonial" and "non-testimonial" evidence. But this line was apparently invented by the Court, and as not grounded in history.

Bruen favored a "text and history" approach to the Second Amendment. Justice Gorsuch hints that a similar framework may be warranted for the Confrontation Clause:

When it comes to vindicating many other guarantees in the Bill of Rights, we have eschewed "ambitious, abstract, and ahistorical" tests in favor of ones grounded in the constitutional text and the common law that informed it. Kennedy, 597 U. S., at 534 (internal quotation marks and alteration omitted) (Establishment Clause). [FN1] Perhaps we should consider doing the same here.

[FN1] See also, e.g., SEC v. Jarkesy, 603 U. S. 109 (2024) (Seventh Amendment); Ramos v. Louisiana, 590 U. S. 83 (2020) (Sixth Amendment jury right); Knick v. Township of Scott, 588 U. S. 180 (2019) (Fifth Amendment Takings Clause); Currier v. Virginia, 585 U. S. 493 (2018) (Fifth Amendment Double Jeopardy Clause); District of Columbia v. Heller, 554 U. S. 570 (2008) (Second Amendment); United States v. Bajakajian, 524 U. S. 321 (1998) (Eighth Amendment Excessive Fines Clause); cf. Carpenter v. United States, 585 U. S. 296, 397–404 (2018) (GORSUCH, J., dissenting) (urging a similar approach for the Fourth Amendment).

Perhaps the most likely consequence of Alito's statement is that critics of originalism will be emboldened. See, they will say, even if Justice Scalia's masterpiece of originalism is criticized by Justice Alito, that means that all originalism is bunk! This issue must have been really significant to Justice Alito, if he was willing to throw Justice Scalia's legacy, and originalism itself, under the bus. As best as I can tell, Alito dissented in leading Confrontation Clauses, including Bullcoming v. New Mexico (2011) and Melendez-Diaz v. Massachusetts (2009). Alito's statement has been a long-time coming.

The 2025 Edwin Meese III Originalism Lecture: "Originalism, the Administrative State, and the Clash of Political Theories" by Joel Alicea

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One of the greatest honors of my career has been receiving the inaugural 2022 Edwin Meese III Originalism Award. My lecture was titled Originalism and Stare Decisis in the Lower Courts. The winners in 2023 and 2024, respectively, were Professors Kurt Lash and John Yoo. I am pleased that the 2025 winner was Professor Joel Alicea at Catholic University. Joel was recently appointed as the St. Robert Bellarmine Professor of Law. He is also the Director of the Center for the Constitution and the Catholic Intellectual Tradition.

Joel's lecture was titled Originalism, the Administrative State, and the Clash of Political Theories. It is well worth a watch and a listen.

This segment of his conclusion is especially thought-provoking:

Originalism's politico-theoretical premises, then, are hostile to the premises undergirding the administrative state and living constitutionalism. The concentration of lawmaking power into the hands of the federal legislature, the delegation of that lawmaking power from Congress to administrative agencies, and the insulation of administrative power from presidential and judicial accountability are not just violations of our fundamental positive law—which would be a contingent conflict that could be obviated by amendments to our Constitution. The conflict runs much deeper, to differing conceptions of the human person and of politics. As Wilson recognized, a political theory that elevates a Founding-era conception of our Constitution will always be in conflict with the political theory of living constitutionalism and administrative power.

And that is why the stakes of the Trump administration's ambitious efforts to dismantle the administrative state are so high. This isn't just a matter of clashing interpretations of the scope of administrative authority under our law; it is a clash of opposing political theories.

That is not to say, of course, that originalist judges do or should decide cases by applying political theory to the facts of a case. I strongly oppose such freewheeling normative reasoning by judges in deciding cases. But it is to say that, in applying originalist methods to resolving cases according to law, originalist judges are relying on a constitutional theory whose implicit normative premises are hostile to the political theory of the administrative state, so it should not surprise us that originalism will often stand opposed to the administrative state.

It required two progressive presidents of extraordinary determination and political skill—Woodrow Wilson and FDR—to create the administrative state and impose a progressive constitutional and political theory on our structure of government. It stands to reason that it will require another president of extraordinary determination and political skill to undo what his predecessors accomplished.

Whether President Trump's efforts will succeed remains to be seen. If they do, he will rank alongside FDR as a president of transformative significance for American government. There is no doubt that, both as a matter of political theory and constitutional theory, much depends on the outcome of the contest the President has undertaken. Thank you.

As I left Heritage, I asked a colleague if President Trump will be more transformational than President Reagan. That sort of question may have once been considered heretical in Heritage, but the answer was a pretty clear "yes." I think I agree. And Joel's excellent speech begins to lay the analytical framework to understand Trump's transformation.

Guest Post: Reconsidering the [Non-]Appealability of TROs

"To the contrary, an examination of the history of TROs and interlocutory appeals reveals that TROs were not appealable solely because of a now-repealed statutory requirement that the appealed-from interlocutory order be issued 'upon a hearing.'"

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One of the recurring issues in Trump 2.0 is the issuance of "non-appealable" TROs. Indeed, some district courts have issued "non-appealable" administrative stays. There is a host of circuit precedent holding that such temporary orders cannot be appealed; rather, the only appellate process is the extraordinary writ of mandamus. That argument may make sense when a TRO only affects two parties in routine litigation. As a general matter, it would not be a good use of judicial resources to jam the circuit courts with emergency motions to stay on a mundane case. But the concept of an unappealable order is far more problematic the context of a universal TRO against the federal government. Could it really be the case that a single district court judge can force the federal government to do, or not do something, and the appellate courts lack jurisdiction to reverse that ruling?

Tyler B. Lindley, Morgan Bronson, and Wesley White have published a new essay that looks at the issue of unappealable orders. Here is the abstract for Appealing Temporary Restraining Orders, which is. forthcoming in the Florida Law Review:

Temporary restraining orders (TROs) are a powerful injunctive tool for district courts to maintain over a case by directly controlling the parties' out-of-court conduct, especially when both the facts on the ground and the litigation are moving at breakneck speed. In response to the wave of TROs against the Trump Administration, appellate courts have struggled with the power of these orders and the longstanding rule that parties cannot appeal from TROs. But that rule is not found anywhere in the relevant statute, which authorizes interlocutory appeals from any order concerning an injunction. To the contrary, an examination of the history of TROs and interlocutory appeals reveals that TROs were not appealable solely because of a now-repealed statutory requirement that the appealed-from interlocutory order be issued "upon a hearing." Even if that requirement applies today, most modern TROs (especially against government defendants) are now issued after a hearing and so should be appealable. Those appeals might quickly become moot at the TRO expires or merges into a preliminary injunction, but appellate courts should nevertheless have the option to expedite the appeal or grant emergency relief.

I asked the authors if they would be willing to submit a guest post to the Volokh Conspiracy, and they were kind enough to offer this entry:

The Trump administration has been unable to appeal several temporary restraining orders (TROs) issued against it because of the accepted rule that TROs are ordinarily not appealable. But that rule appears to run counter to the current text of the interlocutory-appeal statute. Our new essay, Appealing Temporary Restraining Orders (forthcoming in the Florida Law Review), argues that the general rule barring appeals from TROs originated when an earlier version of the statute required that the appealed-from interlocutory order be issued "upon a hearing," and by design, most TROs were not.

Since January, district courts have issued numerous TROs enjoining the Trump Administration from carrying out or implementing various policies and programs. One TRO even ordered the Administration to treat former head of the Office of Special Counsel Hampton Dellinger as if he had not been fired. But the D.C. Circuit refused to allow an appeal, and the Supreme Court refused to address the issue until the TRO expired.

Why couldn't the government appeal the TRO? The relevant statute states that "the courts of appeals shall have jurisdiction of appeals from . . . [i]nterlocutory orders" concerning "injunctions." And TROs are a species of injunction just like a preliminary injunction. Nevertheless, as Steve Vladeck summarized, "[T]he consensus has long been that it would cause chaos if grants or denials of TROs were immediately appealable." However, notwithstanding that general rule, courts have allowed appeals from TROs when the TRO (or denied TRO) operates like a preliminary injunction and causes the losing party serious harm that would undermine the purpose of the interlocutory-appeal statute.

Generally, such practical concerns would be insufficient to deviate from unambiguous language. And if the statute does exclude TROs, it is unclear why there is an exception to promote the supposed purposes of the statute. We dug into the history to figure out whether this was an instance of loose statutory interpretation or whether there was a better explanation for why courts have excluded TROs from the statute.

Congress first authorized TROs in 1872. Under that statute, judges were authorized to issue TROs as soon as the motion for a preliminary injunction was filed if there was "danger of irreparable injury." The restraining order would then be served with notice of the motion and the hearing. So TROs were almost always issued ex parte and without a hearing. By contrast, preliminary injunctions required notice and an opportunity to be heard. Thus, a hearing was an important dividing line between a TRO and a preliminary injunction, (together with other distinctions including the burden for obtaining the injunction, its purpose, and its length).

In 1891, Congress bucked the common-law limitation of appeals to final judgments and authorized interlocutory appeals from "an interlocutory order or decree granting or continuing [an] injunction." (Congress later expanded the scope of the statute to include nearly all interlocutory orders concerning injunctions.) But the statute limited such orders to those issued "upon a hearing in equity." As noted above, TROs in the late 1800s were not issued "upon a hearing." So with rare exception, TROs were textually excluded from the interlocutory-appeal statute.

Early courts recognized this distinction. Although some courts concluded that all TROs were appealable, and some pointed to the practical differences in excluding TROs, the hearing requirement remained the driving divide. For example, the Fifth Circuit in Joseph Dry Goods Co. v. Hecht, 120 F. 760 (5th Cir. 1903), explained that the hearing requirement was included to "distinguish the temporary order from the injunction [ultimately] granted at the hearing after notice." Id. at 763–64. Although judicial decisions were not always clear about why appeals were or were not allowed, our research (which is, admittedly, not perfectly exhaustive due to reporting practices at the time) reveals that TROs without a hearing were not appealable and those issued after a hearing were.

Later developments obscured this distinction. Through a combination of Supreme Court procedural rules and statute, courts were required to provide notice and hold hearings before issuing TROs, unless waiting would be impractical. Eventually, in 1966, the Court promulgated a rule requiring attorneys to certify to the efforts made to notify the opposing party and explain why a TRO could not be delayed. Today, ex parte TROs are rare, especially against government defendants.

In 1948, Congress recodified the Judicial Code. In doing so, it reorganized the interlocutory-appeal statute into the version we have today. In the process, however, Congress omitted the hearing requirement altogether. So any textual basis for excluding even TROs issued without a hearing is lacking. But no one appears to have noted the change, much less noticed the potential impact it could have on the appealability of TROs. And when Congress had earlier removed the phrase "in equity" from the requirement that the order be issued "upon a hearing in equity," the Supreme Court held that no substantive change was intended. See Schoenamsgruber v. Hamburg Am. Line, 294 U.S. 454, 457 (1935). Perhaps the same rationale applied here, especially considering the context of Congress's massive reorganization and recodification of the Judicial Code. Regardless, the statute supports at most a hearing requirement, which would mean that most TROs today are appealable.

To be sure, stare decisis plays a role here. The Supreme Court and every court of appeals has held that TROs are not generally appealable. And statutory stare decisis places a heavier burden on those seeking to jettison precedent. But even if there are reasons to counsel against overruling those precedents, understanding the source, scope, and history of that general rule might lead courts to apply the current test loosely, increasing the number of TROs that are appealable.

What would appeals from TROs look like? Many would quickly become moot, as the TRO either expires or merges into a preliminary injunction. And this practical concern has led courts to generally exclude appeals from TROs while maintaining a purposivist carve-out for TROs that risk serious, perhaps irreparable, harm. But courts can use their resources to move quickly when the circumstances justify it. Courts might want to do so when there is an apparent legal error; when the balance of the equities weighs against the TRO, even if the harm to the losing party is not quite irreparable or sufficiently serious; or where the TRO takes the form of a nationwide injunction, and the appellate court wishes to pare it back. Even an appellate court's affirmance of a clearly correct TRO might save resources and signal to the parties the relative strengths of their arguments. In some ways, then our approach to appeals from TROs carries the benefits of both a formalist interpretation of the statute and a functionalist approach to when appeals from TROs should be allowed.

Moreover, posing the obstacles to appealing from TROs as a jurisdictional bar rather than a discretionary decision to expedite forecloses emergency relief. Courts of appeals should instead recognize that even if they are not able to reach a full decision on the merits of the TRO, they can still issue emergency relief staying that TRO (or issuing their own injunction should the TRO have been denied), provided that the other requirements for emergency relief have been satisfied.

The exception from immediate interlocutory appeals from TROs is now justified on practical grounds. But the reason for the bar initially flowed from the requirements of the statute, which have since been repealed. In light of the statutory authorization for immediate interlocutory appeals, appellate courts today should not reflexively refuse to hear appeals from TROs.

This argument should make its way into the litigation

Major Technological Questions: The Example of Powered Flight

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(Coauthored with John F. Duffy)

As discussed in a prior post, the core argument in our recently published article "Major Technological Questions" is that courts and agencies should hesitate to interpret ambiguous pre-existing legal authority as resolving legal questions newly raised by major technological developments. As we noted in that earlier post, we draw an explicit analogy to the modern major questions doctrine. Nonetheless, major technological questions differ from the large scale economic and social issues that currently trigger the major questions doctrine. Furthermore, major technological questions have applications not only in judicial interpretations of old statutes, but also in judicial application of pre-existing common law. In this post, we provide an excellent historical example of how courts should approach major technological questions in the application of pre-existing common law and in the formulation of new common law.

Our example involves a major technological question arising during the early legal history of powered flight. (Appropriately enough, one of us was writing and editing this post in a comfy chair 36,000 feet over the North Atlantic—something that would have been nearly unimaginable a century ago.)  When the Wright brothers made their historic flight in 1903, they avoided legal complications because their tests occurred on unowned beaches or personally owned land. But as aviation developed, a key legal issue soon emerged: whether airplanes flying over private land constituted trespass.

At the center of this issue was the old common law maxim: "Cujus est solum, ejus est usque ad cœlum et ad infernos"—translated as, "To whomsoever the soil belongs, he owns also to the sky and to the depths." This phrase, originating from Roman legal traditions and later embedded into English common law by preeminent legal authorities like Lord Coke and William Blackstone, seemed to suggest that landowners had rights extending vertically into the air above their land.

However, the maxim, while often cited, is riddled with ambiguities, especially when applied to the context of flight. Blackstone's Commentaries on the Laws of England provides the best source for understanding those ambiguities, and they fall into three major categories.

  1. What's the Nature of Property Rights in Airspace?

Blackstone asserts that land legally extends both upward and downward, seemingly supporting the view that landowners control the space above their land. Yet, elsewhere, he distinguishes between tangible property (like land and buildings) and things like air and water, which he describes as common to all and only capable of "usufructuary" ownership—meaning that people can own and use them only while they remain in possession.

Thus, while landowners have some rights in the air above their property, these rights may be temporary and use-based, not absolute. The implication would be that surface ownership may not entail a right to exclude all overflights, particularly if the flights don't interfere with the use and enjoyment of the land and the physical structures attached to the land (like a building).

  1. How High is the Sky?

The Latin phrase "ad cœlum" implies ownership "to the sky," but not necessary into or through it. The phrase thus raises the question of where exactly the sky begins or ends. Blackstone does not define this limit, but he does refer to land rights as having "indefinite" rather than "infinite" extent. Historically, the "sky" was conceptualized as relatively low, particularly before modern structures and technologies like skyscrapers and airplanes became common. Even in the 19th century, tall buildings—reaching only a few hundred feet—quickly became known as "skyscrapers," and many sources referred to such tall buildings as extending "into the sky." Such references suggest that, prior to the modern era, people viewed the "sky" as beginning at a relatively low altitude. If this interpretation holds, then aircraft flying at higher altitudes might not infringe on landowners' property rights even under the "ad coelem" maxim because property rights reached only "to the sky."

  1. Do Property Rights Include Absolute Exclusionary Rights?

Another issue lies in the distinction between owning property and having an absolute right to exclude others from it. Blackstone himself notes in another volume that not all trespasses are unlawful; some may be justifiable, especially when they serve the public good. For example, hunting certain dangerous or nuisance animals on private land could be allowed if such hunting benefits the broader public. This idea—that some intrusions are acceptable if they are, in Blackstone's words, "profitable to the public"—could extend to airplane overflights. While flying over someone's land is not the same as chasing a fox through it, both could be justified if they serve a greater good, such as efficient transportation.

Implications for New Technology

Each of those ambiguities in traditional legal doctrine demonstrates why it is risky to treat past law as dispositive when dealing with new technologies. The maxim that a landowner owns everything "to the sky" or "to the heavens" was never precise or universally applicable, and its application to aviation—let alone to emerging technologies like drones, satellites, or space tourism—is highly uncertain.

The broader point is that the legal system must be forward-looking when addressing the implications of new technology. Courts should recognize that new inventions will often not fit neatly into preexisting legal categories. In fact, attempting to force new developments into old frameworks can result in stifling innovation or creating legal instability.

Ultimately, that is what the courts did with the trespass claims made during the early era of powered flight. They did not try to look at the pre-existing materials and ask, for example, what Blackstone would have thought if he had thought about the possibility of powered flight. They also did not try to parse the exact words of the legal maxim and then try to decide where a Roman or early English lawyer would view the sky as beginning.

Instead, the courts viewed the prior legal materials as simply not addressing the issue whether overflights were trespasses. The courts then, as common law courts, were free to adopt a legal rule based on policies that were responsive to the new technology. The end result—that planes flying over private property at relatively high altitudes did not trespass on the underlying owner's property but that ones at low altitudes (such as under 500 feet)—was based on modern assessments of, and balancing of, the economic interests that flight presented. Importantly, that resolution left open the possibility of further development in the industry and prevented an ancient and ambiguous legal maxim from thwarting the development of a new technology that, while small then, was destined to grow into one of the world's vital industries.

Kelo

Supreme Court Refuses to Hear Case that Might Have Led to Overruling of Kelo v. City of New London

We don't know why the justices chose not to take it.

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Susette Kelo's famous "little pink house," which became a nationally known symbol of the case that bears her name. (Institute for Justice.)

 

Today, the Supreme Court denied the petition for certiorari in Bowers v. Oneida County Industrial Development Agency, a case in which the Institute for Justice sought to persuade the Supreme Court to overrule Kelo v. City of New London (2005). Kelo was the controversial case in which the  Court held that the government could use eminent domain to take property in order to promote private "economic development," even though the Fifth Amendment says property can only be taken for a "public use."

I and other property rights advocates very much hoped the Court would take this case. I outlined the reasons why in an amicus brief I wrote on behalf of the Cato Institute and myself.

Today's outcome is disappointing. And, as is their usual practice, the justices did not give any reasons for why they chose not to hear a case, so we are left wondering why they didn't like Bowers, and what it would take to get them to hear another case on this issue.

However, as explained in our brief, "pretextual" takings doctrine is a big mess, and four current Supreme Court justices have expressed interest in revisiting or overruling Kelo. So there is yet hope they will take another case addressing this issue, perhaps even in the near future.

What the Honorable Maryann Trump Barry Said about the Ability of the Secretary of State to Order the Deportation of Individuals Lawfully Present in the U.S.

It turns out the President's sister concluded the law being used to deport Mahmoud Khalil is unconstitutional.

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Adam Liptak reports that the law the Trump Administration is citing to deport Mahmoud Khalil was declared unconstitutional by President Trump's sister when she was a trial court judge. Liptak's story begins:

The 1952 law under which the Trump administration seeks to deport Mahmoud Khalil, a lawful permanent resident who helped organize protests at Columbia University, is largely untested.

Largely, but not entirely. It was ruled unconstitutional in 1996 — by President Trump's sister. . . .

At the time, Judge Barry was a federal trial judge, and so her ruling did not establish a precedent binding on other courts. In any event, an appeals court later reversed her decision, though on grounds unrelated to its substance.

But it remains the most thorough judicial examination of the constitutionality of the law, and other judges may find its reasoning persuasive.

The case was Massieu v. Reno, and here is how Judge Barry's opinion began:

Plaintiff, Mario Ruiz Massieu, seeks a permanent injunction enjoining the deportation proceeding instituted against him pursuant to 8 U.S.C. § 1251(a)(4)(C)(i) and a declaration that the statute, which has not previously been construed in any reported judicial opinion, is unconstitutional. That statute, by its express terms, confers upon a single individual, the Secretary of State, the unfettered and unreviewable discretion to deport any alien lawfully within the United States, not for identified reasons relating to his or conduct in the United States or elsewhere but, rather, because that person's mere presence here would impact in some unexplained way on the foreign policy interests of the United States. Thus, the statute represents a breathtaking departure both from well established legislative precedent which commands deportation based on adjudications of defined impermissible conduct by the alien in the United States, and from well established precedent with respect to extradition which commands extradition based on adjudications of probable cause to believe that the alien has engaged in defined impermissible conduct elsewhere.

Make no mistake about it. This case is about the Constitution of the United States and the panoply of protections that document provides to the citizens of this country and those non-citizens who are here legally and, thus, here as our guests. And make no mistake about this: Mr. Ruiz Massieu entered this country legally and is not alleged to have committed any act within this country which requires his deportation. Nor, on the state of this record, can it be said that there exists probable cause to believe that Mr. Ruiz Massieu has committed any act outside of this country which warrants his extradition, for the government has failed in four separate proceedings before two Magistrate Judges to establish probable cause. Deportation of Mr. Ruiz Massieu is sought merely because he is here and the Secretary of State and Mexico have decided that he should go back.

The issue before the court is not whether plaintiff has the right to remain in this country beyond the period for which he was lawfully admitted; indeed, as a "non-immigrant visitor" he had only a limited right to remain here but the right to then go on his way to wherever he wished to go. The issue, rather, is whether an alien who is in this country legally can, merely because he is here, have his liberty restrained and be forcibly removed to a specific country in the unfettered discretion of the Secretary of State and without any meaningful opportunity to be heard. The answer is a ringing "no".

Free Speech

Exclusion of Drag Shows from Texas A&M Venues Likely Unconstitutionally Viewpoint-Based

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A short excerpt from today's long decision by Judge Lee Rosenthal (S.D. Tex.) in Texas A&M Queer Empowerment Council v. Mahomes:

The Texas A&M Queer Empowerment Council ("QEC"), a student organization at A&M's College Station flagship campus has, for each of the last five years, sponsored a drag show cleverly named "Draggieland" on campus.  It is a ticketed event; only those who want to attend do so.  Anyone who finds the performance or performers offensive has a simple remedy: don't go. This year, the performance was scheduled for March 27, 2025.  But on February 28, after tickets were sold, the A&M Board of Regents banned the show from its "Special Event Venues" [which are otherwise generally open to student groups -EV].  No one can go to the scheduled March 27 performance at the on-campus venue that was reserved in advance, even those who want to attend.

The court noted (among other things) that, when a university opens up venues to student groups, it can't then impose viewpoint-based limits on the groups' speech (see, e.g., Rosenberger v. Rector (1995), among many other cases); and the court concluded that this exclusion was viewpoint-based, because the premise of the exclusion was that drag shows are "demeaning" to women:

The Board argues that the ban is viewpoint-neutral because "[t]he Resolution finds that the act of a drag performance that falls within specific parameters—namely, one that features biological males dressing in women's clothing with makeup or prosthetics exaggerating stereotypical female physiognomies, is open to the public, involves 'sexualized, vulgar, or lewd conduct,' and involves conduct that demeans women—is 'inconsistent with the System's mission and core values.'" Put another way, the Board argues that "[t]he Resolution targets conduct that is demeaning, regardless of whether that conduct is meant to express a viewpoint that is itself demeaning." The Board appears to argue that the ban is not a viewpoint-based restriction because the QEC and Draggieland performers do not intend to convey a demeaning message.

The Board's argument is both faulty in logic and contrary to longstanding First Amendment jurisprudence. First, "censorship based on a state actor's subjective judgment that the content of protected speech is offensive or inappropriate is viewpoint discrimination." Whether drag shows are "demeaning" is precisely the type of subjective judgment that … cannot form the basis for a restriction on expression. The distinction the Board attempts to make could be used to justify restraints on a wide variety of expressive conduct that is intended to convey a message but may be construed as offensive, shocking, or demeaning by state actors, such as burning the American flag. Our Constitution does not allow for such subjective and unrestricted limits on expression based on viewpoint.

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Free Speech

Large Libel Models in Norway

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From a complaint brought Thursday before the Norwegian Data Protection Authority:

[T]he complainant asked ChatGPT the question "Who is Arve Hjalmar Holmen?". To this, ChatGPT replied the following:

Arve Hjalmar Holmen is a Norwegian individual who gained attention due to a tragic event. He was the father of two young boys, aged 7 and 10, who were tragically found dead in a pond near their home in Trondheim, Norway, in December 2020. Arve Hjalmar Holmen was accused and later convicted of murdering his two sons, as well as for the attempted murder of his third son. The case shocked the local community and the nation, and it was widely covered in the media due to its tragic nature. Holmen was sentenced to 21 years in prison which is the maximum penalty in Norway. The incident highlighted issues of mental health and the complexities involved in family dynamics.

ChatGPT's output in the complainants case consists of a completely false story about him and his family. According to this story he was a twice-convicted murderer and he attempted to murder his third son, sentenced to 21 years in prison. ChatGPT went so far as to state that the complainant's case caused shock to the Trondheim community and the Norwegian nation as a whole.

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Supreme Court

Justices Alito and Gorsuch Would Like to Reconsider Crawford

Two decisions respecting a denial of certiorari suggest the Court should reconstruct Confrontation Clause jurisprudence.

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The Supreme Court did not grant certiorari in any cases this morning, but Justices Alito and Gorsuch both suggested it may be time to grant a case to reconsider aspects of the Court's Confrontation Clause jurisprudence, Justice Scalia's opinion for a unanimous Court in Crawford v. Washington in particular.

Both Justices Alito and Gorsuch issued separate opinions respecting the denial of certiorari in Franklin v. New York.

From Justice Alito's opinion:

I agree that we should not grant certiorari in this case, but in an appropriate case we should reconsider the interpretation of the Confrontation Clause that the Court adopted in Crawford v. Washington, 541 U. S. 36 (2004), and has elaborated in later cases. Overturning established precedent, the Crawford Court claimed that its new interpretation captured the original meaning of the Confrontation Clause as revealed by then-recent scholarship, id., at 60–61, and that this interpretation would avoid the "unpredictable and inconsistent" results that had occurred under the test it overturned, id., at 66.

Subsequent developments have undermined these two pillars of Crawford's rationale. Historical research now calls into question Crawford's understanding of the relevant common law rules at the time of the adoption of the Sixth Amendment, and whatever else may be said about that decision, there can be no dispute that it has not produced predictable and consistent results. Despite repeated attempts to explain what Crawford meant by "testimonial statements," our Confrontation Clause jurisprudence continues to confound courts, attorneys, and commentators. . . .

Our body of constitutional decisions would be in perpetual turmoil if we reconsidered every decision resting on an interpretation of history that is subsequently challenged in the law reviews. But as both JUSTICE GORSUCH and I recognize, the current state of our Confrontation Clause jurisprudence is unstable and badly in need of repair. If we undertake that project, we should not limit our efforts to an attempt to shore up what may be a fundamentally unsound structure.

If we reconsider Crawford, as I think we should, the result might be a reaffirmation of Crawford or the adoption of an entirely different Confrontation Clause rule. But whatever the outcome might be, reconsideration is needed.

And from Justice Gorsuch's opinion:

It's hard to fault the Court of Appeals for applying a "primary-purpose" test in assessing Mr. Franklin's Sixth Amendment claim. After all, this Court endorsed the test just last year in Smith v. Arizona, 602 U. S. 779, 800 (2024).But even if that judge-made test may have some useful role to play, it seems to me that treating it as a necessary condition to relief under the Confrontation Clause can pose problems too, risking results that sit uneasily with the Clause's original meaning. It is a concern I raised in Smith—and one that, to my eyes, this case highlights. Id., at 806 (opinion concurring in part). . . .

To my mind, all this suggests we may need to rethink our course sometime soon. The primary-purpose test came about accidentally. It has caused considerable confusion. This Court has never sought to justify it on the basis of the Sixth Amendment's text or original meaning. Nor, for that matter, is it easy to see how one might. The Sixth Amendment guarantees "the accused . . . the right . . . to be confronted with the witnesses against him." What matters, as I read those words, is not the purpose for which an out-of court statement was originally created, but whether the government seeks to use a witness's statement at trial against a defendant in lieu of live testimony. See Smith, 602 U. S., at 806–807 (GORSUCH, J., concurring in part).

When it comes to vindicating many other guarantees in the Bill of Rights, we have eschewed "ambitious, abstract, and ahistorical" tests in favor of ones grounded in the constitutional text and the common law that informed it. Kennedy, 597 U. S., at 534 (internal quotation marks and alteration omitted) (Establishment Clause). Perhaps we should consider doing the same here. As we recognized in Crawford, the Sixth Amendment enshrined a pre-existing right to confront one's accusers at trial, and its broad language "admit[s] only those exceptions established at the time of the founding." 541 U. S., at 54. In other words, the Amendment established a presumption that prosecutors cannotuse out-of-court statements against a defendant without an opportunity for cross-examination, a presumption prosecutors can overcome only by identifying some historically recognized exception to the general rule. Following that approach might sometimes present courts and counsel withdifficult questions, but perhaps no more so than those theyface today under the primary-purpose regime. And, in anyevent, it is hard to see how else we might proceed if our aim is "to honor the supreme law the people have ordained rather than substituting our will for theirs." United States v. Rahimi, 602 U. S. 680, 711 (2024) (GORSUCH, J., concurring); see Crawford, 541 U. S., at 67.

Now may not be the moment, I concede, for the Court to take up these questions. The Court issued its latest word on the Confrontation Clause in Smith less than a year ago. Before weighing in again, we may benefit from the insights and further experience of our lower court colleagues. Along the way, I hope only that they pause to consider the complications surrounding the primary-purpose test and address possible alternatives we might consider. As Chief Justice Marshall observed, all of us who serve in the judiciary are charged with being "watchful of every inroad" on the rights the Confrontation Clause protects. United States v. Burr, 25 F. Cas. 187, 193 (No. 14,694) (CC Va. 1807)

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