Photo/Illutration Prime Minister Shinzo Abe delivers a message of greeting at a cherry blossom viewing party he organized in Tokyo’s Shinjuku Ward in 2019. (Pool)

Former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe succeeded in winning over a wide range of supporters with his multifaceted political approach, according to a media researcher.

Two years after the famed politician was fatally shot during a campaign speech, Masaaki Ito, a professor at Seikei University, illustrated how Abe’s sturdy adherent support base was formed.

Specializing in media studies, Ito pointed out that right-wing oriented online users are worth noting, in particular, among other members of the “bedrock” support base of Abe's prolonged reign.

Ito provided future prospects for right-wing oriented voters that emerged en masse with the advent and rise of the internet. He called for left-wingers and liberals to become inclusive even of such right-wing oriented citizens.

Born in 1961, Ito is known for his publications and articles, for example, on the historical sociology of online right-wingers, as well as Hiroyuki Nishimura, an influential figure in cyberspace, who often goes by one name, Hiroyuki.

BACKERS WITH DIVERSE TASTES

According to Ito’s accounts, Abe’s partisans did not consist primarily of so-called “net uyoku” right-wing extremists on the internet.

“His supporters should be referred to as right-wing users of the internet,” Ito said. 

What he calls "right-wing oriented" comprises neoliberals and libertarians who value freedom from state control and seek a smaller government, along with conventional cultural conservatives from the traditional right-wing faction who emphasize the significance of their homeland and customs.

“Support was garnered from these various individuals by adding them up constantly, though their opinions could conflict with each other at times,” Ito said. “This can be considered to be a characteristic of Abe’s bedrock followership.”

According to Ito, right-oriented voters found on the internet since the 2010s can be divided primarily into three prominent political sects.

The first type should be called “welfare chauvinism.” Those from this faction oppose the acceptance of foreigners in an effort to receive generous welfare support from government on their own.

Ito said this stance can likewise be discovered in politics in Europe and the United States. France's National Rally (RN) and other right-wing parties object to the embracement of foreigners but stress the reconstruction of “welfare states” based on nationalism.

In Japan, Korean residents, women, poor households, disabled people and sexual minorities are targeted and lambasted by welfare chauvinists.

“They believe that solely people in vulnerable positions are unfairly eligible for substantial help in society,” Ito said. “That way, they mounted a counter campaign against anti-discrimination activists” who fight for the rights of such vulnerable individuals.

The second category involves “otaku libertarians” who give top priority to being free. The neoliberal group’s value lies exclusively in freedom. They advocate the rights to expression for the sake of otaku, who have an obsession with manga and anime.

“Their peculiar argument, widely embraced on the internet, maintains that a limited number of wealthier individuals benefitting from economic liberty with advances in information technology poses no problem,” explained Ito.

“They revere (internet entrepreneurs) Hiroyuki Nishimura and Takafumi Horie, as they collectively adhere to the notion that one should survive on individual strength through investments and side jobs.”

Ito continued, “They hardly express sympathy for public issues while remaining cynical about the affairs of other vulnerable people than themselves.”

Given that it is unlikely for all otaku libertarians to make something of themselves, the reality is that most of them are “merely entangled and struggling in neoliberalism” on their own, according to Ito.

The third political attitude is displayed by small and midsize self-employed business operators, including members of the Junior Chamber International Japan, from the traditional middle class, said Ito.

Such enterprises are currently plagued by difficult financial situations. They lost their privileges due to the structural reform led by economic expert Heizo Takenaka and former Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi during the 2000s.

“Feeling they are relatively deprived of interest, they have become hostile toward emerging powers, such as South Korea and China, and swung quickly to the right,” said Ito.

Ito stated why people with so diverse backgrounds were able to constitute Abe’s bedrock support base together can be explained by his economic policy.

“Apart from the established backing from cultural conservatives, the positive reputation about soaring share prices linked to the 'Abenomics' program helped him attract neoliberals as well,” Ito said. “Resorting to drastic monetary policy and large-scale financial stimulus simultaneously, Abe solicited support from a wide range of citizens on a continual basis, so his advocates could pursue the same common goal despite their differing views.”

Ito contended that the lengthy rule of the Abe administration contributed to the rampant practice of nepotism from a political standpoint.

“This trend was symbolized by scandals involving the Moritomo and Kake educational institutions,” Ito said.

Ito described nepotism as “unforgivable” for left-wingers and liberals, since the habit appears to be the ultimate form of discrimination in the eyes of those committing themselves to combating inequality.

“Strong backlash was thus sparked,” Ito said. “However, this development instead allowed Abe to garner far broader support from right-oriented voters who disdain leftists.”

Abe himself showed many different personal aspects, as he battled bouts of ulcerative colitis during his political career.

“Suffering from a chronic illness, Abe could be viewed as a vulnerable person in one sense,” Ito said. “This proved effective in expanding his support base.”

Abe actively tried to take in liberal ideas, such as presenting himself and his wife, Akie, as a model couple.

“This complicated, multifaceted figure was a one-of-a-kind politician on whom citizens with various backgrounds could reflect their own wishes,” noted Ito.

WHAT LEFT WING SHOULD DO

Ito offered a tip for left-wingers and liberals to reach out to right-oriented online users: Update yourself in line with the trend of the times while raising your voice against war and discrimination constantly at the same time.

“Right-oriented people on the internet will never be persuaded by leftists, unless they make efforts to suggest inclusive approaches to incorporate those individuals into social redistribution and recognition systems,” Ito said.

In his opinion, left-wingers and liberals should neither underestimate nor reject neoliberals. His rationale is that the creation of new industries and employment opportunities is no longer possible without innovations, particularly in information technology, in modern society.

Aside from clearly isolated groups in society, including poor individuals, women and other obviously vulnerable citizens, Ito argued that nonregular employees, male otaku and traditional middle-class business operators and others from the “ambiguously vulnerable category” likewise feel that they are excluded.

“Designing labor, employment and social security policies to cater to an even broader variety of people will result in the inclusion” of right-oriented voters too, Ito pointed out. “Reconsidering the welfare regime will turn out to be an effective prescription to better handle right-oriented online users.”

He continued, “We must not leave untouched the problems pointed to by the existence of right-oriented people on the internet until the next era, as they have taken shape over the past 30 years in online discourse spaces.”

(This interview was conducted by Satoshi Ouchi, a staff writer of The Asahi Shimbun.)