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That year, the "guarimba" consisted in erecting barricades near homes, with garbage and fire, and remaining present as long as no security forces or pro-government supporters arrived. In many places, the barricades did not generate confrontation with security officials or related entities and generated violence. However, in some cases, demonstrators confronted government or pro-government forces, destroyed public property and used firearms.<ref name=":23"/> In its 2004 annual report, non-governmental organization PROVEA registered that 27 out of 370 street closures between October 2003 and September 2004, resulted in violence, although it acknowledged that there was a significant underreporting of these. Around one out of every three demonstrations in that period were characterized by barricades.<ref name=":5">{{Cite book|title=Respuestas organizativas de la sociedad|url=https://provea.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/002_respuestas_organizativas_de_la_sociedad.pdf|author=[[PROVEA]]|date=September 2004|access-date=13 January 2024}}</ref> |
That year, the "guarimba" consisted in erecting barricades near homes, with garbage and fire, and remaining present as long as no security forces or pro-government supporters arrived. In many places, the barricades did not generate confrontation with security officials or related entities and generated violence. However, in some cases, demonstrators confronted government or pro-government forces, destroyed public property and used firearms.<ref name=":23"/> In its 2004 annual report, non-governmental organization PROVEA registered that 27 out of 370 street closures between October 2003 and September 2004, resulted in violence, although it acknowledged that there was a significant underreporting of these. Around one out of every three demonstrations in that period were characterized by barricades.<ref name=":5">{{Cite book|title=Respuestas organizativas de la sociedad|url=https://provea.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/002_respuestas_organizativas_de_la_sociedad.pdf|author=[[PROVEA]]|date=September 2004|access-date=13 January 2024}}</ref> |
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Responses to the protests varied. The opposition distanced itself from the guarimbas, Coordinadora Democrática, though opposition officials controlling certain areas refused to disperse demonstrations.<ref name=":11" /> Security forces dependent on opposition mayoralties (including the Metropolitan Police of Caracas, the municipal police of [[Baruta Municipality|Baruta]] and the municipal police of [[Chacao Municipality|Chacao]]) refrained from responding to the protesters and in some cases even helped to erect barricades.<ref name=":23" /> Bodies dependent on the national government–particularly the [[Venezuelan National Guard|National |
Responses to the protests varied. The opposition distanced itself from the guarimbas, Coordinadora Democrática, though opposition officials controlling certain areas refused to disperse demonstrations.<ref name=":11" /> Security forces dependent on opposition mayoralties (including the Metropolitan Police of Caracas, the municipal police of [[Baruta Municipality|Baruta]] and the municipal police of [[Chacao Municipality|Chacao]]) refrained from responding to the protesters and in some cases even helped to erect barricades.<ref name=":23" /> Bodies dependent on the national government–particularly the [[Venezuelan National Guard|National Guard]]–responded to contain and disperse the demonstrators.<ref name=":23" /> Such actions also varied depending on the time and place.<ref name=":23" /> On some occasions, the action was in accordance with the law, while on others it was outside of it, when protesters were beaten, injured or arbitrarily detained.<ref name=":23"/> |
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The guarimbas caused division amongst the opposition; parties such as [[Justice First]], [[Project Venezuela]] [[Radical Cause]] along with fired PDVSA workers wanted to continue protesting, rejecting negotiations, while the parties [[Copei]], [[Democratic Action (Venezuela)|Democratic Action]] and [[Movimiento al Socialismo (Venezuela)|Movimiento al Socialismo]] supported obliging to the CNE's request to obtain signatures once more.<ref name=":11" /> Ultimately, negotiations occurred between the opposition and the government, with both agreeing on collecting new signatures, leading to the end of the protests.<ref name=":14" /> The Venezuelan government described the guarimba as "systematic acts of violent and disruptive civil disobedience designed to protest President Chávez, generate headlines, and create fear among civil society" and called for the arrest of Alonso.<ref name=":12" /> During the protests, 9 people were killed, of which at least 4 were due to the response of security officials,<ref name=":23" /> hundreds were injured and 300 were arrested.<ref name=":12" /> |
The guarimbas caused division amongst the opposition; parties such as [[Justice First]], [[Project Venezuela]] [[Radical Cause]] along with fired PDVSA workers wanted to continue protesting, rejecting negotiations, while the parties [[Copei]], [[Democratic Action (Venezuela)|Democratic Action]] and [[Movimiento al Socialismo (Venezuela)|Movimiento al Socialismo]] supported obliging to the CNE's request to obtain signatures once more.<ref name=":11" /> Ultimately, negotiations occurred between the opposition and the government, with both agreeing on collecting new signatures, leading to the end of the protests.<ref name=":14" /> The Venezuelan government described the guarimba as "systematic acts of violent and disruptive civil disobedience designed to protest President Chávez, generate headlines, and create fear among civil society" and called for the arrest of Alonso.<ref name=":12" /> During the protests, 9 people were killed, of which at least 4 were due to the response of security officials,<ref name=":23" /> hundreds were injured and 300 were arrested.<ref name=":12" /> |
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Authorities under the Maduro administration were more repressive towards protesters compared to the Chávez administration.<ref name=":17" /> A former official of the [[Bolivarian Intelligence Service]] (SEBIN) told the {{ill|Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Venezuela|es|Misión Internacional Independiente de determinación de los hechos sobre Venezuela}} that its director, {{ill|Carlos Calderón (officer)|es|Carlos Calderón (comisario)|lt=Carlos Calderón}}, was directly involved in torture within the agency during the protests. Among other alleged ill-treatment, he reportedly placed plastic bags on protesters, or poured water on them, and beat them to extract information.<ref>{{harv|Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Venezuela|2022|pp=103}}</ref> |
Authorities under the Maduro administration were more repressive towards protesters compared to the Chávez administration.<ref name=":17" /> A former official of the [[Bolivarian Intelligence Service]] (SEBIN) told the {{ill|Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Venezuela|es|Misión Internacional Independiente de determinación de los hechos sobre Venezuela}} that its director, {{ill|Carlos Calderón (officer)|es|Carlos Calderón (comisario)|lt=Carlos Calderón}}, was directly involved in torture within the agency during the protests. Among other alleged ill-treatment, he reportedly placed plastic bags on protesters, or poured water on them, and beat them to extract information.<ref>{{harv|Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Venezuela|2022|pp=103}}</ref> |
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In April 2014, [[La Vanguardia |
In April 2014, ''[[La Vanguardia]]'' reported that Tamoa Calzadilla, the head of investigative journalists at ''[[Últimas Noticias]]'', had resigned after being told not to do a story on guarimbas and after the manager tried to force her to say that the guarimbas were funded, that they were not protesters and to conclude the story by condemning them.<ref>{{cite news |date=7 April 2014 |title=Los periodistas denuncian más de 100 agresiones en Venezuela |newspaper=La Vanguardia |url=http://www.lavanguardia.com/internacional/20140407/54404721772/periodistas-agresiones-venezuela-protestas.html |access-date=7 April 2014}}</ref> |
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=== 2017 protests === |
=== 2017 protests === |
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== Responses == |
== Responses == |
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The views on ''guarimberos'' are polarized in Venezuela.<ref name=":33" /> According to [[The Atlantic |
The views on ''guarimberos'' are polarized in Venezuela.<ref name=":33" /> According to ''[[The Atlantic]]'', guarimbas are used by "more radical elements" of the opposition that the protest method helped the government instead, providing a justification to crackdown on demonstrations.<ref name=":3" /> Critics have said that guarimbas affect local residents and businesses, having little political impact.<ref name="BBCStreetblockades22">{{cite news |date=27 February 2014 |title=Street blockades divide opinion in Venezuela |url=https://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-26366809 |access-date=8 April 2014 |work=BBC News}}</ref> During protests against the government of [[Nicolás Maduro]], the term "guarimbero" was used by the government, leftists and opposition to criticize individuals who participated in the method.<ref name=":4" /><ref>{{Cite book |author=Observatorio de Derechos Humanos de la Universidad de Los Andes |url=https://www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/documents/issues/ijudiciary/cfis/legal-empowerment/subm-upcoming-legal-empowerment-aca-observatorio-derechos-humanos-u.pdf |title=Obstáculos para acompañar a víctimas de violaciones de derechos humanos |date=3 May 2023 |editor= |quote=Funcionarios públicos del sistema de justicia penal en Mérida, mediante un lenguaje estigmatizador y violento diferenciaron en su perjuicio a estas personas y sus procesos judiciales bajo la denominación de "guarimberos" o "casos guarimba". |author-link=Universidad de Los Andes (Venezuela) |access-date=13 January 2024}}</ref><ref name=":6">{{cite web |last=Alvarado |first=Marino |date=10 August 2017 |title=Grupos paramilitares alentados por el PSUV ensayaron su despliegue en Lara durante protestas de 2014 |url=https://provea.org/paramilitarismo/grupos-paramilitares-alentados-por-el-psuv-ensayaron-su-despliegue-en-lara-durante-protestas-de-2014/ |access-date=2024-01-13 |website=[[PROVEA]] |quote=De esta campaña de satanización de las barricadas hicieron eco organizaciones y personajes del quehacer político, tanto del oficialismo como de la llamada izquierda, "chavismo crítico", y de la oposición ... La mayoría coincidió en que la "guarimba" debía ser desmontada a "cualquier costo".}}<!-- auto-translated by Module:CS1 translator --></ref> In 2014, the majority of Venezuelans rejected guarimbas according to a Datanalisis poll; disagreement with the tactic was shared by 70% of opposition respondents and 87% of independent and pro-government respondents.<ref name=":2">{{Cite web |date=2014-04-09 |title=Uso de barricadas contra o governo divide oposição na Venezuela |url=https://www.bbc.com/portuguese/noticias/2014/04/140409_venezuela_barricadas_mm_cj |access-date=2023-12-11 |website=[[BBC News]] |language=pt-BR}}</ref> |
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=== Government === |
=== Government === |
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Revision as of 14:38, 5 February 2024
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The guarimba the term colloquially used in Venezuela for a protest method primarily used by the Venezuelan opposition[1][2][3][4][5][excessive citations] that involves erecting street barricades or roadblocks. Although the erection of barricades in Venezuela dates back decades, the term has gained relevance during protests against the governments of Hugo Chávez and Nicolás Maduro. Venezuelan officials have used the term to disqualify and criminalize the opposition or opposition demonstrations.
History
Origin
According to Cuban dissident Roberto Alonso, the use of the term began during the dictatorship of Marcos Pérez Jiménez in the 1950s, when the resistance used churches as a refuge after acting against the dictatorship.[6][7] Venezuelan non-governmental organization PROVEA said that a history of using barricades previously existed when left-wing groups in Venezuelan public universities used a similar tactic during the 1980s and 1990s.[8]
Roberto Alonso, a leader of the Venezuelan opposition group Bloque Democrático (BD),[9][10] popularized the term "guarimba".[10][11][12][13] Origins of the word guarimba are derived from the children's game of the same name that is similar to tag, where individuals jump from one circle to the other while avoiding being captured by someone.[11] According to Alonso, the word "guarimba" means "refuge" and not "barricade."[14]
Alonso said the protest method was inspired from the book From Dictatorship to Democracy by Gene Sharp, which he read in turn after 19 people were killed in the Llaguno Overpass shootout and President Hugo Chávez was briefly ousted in the 2002 coup attempt.[11] By December 2002 Alonso started sending emails criticizing Chávez and detailing future actions, until his addresses list amassed over two million contacts.[11] In an essay in May 2003 inviting people to participate in the barricades, he described the guarimba:[11]
EVERYONE head out into the streets IN FRONT OF OUR HOMES and remain there.... La Guarimba is total anarchy. Everyone does what they want, depending on their level of frustration.
Alonso also proposed three "golden rules" for the guarimba:[11]
- Barricade streets near your home
- Don't move away from your home
- Don't participate in confrontation
2004 protests
The first protests, known as the "Guarimbazo",[7][15][16] began on 27 February 2004 and lasted five consecutive days, taking place mainly in middle and upper class neighborhoods of Caracas and fifteen other cities of the country.[15][17][16] The demonstrations sought to protest against the decisions of the National Electoral Council, after it announced that the signatures presented to request the 2004 presidential recall referendum had to be examined a second time.[15][18][19] The protests were initially promoted by Bloque Democrático, an organization that separated from the Coordinadora Democrática organization coalition after the 2002 coup attempt for insisting on a violent solution to the political conflict, which rejected the recall referendum as "a trap of the regime".[10][17] Alonso, the leader of Bloque Democrático, told his family to leave his Daktari ranch and travel to Miami, saying that he and an opposition leader later launched protests on 5 March 2004 with a plan to have a military coup on 7 March.[20]
That year, the "guarimba" consisted in erecting barricades near homes, with garbage and fire, and remaining present as long as no security forces or pro-government supporters arrived. In many places, the barricades did not generate confrontation with security officials or related entities and generated violence. However, in some cases, demonstrators confronted government or pro-government forces, destroyed public property and used firearms.[17] In its 2004 annual report, non-governmental organization PROVEA registered that 27 out of 370 street closures between October 2003 and September 2004, resulted in violence, although it acknowledged that there was a significant underreporting of these. Around one out of every three demonstrations in that period were characterized by barricades.[21]
Responses to the protests varied. The opposition distanced itself from the guarimbas, Coordinadora Democrática, though opposition officials controlling certain areas refused to disperse demonstrations.[15] Security forces dependent on opposition mayoralties (including the Metropolitan Police of Caracas, the municipal police of Baruta and the municipal police of Chacao) refrained from responding to the protesters and in some cases even helped to erect barricades.[17] Bodies dependent on the national government–particularly the National Guard–responded to contain and disperse the demonstrators.[17] Such actions also varied depending on the time and place.[17] On some occasions, the action was in accordance with the law, while on others it was outside of it, when protesters were beaten, injured or arbitrarily detained.[17]
The guarimbas caused division amongst the opposition; parties such as Justice First, Project Venezuela Radical Cause along with fired PDVSA workers wanted to continue protesting, rejecting negotiations, while the parties Copei, Democratic Action and Movimiento al Socialismo supported obliging to the CNE's request to obtain signatures once more.[15] Ultimately, negotiations occurred between the opposition and the government, with both agreeing on collecting new signatures, leading to the end of the protests.[20] The Venezuelan government described the guarimba as "systematic acts of violent and disruptive civil disobedience designed to protest President Chávez, generate headlines, and create fear among civil society" and called for the arrest of Alonso.[11] During the protests, 9 people were killed, of which at least 4 were due to the response of security officials,[17] hundreds were injured and 300 were arrested.[11]
Following the protests, Alonso became a fugitive, meeting with a group of fifty individuals known as the "Brigade Daktari" in April 2004, then fled to neighboring Colombia and arriving in Miami in late April.[11] Weeks later on 9 May 2004, Alonso's ranch was raided by the Venezuelan government, with authorities arresting dozens of Colombians on the property and its environs on suspicion of being paramilitaries destined to overthrow the Chávez government.[11] Two days later on 11 May, Alonso continued to call for rebellion against Chávez, making radio announcements in Venezuela promoting protests, saying "the illusion that we are going to overthrow a Castro-communist dictatorial regime with signatures, that does not exist."[22]
2009 protests
President Chávez used the term at an event in Carabobo in January 2009, referring to protests against the 2009 constitutional referendum, saying "guarimba be formed, that guarimba must be dissolved immediately" and:[23][24]
Señor ministro de Defensa, ministro de Interior, y los jefes de la policía, a partir de este momento, el que salga a quemar un cerro, a quemar unos árboles, a trancar una calle, me le echan gas del bueno, y me los meten presos. Si no lo hicieran, me raspo a los jefes responsables. |
Mister Minister of Defense, Minister of the Interior, and the police chiefs, from this moment on, whoever goes out to burn a hill, to burn some trees, to block a street, throw them good gas at them and put them in jail. If they don't do it, I will scrape the chiefs responsible. |
2014 protests
After opposition leaders Leopoldo López, María Corina Machado and Antonio Ledezma called for more intense protests against President Nicolás Maduro with their La Salida campaign, protesters began to create barricades throughout streets, while also throwing objects and Molotov cocktails.[25] Guarimbas were particularly common in the Táchira state and were even used to protect demonstrations, preventing security forces from advancing into areas where rallies or marches were taking place.[26]
Traffic blockades were carried out in streets and avenues, mainly in middle and upper class residential neighborhoods nationwide, and became places where opposition demonstrations regrouped.[27] Canadian Political Scientist Don Kingsbury wrote that guarimbas were "explicitly framed as a means of protecting established zones of privilege from government supporters" and described barricades as a "practice of erecting policed borders at the internal-racial and class-borders of the city."[28] By April 2014, Oxford Analytica wrote that the protests had become "inchoate and violent" and that half of the protest deaths were estimated to have occurred at barricades.[29] Protesters frequently targeted the Caracas Metro and Caracas Metrobus, with forty buses being attacked in the first weeks of protests.[28] As protests progressed, individuals from guarimbas targeted Metrobuses with molotov cocktails, occasionally with riders inside.[28] By May 2014, the government reported that at least 100 buses were damaged from fire bombs and that fifty-seven public employees were injured from the attacks.[28]
Authorities under the Maduro administration were more repressive towards protesters compared to the Chávez administration.[25] A former official of the Bolivarian Intelligence Service (SEBIN) told the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Venezuela that its director, Carlos Calderón, was directly involved in torture within the agency during the protests. Among other alleged ill-treatment, he reportedly placed plastic bags on protesters, or poured water on them, and beat them to extract information.[30]
In April 2014, La Vanguardia reported that Tamoa Calzadilla, the head of investigative journalists at Últimas Noticias, had resigned after being told not to do a story on guarimbas and after the manager tried to force her to say that the guarimbas were funded, that they were not protesters and to conclude the story by condemning them.[31]
2017 protests
During the 2017 protests, a military cadence of Bolivarian Intelligence Service (SEBIN) officers, where they express wanting to kill protesters, went viral: "Quisiera tener un puñal de acero para degollar a un maldito guarimbero" (Template:Lang-es).[32][33][34]
In some cases, neighbors took garbage to the streets to protest against the lack of garbage collection in their neighborhoods. In Villa del Rosario, Zulia state, there were sectors that had been without street cleaning for up to six months.[35]
Organization and tactics
According to PROVEA, guarimberos organized through social media and are not related to specific political groups.[8] The human rights group also says that while guarimberos help regulate the conflict between authorities and protesters, they do occasionally instigate confrontation.[8] As the protests evolved, the guarimberos developed a system comprising three groups; escuderos (squires), atacantes (attackers) and defensores (defenders).[36] Squires were tasked with repelling tear gas bombs and other projectiles, attackers would throw back gas canisters and defenders would tend to injured civilians and transport them away from areas of confrontation.[36]
Barricades typically consist of damaged property that is constructed of bricks, tires, trash and burning cars.[3][28] During the 2014 protests, retired general Ángel Vivas tweeted a suggestion that wires should be hung across streets as a defense against pro-government colectivos; the Venezuelan government issued an arrest order against him afterwards.[37] Protesters have used homemade caltrops made of hose pieces and nails, colloquially known in Spanish as "miguelitos" or "chinas", to deflate motorbike tires.[38][39] Demonstrators have cited videos of protests in Ukraine and Egypt as inspiration for their tactics in defending barricades and repelling government forces, such as using common items such as beer bottles, metal tubing, and gasoline to construct fire bombs and mortars, while using bottles filled with paint to block the views of tank and armored riot vehicle drivers. Common protective gear for protesters include motorcycle helmets, construction dust masks, shields and gloves.[40][8]
-
Escuderos confronting the Venezuelan National Guard -
Barbed wire strung across a street by protesters -
Venezuelan National Guard clearing a guarimba barricade
Responses
The views on guarimberos are polarized in Venezuela.[8] According to The Atlantic, guarimbas are used by "more radical elements" of the opposition that the protest method helped the government instead, providing a justification to crackdown on demonstrations.[3] Critics have said that guarimbas affect local residents and businesses, having little political impact.[4] During protests against the government of Nicolás Maduro, the term "guarimbero" was used by the government, leftists and opposition to criticize individuals who participated in the method.[27][41][42] In 2014, the majority of Venezuelans rejected guarimbas according to a Datanalisis poll; disagreement with the tactic was shared by 70% of opposition respondents and 87% of independent and pro-government respondents.[43]
Government
The government has opposed the usage of guarimbas.[44][45] The government of Nicolás Maduro criticized the tactic's use as a way to disqualify the opposition as "fascist" and "violent".[27][46]
On 1 April 2015, the General Commander of the Bolivarian National Guard (GNB), Néstor Reverol, published a procedural manual related to public order which defined internal enemies of the State, including "individuals who may be nationals or foreigners who are in the national territory and who maintain positions opposed to the policies of the national government" and includes "guarimberos" within such category, defining guarimberos as individuals who risk the lives of others through death or injury and risking damage to "goods and services." The manual recognizes that such a group may not intend to cause harm and may be demonstrating for lack of services or civil and political rights, also stating that military intervention is required, accusing them of generating violence.[47][48] The document also describes that "men, women, children and the elderly" may be "guarimberos", and therefore can be subject to various use of force continuum described in the manual.[48][49]
El Helicoide originally had a cell known as "Preventive I" in its Access Area, also known as "Infiernito" (Little Hell), with dimensions of 3 x 5 meters and where new arrivals were held. By 2014, it was the only cell of this type, but when detentions began to increase, three additional areas were created later, known as "Preventive II", "Preventive III" and "Preventive IV". By 2015, Preventiva I was intended for common prisoners, while the other three cells were intended for students, Twitter users and "guarimberos".[50] Former detainees at the El Helicoide interviewed by the Fact-Finding Mission reported that there was a detention area referred to as the "Guarimbero" cell, itself an annex of the "Guantánamo" cell. While "Guantánamo" held the majority of non-political detainees, detainees arrested during protests or opposition were incarcerated in the "Guarimbero" cell. The former detainees said that both holding cells were overcrowded and in very poor conditions, with no access to water or toilets, and where inmates have had to sleep on the floor.[51][52]
Opposition
Opposition protesters have argued that guarimbas are used for protection against armed groups, and not only as a form of protest.[53] Opposition leader and former presidential candidate Henrique Capriles described the guarimba as "a massive national failure."[28]
See also
References
- ^ Munger, Kevin; Bonneau, Richard; Nagler, Jonathan; Tucker, Joshua A. (October 2019). "Elites Tweet to Get Feet Off the Streets: Measuring Regime Social Media Strategies During Protest". Political Science Research and Methods. 7 (4): 815–834. doi:10.1017/psrm.2018.3. ISSN 2049-8470.
- ^ Ellner, Steve (2017-10-01). "Venezuela's Fragile Revolution: From Chávez to Maduro". Monthly Review. 69 (5): 1. doi:10.14452/MR-069-05-2017-09_1. ISSN 0027-0520.
- ^ a b c Phippen, J. Weston (2017-07-26). "Venezuela's Deadline". The Atlantic. Retrieved 2024-01-21.
more radical elements of the party take to what's called guarimba, a tactic used in the past of tearing up whatever is around on the street and blockading neighborhoods. This could also be the regime's best weapon, handed to it by the opposition. In the past, MUD supporters have stationed themselves at these, almost like checkpoints, shaking down people who don't support the shutdown.
- ^ a b "Street blockades divide opinion in Venezuela". BBC News. 27 February 2014. Retrieved 8 April 2014.
- ^ "Venezuelan ex-oil workers go on hunger strike as desperation increases". NBC News. 2019-06-03. Retrieved 2024-01-22.
- ^ "¿Qué son las 'guarimbas'?". La Vanguardia. 2014-03-10. Retrieved 2024-01-12.
- ^ a b "¿Quiénes están detrás de las guarimbas?". CNN en Español. 2014-04-08. Retrieved 2024-01-12.
- ^ a b c d e Kobelinsky, Por Fernanda. "Quiénes son los "guarimberos", la vanguardia callejera de las manifestaciones contra el chavismo". infobae (in European Spanish). Retrieved 2023-12-11.
- ^ Banks, Arthur S.; Muller, Thomas C.; Overstreet, William R. (2007). Political Handbook of the World 2007. doi:10.4135/9781483341200. ISBN 978-0-87289-370-2.
(Bloque Democrático—BD), a former CD faction led by Roberto Alonso
- ^ a b c Lander, Luis E.; López Maya, Margarita (January 2005). "Referendo revocatorio Elecciones Regionales en Venezuela". Revista Venezolana de Economía y Ciencias Sociales. 11 (1). Universidad Central de Venezuela.
the CD, which called civil disobedience which triggered five days of violence in some cities of the country, an event known as 'La guarimba', 'El guarimbazo' or 'El plan guarimba'. ... the Democratic Bloc (BD), ... among other means on the internet and for several months, an action of protest or 'civil disobedience' that consisted of the massive closure of streets - with garbage, tires, cars - in front of or near the home of each protester. Its objective was to provoke a generalized situation of anarchy and violence that incited the intervention of the Armed Forces to overthrow the President, an objective that was not achieved. Although the CD never recognized any link with the BD's proposal, the similarity of the protest actions in those days generalized the use of the name with which it circulated on the internet. ... Mr. Robert Alonso, from the BD, commanded, through a network built by him, this plan (La guarimba).
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j Zeitlin, Janine (11 October 2007). "War on Hugo Chávez". Miami New Times. Archived from the original on 20 July 2008.
'The real genesis for the plan, Alonso says, is an 88-page booklet, From Dictatorship to Democracy'; 'In December 2002, Alonso began feverishly e-mailing alertas criticizing Chávez and describing future action. His contact list swelled to more than two million e-mail addresses.'
- ^ "Dirigente opositor radical denuncia allanamiento de su residencia en Venezuela". El Universo (in Spanish). 2004-05-17. Retrieved 2023-11-16.
- ^ "Lo que hay detrás de las guarimbas". Armando.Info (in European Spanish). 2014-03-17. Retrieved 2023-11-17.
- ^ "Robert Alonso Presenta Ésta es la estrategia libertaria!". robertalonsopresenta.com. Retrieved 2023-12-28.
- ^ a b c d e López Maya, Margarita (May–August 2004). "Venezuela 2001-2004: actores y estrategias" (PDF). Cuadernos del CENDES. 21 (56). Central University of Venezuela: 121–123.
- ^ a b "Relación entre el tipo de cambio de mercado y paridad implícita en Venezuela en tiempos de restricciones de acceso a las divisas". Anales de la Universidad Metropolitana (in Spanish). 16 (1): 41–71. 2016.
- ^ a b c d e f g h PROVEA (September 2004). Contexto y Balance de Situación (PDF). pp. 11, 16. Retrieved 30 December 2023.
- ^ "Capturan "paramilitares" en Venezuela". BBC News. 9 May 2004. Retrieved 22 April 2010.
- ^ Zeitlin, Janine (11 October 2007). "War on Hugo Chávez". Miami New Times. Archived from the original on 20 July 2008.
'The real genesis for the plan, Alonso says, is an 88-page booklet, From Dictatorship to Democracy'; 'In December 2002, Alonso began feverishly e-mailing alertas criticizing Chávez and describing future action. His contact list swelled to more than two million e-mail addresses.'
- ^ a b Zeitlin, Janine (11 October 2007). "War on Hugo Chávez". Miami New Times. Archived from the original on 20 July 2008.
- ^ PROVEA (September 2004). Respuestas organizativas de la sociedad (PDF). Retrieved 13 January 2024.
- ^ "Ex presidente y líder de oposición llaman a la rebelión en Venezuela". El Universo (in Spanish). 2004-05-12. Retrieved 2023-12-28.
- ^ "Chávez ordenó "echarle gas" a los opositores". infobae (in European Spanish). 2017-10-29. Retrieved 2023-12-19.
- ^ "Venezuela.- Chávez ordena echar gas "del bueno" contra las manifestaciones de estudiantes". Europa Press. 18 January 2009. Retrieved 2023-12-19.
- ^ a b Corrales, Javier; Penfold, Michael (2015). Dragon in the Tropics: Venezuela and the Legacy of Hugo Chavez. Brookings Institution Press. p. 182. ISBN 978-0-8157-2594-7.
- ^ International Independent Fact-Finding Mission on Venezuela (ed.). Conclusiones detalladas de la Misión internacional independiente de determinación de los hechos sobre la República Bolivariana de Venezuela* (PDF). p. 321. Retrieved 30 December 2023.
bloqueos de caminos, incluidas "guarimbas" hechas de diferentes tipos de objetos y elementos (como tablas metálicas o troncos de árboles, pilas de basura o escombros de obras de construcción)
- ^ a b c Márquez, Laureano (2018). "La dictadura". Historieta de Venezuela: De Macuto a Maduro. p. 142.
Las protestas incorporan la trance de calles y avenidas, principalmente en zonas de clase media y alta del país. Se establecen las "guarimbas" como lugares de reagrupamiento de protestas opositoras. Se trató de una acción contraproducente que generó caos, muertes accidentales y conflicto entre los mismos opositores. El gobierno de Maduro las aprovechó para descalificar a la oposición como fascista y violenta.
- ^ a b c d e f Kingsbury, Donald V. (2017-12-12). "Infrastructure and Insurrection: The Caracas Metro and the Right to the City in Venezuela". Latin American Research Review. 52 (5): 775–791. doi:10.25222/larr.244. ISSN 0023-8791.
- ^ "Venezuela: Talks may produce splits but ease tensions". OxResearch Daily Brief Service. Oxford Analytica. 11 April 2014.
the protests have become protracted, inchoate and violent, with an estimated half of those killed losing their lives at opposition barricades
- ^ (Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Venezuela 2022, pp. 103)
- ^ "Los periodistas denuncian más de 100 agresiones en Venezuela". La Vanguardia. 7 April 2014. Retrieved 7 April 2014.
- ^ ""Quisiera degollar a un maldito guarimbero": los escalofriantes versos que cantan los militares chavistas". infobae (in Spanish). Retrieved 2023-11-19.
- ^ "Video: 'Quisiera degollar con un puñal de acero a un maldito guarimbero', gritan militares en Venezuela durante entrenamiento". Prensa (in Spanish). 2017-05-05. Retrieved 2023-11-19.
- ^ "Funcionarios del Sebin entrenan con consignas de odio contra la oposición". Diario Las Américas (in Spanish). Retrieved 2023-11-19.
- ^ "No es guarimba: Vecinos de La Villa sacan la basura a la calle por mal servicio del Imaur (FOTOS)". 28 June 2017. Retrieved 2023-12-30.
- ^ a b "La 'mujer maravilla' y el 'hacker guarimbero' contra Maduro". El Mundo (in Spanish). 2017-05-12. Retrieved 2023-12-19.
- ^ "Ángel Vivas, un general de Venezuela que atrincherado se enfrenta al régimen chavista". ICNDiario (in Spanish). 3 November 2015. Retrieved 2021-10-08.
- ^ Hallan "miguelitos" y clavos en barricadas de Ciudad Ojeda: FOTOS+VIDEO Archived 13 April 2014 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ "Guarimbas con miguelitos y chinas: el idioma de las protestas venezolanas- América Latina- Reuters". Archived from the original on 13 April 2014. Retrieved 7 March 2016.
- ^ Neuman, William (26 February 2014). "Crude Weapons Help Fuel Unrest in Bastion of Venezuelan Opposition". The New York Times. Retrieved 12 April 2014.
- ^ Observatorio de Derechos Humanos de la Universidad de Los Andes (3 May 2023). Obstáculos para acompañar a víctimas de violaciones de derechos humanos (PDF). Retrieved 13 January 2024.
Funcionarios públicos del sistema de justicia penal en Mérida, mediante un lenguaje estigmatizador y violento diferenciaron en su perjuicio a estas personas y sus procesos judiciales bajo la denominación de "guarimberos" o "casos guarimba".
- ^ Alvarado, Marino (10 August 2017). "Grupos paramilitares alentados por el PSUV ensayaron su despliegue en Lara durante protestas de 2014". PROVEA. Retrieved 2024-01-13.
De esta campaña de satanización de las barricadas hicieron eco organizaciones y personajes del quehacer político, tanto del oficialismo como de la llamada izquierda, "chavismo crítico", y de la oposición ... La mayoría coincidió en que la "guarimba" debía ser desmontada a "cualquier costo".
- ^ "Uso de barricadas contra o governo divide oposição na Venezuela". BBC News (in Brazilian Portuguese). 2014-04-09. Retrieved 2023-12-11.
- ^ "A la pregunta sobre si la motivación de las guarimbas es "protestar por unos problemas", o sacar a Maduro del poder, 36,9% cree que lo hacen como protesta, pero 63,1% dijo que tienen como objetivo sacar del poder a Maduro. El porcentaje más alto (78,7%) corresponde a los más pobres, de las clases D y E. Como ven, en esos estratos socioeconómicos hay mayor conciencia de los verdaderos fines de la red de guarimbas, donde los niveles de rechazo son más altos." "Repudio a las guarimbas" at Ultimas Noticias Archived 2 July 2014 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ "Presidente Maduro presenta vídeo donde se observa a grupos violentos preparando guarimbas - Noticias Diarias". Retrieved 7 March 2016.
- ^ "Presidente Maduro presenta vídeo donde se observa a grupos violentos preparando guarimbas - Noticias Diarias". Retrieved 7 March 2016.
- ^ (Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Venezuela 2020, p. 313)
- ^ a b Bolivarian National Guard (1 April 2015). Manual de Normas y Procedimientos Operativos del Servicio De Policía Administrativa Especial y de Investigación Penal en Apoyo a la Administración Pública en Materia de Orden Público [Manual of Operational Standards and Procedures of the Special Administrative and Criminal Investigation Police Service in Support of the Public Administration in Public Order Matters] (in Spanish). pp. 69, 79. Retrieved 12 January 2024.
- ^ (Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Venezuela 2020, p. 405)
- ^ (Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Venezuela 2022, p. 87)
- ^ (Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Venezuela 2022, p. 87)
- ^ (Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Venezuela 2020, p. 90)
- ^ "noticiascentro.com". Archived from the original on 13 April 2014. Retrieved 7 March 2016.
Bibliography
- Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Venezuela (15 September 2020). Conclusiones detalladas de la Misión internacional independiente de determinación de los hechos sobre la República Bolivariana de Venezuela [Detailed findings of the independent international fact-finding mission on the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela] (PDF) (in Spanish).
- Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Venezuela (12 September 2022). Crímenes de lesa humanidad cometidos a través de los servicios de inteligencia del Estado: estructuras y personas involucradas en la implementación de un plan para reprimir la oposición al gobierno [Crimes against humanity committed through the State intelligence services: structures and individuals involved in the implementation of a plan to repress opposition to the government.].
External links
- Informe de la Secretaría General de la Organización de los Estados Americanos y del Panel de Expertos Internacionales Independientes sobre la Posible Comisión de Crímenes de Lesa Humanidad en Venezuela [Report of the General Secretariat of the Organization of American States and of the Panel of Independent International Experts on the Possible Commission of Crimes Against Humanity in Venezuela] (PDF) (in Spanish). Washington D.C.: Organization of American States. 29 May 2018.