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<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Rizwan |first=Muhammad |last2=Ahmed |first2=Manzoor |last3=Gul |first3=Saima |date=2018 |title=Ideology and Politics of Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam (1947-1973) |url=https://gssrjournal.com/article/Ideology-and-politics-of-jamiat-ulema-i-islam-1947-1973 |journal=Global Social Sciences Review |language=en |volume=III |issue=I |pages=45 |doi=10.31703/gssr.2018(iii-i).03 |issn=2520-0348}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |last=Ahmad |first=Khalil |date=2015 |title=Politics of Religious Activism during the final Phase of Pakistan Movement: A case study of Kul Hind Jam’iyyat Ulema-i-Islam |url=https://jhs.bzu.edu.pk/upload/vol%20I-15_2.%20ibn%20khaludin.pdf_55.pdf |journal=Journal of Historical Studies |volume=1 |issue=1 |pages=42 |issn=2414-8563}}</ref> |
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== Ashraf Ali Thanwi and debate on Nationalism == |
== Ashraf Ali Thanwi and debate on Nationalism == |
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{{further|Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind|Political views of Ashraf Ali Thanwi|Madani–Iqbal debate}} |
{{further|Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind|Political views of Ashraf Ali Thanwi|Madani–Iqbal debate}} |
Revision as of 22:01, 20 September 2024
Ashraf Ali Thanwi and debate on Nationalism
The anti-imperialist Ulama organisation Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind founded in 1919 to safgard Muslim Rights in British India.[1] Later it Gradually became the political spokesbody of the Deobandi movement.[2] After the formation, It joined Khilafat movement, opposed Hindu and British policies, and starting cooperate with congress after its complete independence demand.[1] It was also the member of Muslim League parliamentary board in 1937 provincial election, but the coalition was short lived.[1] When the nationalism debate started in late 1930s, it Again started strenghthening its ties with the Congress and supported its doctrine of composite nationalism, started a strong campaign to bring Muslims into the Congress fold, and keeps increasing distance from Muslim League, opposing its separate nationalist approach.[3] Hossain ahmad madani, a central figure of JUH, published his Composite Nationalism and Islam which directly contrast with Muslim League demands.[4] Politicians like Jinnah were keenly aware that the ‘ulama’s pronouncements carried considerable weight with countless Muslims, and they were sensitive to the fact that some highly influential figures among the ‘ulama were, in fact, allied with the Congress.Yet the reasons for which the Muslim League wanted to cultivate the support of Thanawi and his associates were precisely the reasons for which it wanted an alliance with any and all Muslim leaders or groups that would support it.[5]
Disappointed by this attitude of the JUH stalwart, Ashraf Ali Thanwi issued a fatwa which stated that supporting the AIML and joining its ranks was the only lawful course in accordance with the dictates of shariah. This ruling had a far-reaching impact on Muslim politics. In the ranks of the JUH itself, Mufti Kifayatullah and Ahmad Saeed (d. 1960) were removed as President and Nazim, respectively, of the JUH in 1939 because they could not issue an immediate rebuttal of Thanwi’s fatwa. More significantly, a rival body, the Jamiatul Ulema, Kanpur, was constituted.[6] In the early 1930s,Thanawi had already spoken of the need for a Muslim “center” (markaz) through which Indian Muslim interests might be protected.[7] Nonetheless, the Muslim League’s positing of a separate Muslim nationhood had, much more than the vain aspirations of some Muslim leaders in the early 1920s, allowed Thanawi to see the glimmers of a Muslim center whose absence he had long lamented.[8] The ulema associated with Darul Ulum, Deoband, also started making informal contacts with the AIML, which had already begun to introduce ulema into its mainstream. The leading exponent of this thinking was Maulana Ashraf Ali Thanwi. He resigned from the Rectorship of Darul Ulum, Deoband, because of its pro-Congress stance and joined the AIML. With the help of Shabbir Ahmad Uthmani (1885–1949), he began to unite the Muslim parties on a single platform in opposition to the Congress. Meanwhile, the AIML adopted the historic Pakistan Resolution (1940), which outlined the distinct national character of the Indian Muslims. Shabbir Ahmad Uthmani, Muhammad Shafi Deobandi (1897-1976), Zafar Ahmad Uthmani (1894-1974), and Ashraf Ali Thanwi supported the idea of Pakistan and termed it as the only solution of the Indian problem.[9]
The Pakistan Resolution, therefore, proved to be a turning point in Indian history in general, and for the nationalist parties in particular. The JUH, which was by now formally aligned with the Congress, hastily arranged an Azad (independent) Muslim Conference in April 1940, at Delhi. All pro-Congress Muslim factions participated in it to challenge the authenticity of the AIML and its Pakistan plan. Maulana Madni repudiated the Resolution in his presidential addresses at the annual sessions held at Jownpur (1940), Lahore (1942), and Saharanpur (1945). The JUH also provided religious justification to their collaboration with Congress. Maulana Madni, Maulana Muhammad Miyan, Maulana Sayyid Fakharul Din Ahmad (d. 1971), Maulana Abdul Haq, and Maulana Ahmad Ali Saeed (d. 1962), Na’ib Mufti, Darul Ulum, Deoband, (later referred to as Maulana Ahmad Ali, and also with the suffix Lahori) among others, issued fatwas in which they legitimized the concept of Composite Nationalism. Allama Shabbir Ahmad Uthmani, Maulana Muhammad Idris Kandhalwi (1898-1974), Maulana Zafar Ahmad Thanwi, Mufti Jamil Ahmad Thanwi (1905-1994), Maulana Shabbir Ali, and Maulana Khair Muhammad Jalandhari (d. 1970), on the other hand, issued fatwas in which Composite Nationalism was declared contrary to Islam and the demand for Pakistan was sanctioned as Islamic. The master-stroke, however, was the scholarly fatwa by Mufti Muhammad Shafi, the Grand Mufti of Deoband, in which he ruled that the demand of the AIML was the only Islamic course open to the Muslims in India in the light of the Quran and Sunnah.° After this fatwa, the JUH closed the debate.[10] The continuity and consolidation of ulama’s efforts was the call of the time and ulama form Deoband School responded well in time which resulted into the formation of the ‘Jam’iyyat Ulama-i-Islam’ Calcutta on 11 July 1945 under the President ship of Azad Subhani.[11] This effort was equally applauded by Shabbir Ahmad Uthmani who wrote a letter from Bait-ul-Fazal Deoband on October 16, 1945. He, in response to a letter, wrote: No doubt, it is a critical period for the Muslim Ummah. Political resentment has acquired much importance. No such confusing situation has been there before. The sorriest state of affairs is that one opponent is happy to see internal contradiction among big and small Muslim parties. They are using this as an effective tool. Our internal differences have reached the level of enmity. Only Allah has the powers to change the minds and make focus attention of all, from every side to Islamic point of view.[12]
Formation
This impetus of Allama Uthmani was reinforced by a number of like-minded ulama, who, in turn, decided to establish a central effective organization.[12] Uthmani, with the help of his colleagues, succeeded in bringing over prominent ulema to the AIML’s point of view.[10] Resultantly, they held a grand conference in collaboration with Jam’iyyat Ulama-e-Bangala and Jam’iyyat Ulama-i-Islam Calcutta at Muhammad Ali Park Calcutta; while the organizational expenses were met by two Local Merchants, S.M. Hameed and Seith Razzaq. Khawaja Nazim-u-Din and Hussain Shaheed Soharwardi were assigned to supervise all the matters and AIML helped to bring Ulama and Scholars to Calcutta. The conference continued 26 to 29 October 1945 at Calcutta which eventually resulted into the establishment of Kul Hind Ulama-e-Islam (All India Jam’iyyat Ulama-i-Islam; hereafter AIJUI).13 Maulana Shabbir Ahmed Uthmani was elected its President of Jam’iyyat Ulama-i-Islam in absentia, Maulana Zafar Ali Uthmani as Vice President, Maulana Sayyid Quresh Shamsi as its General Secretary. Maulana Raghib Ahsan presented the welcome address Maulana Zafar Ahmad Uthmani presided over the meeting.14 Maulana Shabbir Ahmad Uthmani Message was read by Maulana Muhammad Mateen. In this message the Muslims were insisted to support and help Muslim League. He stated that if Muslim League failed at that time, Muslims would have no chance to grow up in the country for a long time. They were supporting Muslim League to preserve our Deen and to protect our nationality. They wanted to see the voice of ulama dominating all spheres of life. They wanted to make Muslim League free from all such elements which are hindrance in imposing Islamic system of life.[12]
In his message, Allama Uthmani argued that according to
Islam, there were only two nations—one comprising the Muslims, and the other consisting of non-Muslims. The hundred million Muslims of South Asia were a separate nation, and they could not constitute one nation with the non-Muslim communities of the region. They needed a centre where they could live according to the principles of Islam. He criticized the theory of Composite Nationalism. The AIML, he said, had no doubt some weaknesses, but he called upon the Muslims to join its ranks and provide it with better workers. Jinnah, he said, knew the intricacies of modern politics. He was incorruptible and not susceptible to undue pressure.°* Allama Uthmani deplored those, who dubbed Jinnah as Kafir-i-Azam, or great infidel, and those who used abusive language against Maulana Madni. A twelve member shura was also appointed.[13] Daily Asar-e-Jadid published in detail the aims and objectives of AIJUI with detail of conference in its October 30, 1945 publication.[12]
Development
The establishment of AIJUI gave boost to Pakistan Movement. Jam’iyyat Ulama-iIslam announced to support Muslim League and the idea of Pakistan in its first meeting. In the beginning Qauid’s advisor for religious affairs was Nawab Bahadar Yar Jang but later on he was replaced by Maulana Shabbir Ahmed Uthmani.[12] The AIJUI arranged party conferences at Meerut, Delhi, Madras, Bombay, Lahore, Peshawar, and Hyderabad in support of the demand for Pakistan.?[13] All India Jam’iyyat Ulama-iIslam became like an Islamic Movement and front line of an Islamic army in a battlefield.[12] A number of ulema and political workers, after receiving the news of the establishment of AIJUI, addressed a series of letters to Allama Uthmani inquiring about his support for the idea of Pakistan.© His support of the AIML, which had Communists, Mirza’is, and Shi’ites as members, was questioned. They objected to his acceptance of Jinnah’s leadership. They were also of the opinion that in Pakistan, educational syllabi would be secularized. Defending the AIJUI, the Allama asserted that the AIML was fighting for Muslim salvation.[13] It consisted of a majority of Sunnis, and all the groups were struggling for a common cause—not for their individual objectives. He said that he pitied those ulema who were closer to the Hindus than to their fellow Muslim brothers, the Leaguers. He defended the AIML leader, who although not an ‘alim, had sound knowledge of modern politics.[14] Uthmani started a series of explanatory letters on topics like partition of India, Jinnah Muslim League, Pakistan and Pakistan Movement. Allama Uthmani delivered explicit answer to the question of objection raising people in Marasalat-i-Sayaseya [political letters].[15]
The JUH spent all its force and effort to oppose Pakistan and to favor Congress. Ulama from Congress were busy in accusing Pakistan, Jinnah and Muslim League. For example they said that Pakistan was the brain child of the British and Muslim League was an agent of the British.23They said that British wanted to divide India into pieces under a conspiracy and Muslim Leaguers were their puppets to act upon the conspiracy. They were playing in the hands of the British.24 They said that the marriage of Jinnah in 1912 with a non-Muslim through civil marriage act still needed a proof to be Muslim.25 Maulana Hussain Ahmed Madni issued a Fatwa and declared Jinnah as “Kafir-e-Azam”[ great infidle]26 and joining Muslim League by Muslims as unjust and “Haram”. This Fatwa was issued from Delhi on 27 October 1945. Allama Shabbir Ahmed Uthmani answered it in detail and said: No party or person can claim never to commit any mistake. Our eminent sacred institutions have no exception. But this does not mean that joining an institution will be unislamic. Above all other aspirations, if League succeeds to make existence of Muslims felt and their voice, separated from Hindus and British, heard, that would be sufficient. If the world accepts presence of third force in India and both League and Congress are considered equal about any matter about peace or war, the achievement would not be less important from political or Islamic point of view.27 Eminent ulama from JUH refuted all the blames with arguments and proved that so called party was itself playing in the hands of Hindus. This attitude of JUH harmed its own credibility and people started to join Muslim League and AIJUI more speedily and in large numbers.[15]
With untiring efforts of AIJUI, a wave of awareness and awakening ran into the masses. The work done by AIJUI in a short span of time could not be done by Congress, Muslim League and JUH in years.[15]
When the Allama did not agree to sever his ties with the AIML, In order to develop a consensus, a delegation from JUH including Maulana Hussain Ahmed Madni, Maulana Hefiz-ur-Rahman Seoharvi, Mufti Kifayat Ullah, Maulana Ahmed Saeed, Maulana Abdul Haleem Siddiqui, Maulana Abdul Hannan and Maulana Mufti Ateeq-ur-Rahman came at the house of Allama Shabbir Ahmed Uthmani on 7 December 1945. The purpose of those negotiations was to remove misunderstanding and deference of opinion. These negotiations continued for three hours and Allama Uthmani made all of them dumb with his arguments about Pakistan.[16] The Allama however did not yield. He categorically turned down the JUH’s request to retire from politics, saying he would not exclude himself from something which he thought was correct in all respects. He advised the JUH delegation to join the AIML and work for the collective betterment of the Indian Muslims.[14] Main points of Allama Shabbir Ahmad Uthmani’s point of view were as follows: 1. The opinion I have formed is based on sincerity. Jam’iyyat ulama-i-Islam may remain firm on it or not, I believe that Pakistan is beneficial for the Muslims. 2. How can an assembly, having 60 to 70% non-Muslim members, decide any matter in the favor of Muslims? 3. 4. Jinnah can never be an agent of British; He neither can be bought nor pressurized. If Pakistan is in the favor of Hindu, why are they so opposed to it? 5. At the end the delegation requested Maulana to be quiet on the issue but Maulana rejected this request saying that he could not remain indifferent to a matter, he thought just.28 Allama Shabbir Ahmad Uthmani highlighted different features of Pakistan Scheme. The opposition of Congress Ulama could not withstand it and Pakistan Movement got strength. It became clear to the Muslims being a separate nation from every aspect. A separate country Pakistan was the only guarantee of their safety, progress and prosperity.[16]
It was the influence of AIJUI that people were gathering abundantly under the flag
of Muslim League and the Muslims demand of freedom was getting strong. The zeal and zest ulama from AIJUI showed in the elections caused a revolution in Indian
politics. AIJUI advocated the point of view that prosperity, survival and implementation of Islamic system was possible with the establishment of Pakistan. Maulana Shabbir Ahmad Uthmani addressed in a great gathering at Deoband on 25 December 1945 and said that he had left politics after Khilafat Movement.31 After much thinking and pondering he had reached the conclusion that if his blood was needed to achieve Pakistan, it would be a matter of pride for him and he would never hesitate from it. Survival of the Muslims and their honorable life was conditioned with the establishment of Pakistan. He would consider his life successful if it is used for this cause.[16]
Allama Uthmani and the workers of the AIJUI campaigned for the AIML candidates in the 1946 polls. These efforts strengthened the view point of AIML which showed marvelous victory inspite of the severe opposition of Congress and won 428 seats out of 492 in provincial assembly elections. The marvelous success was the result of ulama and scholars from AIJUI, so when Allama Uthmani congratulated Quaid-i-Azam, he said, “Maulana you deserve the congratulation in reality as the success is fruit of your labour.”[17] He emphasized to the Cabinet Mission that the AIML was the only true representative of the Indian Muslims.[14] Responding to the Cabinet Mission 1946, Maulana Zafar Ahmad Uthmani, the Vice President AIJUI, sent a telegram to British Cabinet Mission on 18 April 1946 in which he made it clear that Muslim League was the only representative political party of Muslims of India. AIJUI was on its back and call and demand for Pakistan was their national demand. There was no way to retreat. Muslims were not ready for any compromise and they were not hesitant to give any sacrifice for its achievements.[18] An AIJUI delegation including Allama Shabbir Ahmad Uthmani, Zafar Ahmad Uthmani and Mufti Muhammad Shafi met Jinnah in Dehli on 11 June 1947. Allama Shabbir Ahmad Uthmani congratulated him on the attainment of Pakistan. Jinnah said that they deserved the congratulation as that was result of their efforts.44The delegation discussed with Jinnah protection of Pakistan and the Muslims, shortage of time and economical problems. Jinnah listened to all that seriously and answered all questions mannerly. After that Jinnah expressed his fears about plebiscite in Salhet and Frontier. He said that if the plebiscite was not in the favor of Pakistan, it would be great loss. Upon that ulama said that the result would be in the favor of Pakistan if he announced that there would be Islamic rule of law in Pakistan. They said that the Muslims from Frontier and Bengal did not consider any political game. They knew Islam only and they could vote only in the name of Islam.45 Upon this, Jinnah said that he was a lawyer of Muslims in Pakistan law-suit. Allah had granted success to Muslims and they had achieved Pakistan. His work and job was over. Muslims had the authority to implement any system. As there was majority of Muslims in Pakistan, there was no other option except, Islamic system and Islamic state.46Upon this, ulama said, there is also majority of Muslims in Turkey but Mustafa Kamal Pasha has not implemented Islam. Some people have same danger from Muslim League. So give us in black and white that the constitution of Pakistan will be based on Qur’an and Sunnah.47 Jinnah replied that he had announced time and again that Muslims constitution was formulated fourteen hundred year ago. Our constitution would be based on Quranic injunctions. He asked the ulama to make people satisfied that constitution of Pakistan would be Islamic.[18] He said that he had never cheated the nation and whatever he said, would be implemented. Upon this Allama Shabbir Ahmad Uthmani assured him that by the grace of Allah Salhet and Frontier would be part of Pakistan. He said that he would visit Frontier and Allama Zafar Uthmani would tour Salhat. Jinnah stood up, shaked hand and said that Allah might make you and Pakistan a success.48 Allama Shabbir Ahmad Uthmani stressed upon the Muslims of Frontier that Pakistan would be established very soon and that would be such a state where there would be Islamic rules and laws. Muhammad Ashraf, Head of Arabic Department, Peshawar University writes about the tours of Allama Uthamni and Mufti Muhammad Shafi, “I myself witnessed the Referendum in Frontier Province. I was part of the company. This group of Deobandi thinkers and Pir Manki (late) shattered the magic of Congress and the leadership of Abdul Gaffar Khan in NWFP”.49 In the long run due to the struggle of scholars and ulama, Frontier voted in the favor of Pakistan. This Referendum was held on 6 to 17 July 1947 and the results of were announced on 18 July 1947. Pakistan had a marvelous success with the following figures: 1. 2. Vote for Pakistan: Vote for Hindustan: 3. Winning Difference: 2, 89,244 2,874 2, 86,370 50 However, in Silhat Congress used all possible unfair means to avert the referendum results and remained successful. Jinnah confessed the services of ulama many times and gave them the true honor when establishment of Pakistan was to be celebrated on 14 August 1947. He, as Government General of Pakistan honored President AIJUI Allema Shabbir Ahmad Uthmani and Maulana Zafar Ahmad Uthmani to hoist the flag. Allama Shabbir Ahmad Uthmani hoisted the flag of Pakistan in Karachi after a short recitation of Holy Qur’an and a short speech. Maulana Zafar Ahmad Uthmani did all the same in Dhaka and announced the inclusion of world largest Islamic state into the line of Islamic Countries.51 This was a matter of prestige for ulama, especially for the leaders of the AIJUI.[19]
Legacy
The above analysis proves that a strong group of Deobandis supported the demand for Pakistan.[14]
References
- ^ a b c Pirzada 2000, p. 3.
- ^ Pirzada 2000, p. 1.
- ^ Pirzada 2000, p. 3, 4.
- ^ Metcalf, Barbara Daly (2009). Husain Ahmad Madani: The Jihad For Islam And India's Freedom. The Makers of The Muslim World. Oxford: Oneworld Publications. p. 112. ISBN 978-1-85168-579-0.
- ^ Zaman, Muhammad Qasim (2007). Ashraf Alī Thanawi: Islam In Modern South Asia. Makers of The Muslim World. Oxford: Oneworld Publications. p. 48. ISBN 978-1-85168-415-1.
- ^ Pirzada 2000, p. 5.
- ^ Zaman 2007, p. 49.
- ^ Zaman 2007, p. 50.
- ^ Pirzada, Sayyid A. S. (2000). The Politics of the Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam Pakistan 1971–77. Karachi: Oxford University Press. p. 5. ISBN 0195793021.
- ^ a b Pirzada 2000, p. 9.
- ^ Ahmed, Khalil; Rizvi, Shahid Hassan (2015). "All India Jam'iyyat Ulama-i-Islam: Religio-Political Activism and Pakistan Movement (1945–1947)". Pakistan Journal of Social Sciences. 35 (1): 250. ISSN 2708-4175.
- ^ a b c d e f Ahmed & Rizvi 2015, p. 251.
- ^ a b c Pirzada 2000, p. 10.
- ^ a b c d Pirzada 2000, p. 11.
- ^ a b c Ahmed & Rizvi 2015, p. 252.
- ^ a b c Ahmed & Rizvi 2015, p. 253.
- ^ Ahmed & Rizvi 2015, p. 254.
- ^ a b Ahmed & Rizvi 2015, p. 255.
- ^ Ahmed & Rizvi 2015, p. 256.