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{{short description|A concept in social psychology}}
A '''social identity''' is the portion of an individual's [[self-concept]] derived from perceived membership in a [[relevance|relevant]] social group.<ref name="Turner & Oakes (1986).">{{cite journal|last = Turner|first = John|last2=Oakes|first2=Penny|title = The significance of the social identity concept for social psychology with reference to individualism, interactionism and social influence|journal = British Journal of Social Psychology|volume = 25| issue = 3| pages = 237–252|year = 1986}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|last=Hogg|first=Michael|last2=Vaughan|first2=Graham|title=Social Psychology|year=2002|publisher=Prentice Hall|location=Upper Saddle River , NJ |isbn=0-13-033632-7}}</ref> As originally formulated by [[Henri Tajfel]] and [[John C. Turner|John Turner]] in the 1970s and 80s,<ref name="Turner & Reynolds (2010).">Turner, J. C. & Reynolds, K. J. (2010). The story of social identity. In T. Postmes & N. Branscombe (Eds). Rediscovering Social Identity: Core Sources. Psychology Press.</ref> social identity theory introduced the concept of a social identity as a way in which to explain intergroup behaviour.<ref name="Tajfel & Turner (1979).">Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. C. (1979). An integrative theory of intergroup conflict. In W. G. Austin & S. Worchel (Eds.), The social psychology of intergroup relations (pp. 33–47). Monterey, CA: Brooks/Cole</ref><ref>Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. C. (1986). The social identity theory of intergroup behaviour. In S. Worchel & W. G. Austin (Eds.), Psychology of intergroup relations (pp. 7–24). Chicago, IL: Nelson-Hall.</ref>
{{good article}}


{{Self sidebar}}
Social identity theory is best described as primarily a theory that predicts certain intergroup behaviours on the basis of the perceived [[social status|status]], legitimacy and permeability of the intergroup environment.<ref name="Tajfel & Turner (1979)."/> This contrasts with occasions where the term social identity theory is used to refer to general theorizing about human social selves.<ref name="Haslam et al., (2010a)">{{cite journal | last1 = Haslam | first1 = S. A. | last2 = Ellemers | first2 = N. | last3 = Reicher | first3 = S. D. | last4 = Reynolds | first4 = K. J. | last5 = Schmitt | first5 = M. T. | editor1-last = Postmes | editor1-first = T. | editor2-last = Branscombe | editor2-first = N. R. | year = 2010 | title = The social identity perspective today: An overview of its defining ideas | journal = Rediscovering social identity | pages = 341–356 | publisher = Psychology Press }}</ref> Moreover, and although some researchers have treated it as such,<ref name="Brown & Zagefka (2006).">Brown, R. J., & Zagefka, H. (2006). Choice of comparisons in intergroup settings: the role of temporal information and comparison motives. European Journal of Social Psychology, 36(5), 649–671.</ref><ref name="Ashmore, et al. (2004)">Ashmore, R. D., Deaux, K., & McLaughlin-Volpe, T. (2004). An organizing framework for collective identity: Articulation and significance of multidimensionality. Psychological Bulletin, 130(1), 80–114.</ref> social identity theory was never intended to be a general theory of social categorization.<ref name="Turner & Reynolds (2010)."/> It was awareness of the limited scope of social identity theory that led John Turner and colleagues to develop a cousin theory in the form of [[self-categorization theory]],<ref name="Turner & Oakes (1986)."/><ref name="Haslam, A. S. (2001).">[[Alex Haslam|Haslam, A. S.]] (2001). Psychology in Organizations. London, SAGE Publications.</ref> which built on the insights of social identity theory to produce a more general account of self and group processes.<ref name="Turner & Reynolds (2010)."/> To avoid confusion the term [[social identity approach|social identity <em>approach<em>]], or social identity <em>perspective<em>, is suggested for describing the joint contributions of both social identity theory and self-categorization theory.<ref name="Haslam, A. S. (2001)."/><ref name="Postmes, T. & Branscombe, N. (2010)">Postmes, T. & Branscombe, N. (2010). Sources of social identity. In T. Postmes & N. Branscombe (Eds). Rediscovering Social Identity: Core Sources. Psychology Press.</ref>


Social identity is the portion of an individual's [[self-concept]] derived from perceived membership in a [[relevance|relevant]] [[social group]].<ref name="Turner & Oakes (1986).">{{cite journal|last1 = Turner|first1 = John|last2=Oakes|first2=Penny|title = The significance of the social identity concept for social psychology with reference to individualism, interactionism and social influence|journal = British Journal of Social Psychology|volume = 25| issue = 3| pages = 237–252|year = 1986|doi = 10.1111/j.2044-8309.1986.tb00732.x|doi-access = free}}</ref><ref name="SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY IN ACTION : evidence-based interventions from theory to 2020 p.">{{cite book | title=Social Psychology in Action: Evidence-Based Interventions from Theory to Practice| publisher=Springer Nature | publication-place=Springer Link | year=2020 | isbn=978-3-030-13790-8 | oclc=1182516016 | page=| quote=The thoughts and feelings that arise when you think about the group you belong to form your social identity. }}</ref>
==Aspects of the theory==
[[Image:4-14 Marines in Fallujah.jpg|thumb| Henri Tajfel suggests that soldiers of opposing armies, fighting outside of view, is an illustrative example of behaviour at the extreme intergroup end of the intergroup-interpersonal continuum.<ref name="Tajfel (1978)">{{cite journal | last1 = Tajfel | first1 = H. | editor-last = Tajfel | editor-first = H. | year = 1978 | title = Interindividual and intergroup behaviour. | journal = Differentiation between groups: Studies in the social psychology of intergroup relations | pages = 27–60 | location = London | publisher = Academic Press}}</ref>]]


As originally formulated by social psychologists [[Henri Tajfel]] and [[John Turner (psychologist)|John Turner]] in the 1970s and the 1980s,<ref name="Turner & Reynolds (2010).">{{cite book|author1=Turner, J. C. |author2=Reynolds, K. J.|year=2010|chapter=The story of social identity|editor1=T. Postmes |editor2=N. Branscombe|title= Rediscovering Social Identity: Core Sources|publisher=Psychology Press}}</ref> '''social identity theory''' introduced the concept of a social identity as a way in which to explain [[Group dynamics#Intergroup dynamics|intergroup behaviour]].<ref name="Tajfel & Turner (1979).">{{cite book|author1=Tajfel, H. |author2=Turner, J. C.|year=1979|chapter= An integrative theory of intergroup conflict|editor1=W. G. Austin |editor2=S. Worchel|title=The social psychology of intergroup relations|pages=33–47|location=Monterey, CA|publisher=Brooks/Cole}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|author1=Tajfel, H. |author2= Turner, J. C.|year=1986|chapter=The social identity theory of intergroup behaviour|editor1=S. Worchel |editor2=W. G. Austin|title=Psychology of Intergroup Relations|pages=7–24|location=Chicago, IL|publisher=Nelson-Hall}}</ref><ref name="Turner (1999)">{{cite journal|last=Turner|first=J. C.|title=Some current issues in research on social identity and self-categorization theories|journal=Social Identity|year=1999|pages=6–34|editor1-first=N.|editor1-last=Ellemers|editor2-first=R.|editor2-last=Spears|editor3-first=B.|editor3-last=Doosje|publisher=Blackwell|location=Oxford}}</ref> "Social identity theory explores the phenomenon of the 'ingroup' and 'outgroup', and is based on the view that identities are constituted through a process of difference defined in a relative or flexible way depends on the activities in which one engages."<ref>{{Cite book |last1=Benwell |first1=Bethan |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.3366/j.ctt1r2356 |title=Discourse and Identity |last2=Stokoe |first2=Elizabeth |date=2006 |publisher=Edinburgh University Press |isbn=978-0-7486-1749-4 |jstor=10.3366/j.ctt1r2356 }}</ref> This theory is described as a theory that predicts certain intergroup behaviours on the basis of perceived group [[Social status|status]] differences, the perceived [[Legitimacy (political)|legitimacy]] and stability of those status differences, and the perceived ability to move from one group to another.<ref name="Tajfel & Turner (1979)." /><ref name="Turner (1999)" /> This contrasts with occasions where the term "social identity theory" is used to refer to general theorizing about human [[Collective identity|social selves]].<ref name="Haslam et al., (2010a).">{{cite journal | last1 = Haslam | first1 = S. A. | last2 = Ellemers | first2 = N. | last3 = Reicher | first3 = S. D. | last4 = Reynolds | first4 = K. J. | last5 = Schmitt | first5 = M. T. | editor1-last = Postmes | editor1-first = T. | editor2-last = Branscombe | editor2-first = N. R. | year = 2010 | title = The social identity perspective today: An overview of its defining ideas | journal = Rediscovering Social Identity | pages = 341–356 | publisher = Psychology Press }}</ref> Moreover, and although some researchers have treated it as such,<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Doosje |first1=B. |last2=Haslam |first2=S. A. |date=2005 |title=What Have They Done for Us Lately? The Dynamics of Reciprocity in Intergroup Contexts |url=https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-1816.2005.tb02133.x |journal=Journal of Applied Social Psychology |volume=35 |issue=3 |pages=508–535 | doi=10.1111/j.1559-1816.2005.tb02133.x}}</ref><ref name="Brown & Zagefka (2006).">{{cite journal | last1 = Brown | first1 = R. J. | last2 = Zagefka | first2 = H. | year = 2006 | title = Choice of comparisons in intergroup settings: the role of temporal information and comparison motives | journal = European Journal of Social Psychology | volume = 36 | issue = 5| pages = 649–671 | doi = 10.1002/ejsp.311 | doi-access = free }}</ref><ref name="Ashmore, et al. (2004)">{{cite journal | last1 = Ashmore | first1 = R. D. | last2 = Deaux | first2 = K. | last3 = McLaughlin-Volpe | first3 = T. | year = 2004 | title = An organizing framework for collective identity: Articulation and significance of multidimensionality | journal = Psychological Bulletin | volume = 130 | issue = 1| pages = 80–114 | doi = 10.1037/0033-2909.130.1.80 | pmid = 14717651 | s2cid = 14130215 }}</ref> social identity theory was never intended to be a general theory of social [[categorization]].<ref name="Turner & Reynolds (2010)." /> It was awareness of the limited scope of social identity theory that led John Turner and colleagues to develop a cousin theory in the form of [[self-categorization theory]],<ref name="Turner & Oakes (1986)." /><ref name="Turner (1999)" /><ref name="Haslam, A. S. (2001). p 26-57">[[Alex Haslam|Haslam, A. S.]] (2001). Psychology in Organizations. London, SAGE Publications. p 26-57</ref> which built on the insights of social identity theory to produce a more general account of [[Psychology of self|self]] and [[Group dynamics|group processes]].<ref name="Turner & Reynolds (2010)." /><ref name="Turner (1999)" />
===The interpersonal-intergroup continuum===
Social identity theory states that social behaviour will vary along a continuum between interpersonal behavior and intergroup behavior.<ref name="Tajfel & Turner (1979)."/> Completely interpersonal behavior would be behavior determined solely by the individual characteristics and interpersonal relationships that exists between two or more people. Completely intergroup behaviour would be behaviour determined solely by the social category memberships that apply to two or more people. It is toward this latter end of the spectrum where an individual’s social identities are predicated to be highly influential.


The term [[social identity approach|social identity ''approach'']], or social identity ''perspective'', is suggested for describing the joint contributions of both social identity theory and self-categorization theory.<ref name="Turner (1999)"/><ref name="Haslam, A. S. (2001). p 26-57"/><ref name="Postmes, T. & Branscombe, N. (2010)">Postmes, T. & Branscombe, N. (2010). "Sources of social identity". In T. Postmes & N. Branscombe (Eds). ''Rediscovering Social Identity: Core Sources''. Psychology Press.</ref> Social identity theory suggests that an organization can change individual behaviours if it can modify their self-identity or part of their self-concept that derives from the knowledge of, and emotional attachment to the group.<ref name="Tajfel & Turner (1979)." />
The authors of social identity theory state that purely interpersonal or purely intergroup behaviour is unlikely to be found in realistic social situations.<ref name="Tajfel & Turner (1979)."/><ref name="Tajfel (1978)"/> Rather, behaviour is expected to be driven by a compromise between the two extremes. The cognitive nature of personal vs. social identities, and the relationship between them, is more fully developed in self-categorization theory.<ref name="Turner & Reynolds (2010)."/><ref name="Oakes et al. (1994).">{{cite book | last1 = Oakes | first1 = Penny | last2 = Haslam | first2 = Alex | last3 = Turner | first3 = John | title = Stereotyping and social reality | year = 1994 | publisher = Oxford | location = Blackwell}}</ref><ref name="Turner & Reynolds (2001)">{{cite journal | last1 = Turner | first1 = J. C. | last2 = Reynolds | first2 = K. H. | editor1-last = Brown | editor1-first = R. | editor2-last = Gaertner | editor1-first = S. L. | year = 2001 | title = The Social Identity Perspective in Intergroup Relations: Theories, Themes, and Controversies | journal = Blackwell Handbook of Social Psychology | volume = 3 | issue = 1}}</ref><ref name="Haslam, et al. (2011).">{{cite book |last=Haslam |first=S. Alexander |last2=Reicher |first2=Stephen D. |last3=Platow |first3=Michael J. |title=The new psychology of leadership: Identity, influence and power |year=2011 |publisher=Psychology Press |location=New York, NY |isbn=978-1-84169-610-2}}</ref> Social identity theory instead focuses on the social structural factors that will predict which end of the spectrum will most influence an individual’s behaviour, along with the forms that that behavior may take.


== Development ==
===Positive distinctiveness===
[[File:Photo_of_William_Graham_Sumner.jpg|thumb|upright|150px|right|Social scientist [[William Graham Sumner]]]]
A key assumption in social identity theory is that individuals are intrinsically motivated to achieve positive distinctiveness. That is, individuals “strive for a positive self-concept”.<ref name="Tajfel & Turner (1979)."/> As individuals to varying degrees may be defined and informed by their respective social identities (as per the interpersonal-intergroup continuum) it is further derived in social identity theory that “individuals strive to achieve or to maintain positive social identity”.<ref name="Tajfel & Turner (1979)."/> It should be noted that the precise nature of this strive for positive self-concept is a matter of debate (see [[Social_identity_theory#The_self-esteem_hypothesis|the self-esteem hypothesis]]).
[[File:Henri Tajfel.jpg|thumb|Social psychologist [[Henri Tajfel]]]]


===Historical background===
Both the interpersonal-intergroup continuum and the assumption of positive distinctiveness motivation arose as outcomes of the findings of [[minimal group paradigm|minimal group studies]].<ref name="Turner & Reynolds (2010)."/> In particular, it was found that under certain conditions individuals would endorse resource distributions that would maximize the positive distinctiveness of an ingroup in contrast to an outgroup at the expense of personal self-interest.<ref name="Turner (1978)">{{cite journal |last1= Turner|first1= J. C.| year= 1978 |title= Social categorization and social discrimination in the minimal group paradigm|journal= Differentiation between social groups: Studies in the social psychology of intergroup relations| pages= 235–250|location= London|publisher= Academic Press|editor1-first= Tajfel|editor1-last= H}}</ref>
The term 'social identity theory' achieved academic currency only in the late 1970s, but the basic underlying concepts associated with it had emerged by the early twentieth century. [[William G. Sumner]], writing in 1906, captures the primary dynamics in this excerpt from his influential work ''Folkways: A Study of the Sociological Importance of Usages, Manners, Customs, Mores, and Morals'':


:"Loyalty to the group, sacrifice for it, hatred and contempt for outsiders, brotherhood within, warlikeness without,—all grow together, common products of the same situation. ... Men of an others-group are outsiders with whose ancestors the ancestors of the we-group waged war. ... Each group nourishes its own pride and vanity, boasts itself superior, exalts its own divinities, and looks with contempt on outsiders. Each group thinks its own folkways the only right ones, and if it observes that other groups have other folkways, these excite its scorn."<ref>Sumner, W. G. ''Folkways: A Study of the Sociological Importance of Usages, Manners, Customs, Mores, and Morals''. New York: Ginn, 1906. p. 13.</ref>
[[File:LaurynHill cropped.jpg|thumb|The “black is beautiful” movement and the associated [[African American]] embrace of [[African]] hairdos (e.g. an [[afro]]), culture, traditions and music was provided by Tafjel as an example of the cognitive creativity of low status groups in the face of stable intergroup relations.<ref name="Tajfel & Turner (1979)."/><ref name="Tajfel (1978)">{{cite journal| last1=Tajfel| first1=H.| editor-last=Tajfel| editor-first=H.| year=1978| title=The achievement of group differentiation| journal=Differentiation between groups: Studies in the social psychology of intergroup relations| pages=77–100| location=London| publisher=Academic Press}}</ref>]]


By the late 1920s the [[Collectivism and individualism|collectivist]] perspective had all but disappeared from mainstream [[social psychology]].<ref name="Hogg 81–97">{{cite journal|last=Hogg|first=Michael A.|author2=Williams, Kipling D.|date=1 January 2000|title=From I to we: Social identity and the collective self|journal=Group Dynamics: Theory, Research, and Practice|volume=4|issue=1|pages=81–97|doi=10.1037/1089-2699.4.1.81}}</ref> Over fifty years later, around the time of the first formal use of the term 'social identity theory', Tajfel wrote this on the state of social psychology:
===Positive distinctiveness strategies===
Building on the above components, social identity theory details a variety of strategies that may be invoked in order to achieve positive distinctiveness.<ref name="Haslam, A. S. (2001)."/> The individual’s choice of behaviour is posited to be dictated largely by the perceived intergroup relationship. In particular the choice of strategy is an outcome of the perceived permeability of group boundaries, as well as the perceived stability and legitimacy of the intergroup status hierarchy. The self enhancing strategies detailed in social identity theory are detailed below.<ref name="Tajfel & Turner (1979)."/> Importantly, although these are viewed from the perspective of a low status group member, comparable behaviours may also be adopted by high status group members.<ref name="Haslam, A. S. (2001)."/>


:"Thus, social categorization is still conceived as a haphazardly floating '[[independent variable]]' which strikes at random as the spirit moves it. No links are made or attempted, between the conditions determining its presence and mode of operation, and its outcomes in widely diffused commonalities of social behaviour. Why, when and how is social categorisation salient or not salient? What kind of shared constructions of social reality, mediated through social categorization, lead to a social climate in which large masses of people feel they are in long-term conflict with other masses? What, for example, are the ''psychological'' transitions from a stable to an unstable social system?" (Original emphasis, p. 188)<ref name="Tajfel (1979)">{{cite journal|last1=Tajfel|first1=H.|year=1979|title=Individuals and groups in social psychology|journal=British Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology|volume=18|issue=2|pages=183–190|doi=10.1111/j.2044-8260.1979.tb00324.x}}</ref>
====Individual mobility====
It is predicted that under conditions where the group boundaries are considered permeable (e.g. a group member may pass from a low status group into a high status group) individuals are more likely to engage in individual mobility strategies. That is, individuals “disassociate from the group and pursue individual goals designed to improve their personal lot rather than that of their ingroup”.<ref name="Haslam, A. S. (2001)."/>


Thus, social identity theory in part reflects a desire to reestablish a more collectivist approach to social psychology of the self and social groups.<ref name="Hogg 81–97" />
====Social creativity====
Where group boundaries are considered impermeable, and where status relations are considered reasonably stable, individuals are predicted to engage in social creativity behaviours. Here, without changing necessarily the objective resources of in the ingroup or the outgroup, low status ingroup members are still able to increase their positive distinctiveness. This may be achieved by comparing the ingroup to the outgroup on some new dimension, changing the values assigned to the attributes of the group, and choosing an alternative outgroup by which to compare the ingroup.


==Aspects==
====Social competition====
[[Image:4-14 Marines in Fallujah.jpg|thumb|Henri Tajfel suggests that soldiers of opposing armies, fighting outside of view, is an illustrative example of behaviour at the extreme intergroup end of the intergroup-interpersonal continuum (shown: U.S. Marines in [[Fallujah]], 2004).<ref name="Tajfel (1978)">{{cite journal | last1 = Tajfel | first1 = H. | editor-last = Tajfel | editor-first = H. | year = 1978 | title = Interindividual and intergroup behaviour | journal = Differentiation Between Groups: Studies in the Social Psychology of Intergroup Relations | pages = 27–60 | location = London | publisher = Academic Press}}</ref>]]
Here an ingroup seeks positive distinctiveness via direct competition with the outgroup in the form of [[Social_identity_theory#Ingroup_favoritism|ingroup favoritism]]. It is considered competitive in that in this case favoritism for the ingroup occurs on a value dimension that is shared by all relevant social groups (in contrast to social creativity scenarios). Social competition is predicted to occur where group boundaries are considered impermeable, and where status relations are considered to be reasonably unstable. Although not privileged in the theory, it is this identity management strategy that has received the greatest amount of attention.<ref name="Haslam et al., (2010b)">{{cite journal | last1 = Haslam | first1 = S. A. | last2 = Ellemers | first2 = N. | last3 = Reicher | first3 = S. D. | last4 = Reynolds | first4 = K. J. | last5 = Schmitt | first5 = M. T. | editor1-last = Postmes | editor1-first = T. | editor2-last = Branscombe | editor2-first = N. R. | year = 2010 | title = The social identity perspective tomorrow: Opportunities and avenues for advance | journal = Rediscovering social identity | pages = 357–379 | publisher = Psychology Press }}</ref>


===The interpersonal-intergroup continuum===
==Development==
Social identity theory states that social behaviour will want a person to change their behaviour while in a group. It varies along a [[Continuum (measurement)|continuum]] between [[Interpersonal relationship|interpersonal]] behaviour and intergroup behaviour. Completely interpersonal behaviour would be behaviour determined solely by the individual characteristics and interpersonal relationships that exists between only two people. Completely intergroup behaviour would be behaviour determined solely by the social category memberships that apply to more than two people.<ref name="Tajfel & Turner (1979)."/> The authors of social identity theory state that purely interpersonal or purely intergroup behaviour is unlikely to be found in realistic social situations. Rather, behaviour is expected to be driven by a compromise between the two extremes.<ref name="Tajfel & Turner (1979)." /><ref name="Tajfel (1978)" /> The [[Cognition|cognitive]] nature of personal vs. social identities, and the relationship between them, is more fully developed in self-categorization theory.<ref name="Turner & Reynolds (2010)." /><ref name="Oakes et al. (1994).">{{cite book | last1 = Oakes | first1 = Penny | last2 = Haslam | first2 = Alex | last3 = Turner | first3 = John | title = Stereotyping and social reality | year = 1994 | publisher = Oxford | location = Blackwell}}</ref><ref name="Turner & Reynolds (2001)">{{cite book | last1 = Turner | first1 = J. C. | last2 = Reynolds | first2 = K. H. | editor1-last = Brown | editor1-first = S. L. | editor2-last = Gaertner | year = 2001 | chapter = The Social Identity Perspective in Intergroup Relations: Theories, Themes, and Controversies | title = Blackwell Handbook of Social Psychology: Intergroup Processes | volume = 3 | issue = 1| pages = 133–152 | doi=10.1002/9780470693421.ch7| isbn = 9780470693421 }}</ref><ref name="Haslam, et al. (2011). p. 45-76">{{cite book |last1=Haslam |first1=S. Alexander |last2=Reicher |first2=Stephen D. |last3=Platow |first3=Michael J. |title=The new psychology of leadership: Identity, influence and power |url=https://archive.org/details/newpsychologylea00hasl |url-access=limited |year=2011 |publisher=Psychology Press |location=New York, NY |pages = [https://archive.org/details/newpsychologylea00hasl/page/n71 45]–76|isbn=978-1-84169-610-2}}</ref> Social identity theory instead focuses on the [[social structure|social structural]] factors that will predict which end of the spectrum will most influence an individual's behaviour, along with the forms that the behaviour may take.<ref name="Turner (1999)" /><ref name="Haslam, A. S. (2001). p 26-57" /><ref name="Turner & Reynolds (2001)" />
[[File:tajfel.jpg|thumb|Social psychologist Henri Tajfel]]


===Historical background===
===Positive distinctiveness===
A key assumption in social identity theory is that individuals are intrinsically [[motivation|motivated]] to achieve positive distinctiveness. That is, individuals "strive for a positive self-concept".<ref name="Tajfel & Turner (1979)."/><ref name="Haslam, A. S. (2001). p 26-57"/> As individuals to varying degrees may be defined and informed by their respective social identities (as per the interpersonal-intergroup continuum) it is further derived in social identity theory that "individuals strive to achieve or to maintain positive social identity".<ref name="Tajfel & Turner (1979)."/> The precise nature of this striving for positive self-concept is a matter of debate (see [[Social identity theory#Self-esteem hypothesis|the self-esteem hypothesis]]).<ref name="Turner (1999)"/><ref name="Turner & Reynolds (2001)"/><ref name="Long & Spears (1997)"/><ref>{{cite journal | last1 = Rubin | first1 = M. | last2 = Badea | first2 = C. | last3 = Jetten | first3 = J. | year = 2014 | title = Low status groups show in-group favoritism to compensate for their low status and to compete for higher status | url = http://psyarxiv.com/p73mf/| journal = Group Processes and Intergroup Relations | volume = 17 | issue = 5| pages = 563–576 | doi = 10.1177/1368430213514122 | s2cid = 144009575 }}</ref> Both the interpersonal-intergroup continuum and the assumption of positive distinctiveness motivation arose as outcomes of the findings of [[minimal group paradigm|minimal group studies]].<ref name="Turner & Reynolds (2010)." /> In particular, it was found that under certain conditions individuals would endorse resource distributions that would maximize the positive distinctiveness of an [[In-group and out-group|in-group]] in contrast to an [[In-group and out-group|out-group]] at the expense of personal [[self-interest]].<ref name="Turner (1978)">{{cite journal |last1= Turner|first1= J. C.| year= 1978 |title= Social categorization and social discrimination in the minimal group paradigm|journal= Differentiation Between Social Groups: Studies in the Social Psychology of Intergroup Relations| pages= 235–250|location= London|publisher= Academic Press|editor1-first= Tajfel|editor1-last= H}}</ref> Social identity matters because it shapes people's self-perceptions and interpersonal relationships. Favorable self-perception increases the likelihood that an individual would relate well to other members of the group and experience favorable feelings about themselves. People's perceptions of themselves are shaped by the group they identify with more strongly. Getting status within the group can make people feel more confident, content, and respected since belonging to that group becomes significant for how they view themselves and their talents.{{Citation needed|date=December 2023}}
The field of [[social psychology]] is characterised by a certain degree of conflict between an individualistic approach and an interactionist approach to social cognition and behaviour. By the late 1920s however, the collectivist perspective had all but disappeared from mainstream social psychology.<ref name="Hogg 81–97">{{cite journal|last=Hogg|first=Michael A.|coauthors=Williams, Kipling D.|title=From I to we: Social identity and the collective self.|journal=Group Dynamics: Theory, Research, and Practice|date=1 January 2000|volume=4|issue=1|pages=81–97|doi=10.1037/1089-2699.4.1.81|accessdate=2 April 2011}}</ref> Around the time of the first formal statement of social identity theory, Tajfel wrote this on the state of social psychology:


[[File:LaurynHill cropped.jpg|thumb|The "black is beautiful" movement and the associated [[African Americans|African American]] embrace of [[Culture of Africa|African]] hairdos (like [[afro]]s), culture, traditions, and music was provided by Tajfel and colleagues as an example of the cognitive creativity of low-status groups in the face of stable intergroup relations (shown: [[Lauryn Hill]], 2005).<ref name="Tajfel & Turner (1979)."/><ref name="Tajfel (1978a)">{{cite journal| last1=Tajfel| first1=H.| editor-last=Tajfel| editor-first=H.| year=1978| title=The achievement of group differentiation| journal=Differentiation Between Groups: Studies in the Social Psychology of Intergroup Relations| pages=77–100| location=London| publisher=Academic Press}}</ref><ref name="Tajfel (1974)">{{cite journal|last=Tajfel|first=H.|title=Social identity and intergroup behavior|journal=Social Science Information|year=1974|volume=13|issue=2|pages=65–93|doi=10.1177/053901847401300204|s2cid=143666442 }}</ref><ref name="Miller (1983)">{{cite book|last=Miller|first=D.|title=Children and race|year=1983|publisher=Sage publications}}</ref>]]
:“Thus, social categorization is still conceived as a haphazardly floating ‘independent variable’ which strikes at random as the spirit moves it. No links are made or attempted, between the conditions determining its presence and mode of operation, and its outcomes in widely diffused commonalities of social behaviour. Why, when and how is social categorisation salient or not salient? What kind of shared constructions of social reality, mediated through social categorization, lead to a social climate in which large masses of people feel they are in long-term conflict with other masses? What, for example, are the ''psychological'' transitions from a stable to an unstable social system?”<ref name="Tajfel (1979)">{{cite journal |last1= Tafjel|first1= H.| year= 1979 |title= Individuals and groups in social psychology| journal= British Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology| volume = 18| pages= 183–190}}</ref> (Original emphasis)


===Positive distinctiveness strategies===
Thus, social identity theory in part reflects a desire to re-establish a more collectivist approach to social psychology of the self and social groups.<ref name="Hogg 81–97"/>
Building on the above components, social identity theory details a variety of strategies that may be invoked in order to achieve positive distinctiveness. The individual's choice of behaviour is posited to be dictated largely by the perceived intergroup relationship. In particular the choice of strategy is an outcome of the perceived permeability of group boundaries (e.g., whether a group member may pass from a low status group into a high status group), as well as the perceived stability and legitimacy of the intergroup status hierarchy.<ref name="Tajfel & Turner (1979)."/><ref name="Haslam, A. S. (2001). p 26-57"/> The self-enhancing strategies detailed in social identity theory are detailed below. Importantly, although these are viewed from the perspective of a low status group member, comparable behaviours may also be adopted by high status group members.<ref name="Haslam, A. S. (2001). p 26-57"/>


====Individual mobility====
==Implications==
It is predicted that under conditions where the group boundaries are considered permeable individuals are more likely to engage in [[Social mobility|individual mobility]] strategies.<ref name="Tajfel & Turner (1979)."/><ref name="Haslam, A. S. (2001). p 26-57"/> That is, individuals "disassociate from the group and pursue individual goals designed to improve their personal lot rather than that of their ingroup".<ref name="Haslam, A. S. (2001). p. 38.">Haslam, A. S. (2001). Psychology in Organizations. London, SAGE Publications. p. 38</ref>


===Ingroup favoritism===
====Social creativity====
Where group boundaries are considered impermeable, and where status relations are considered reasonably stable, individuals are predicted to engage in social creativity behaviours. Here, low-status ingroup members are still able to increase their positive distinctiveness without necessarily changing the objective resources of the ingroup or the outgroup. This may be achieved by comparing the ingroup to the outgroup on some new dimension, changing the values assigned to the attributes of the group, and choosing an alternative outgroup by which to compare the ingroup.<ref name="Tajfel & Turner (1979)."/><ref name="Haslam, A. S. (2001). p 26-57"/>


====Social competition====
In-group favoritism (also sometimes known as [[ingroup bias]], despite Turner's objections<ref name="Turner & Reynolds (2001)"/>) is an effect where people give preferential treatment to others when they are perceived to be in the same ingroup. Social identity attributes the cause of ingroup favoritism to a psychological need for positive distinctiveness and describes the situations where ingroup favoritism is likely to occur (as a function of perceived group status, legitimacy, stability, and permiability).<ref name="Tajfel & Turner (1979)."/> It has been shown via the minimal group studies that ingroup favoritism may occur for both arbitrary ingroups (e.g. a coin toss may split participants into a 'heads' group and a 'tails' group) as well as non-arbitrary ingroups (e.g. ingroups based on cultures, genders, and first languages).<ref>{{cite journal|last=Brewer|first=Marilynn B. |title=Ingroup bias in the minimal intergroup situations: A cognitive motivational analysis|journal=Psychological Bulletin|date=1 January 1979|volume=86|issue=2|pages=307–324|doi=10.1037//0033-2909.86.2.307|accessdate=6 April 2011}}</ref><ref name="hog & Turner, (1987)">{{cite journal|last1=Hogg|first1=M.A.|last2=Turner|first2=J.C.|year = 1987| title=Intergroup behaviour, self-stereotyping and the salience of social categories|journal= British Journal of Social Psychology|volume=26| pages=325–340|publisher= The British Psychological Society}}</ref>
Here an ingroup seeks positive distinctiveness and requires positive differentiation via direct competition with the outgroup in the form of [[Social identity theory#Ingroup favoritism|ingroup favoritism]].<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Tajfel|first1=Henri|last2=Billig|first2=M. G.|last3=Bundy|first3=R. P.|last4=Flament|first4=Claude|date=1971|title=Social categorization and intergroup behaviour|url=http://doi.wiley.com/10.1002/ejsp.2420010202|journal=European Journal of Social Psychology|language=en|volume=1|issue=2|pages=149–178|doi=10.1002/ejsp.2420010202}}</ref> It is considered competitive in that in this case favoritism for the ingroup occurs on a value dimension that is shared by all relevant social groups (in contrast to social creativity scenarios). Social competition is predicted to occur when group boundaries are considered impermeable, and when status relations are considered to be reasonably unstable.<ref name="Tajfel & Turner (1979)."/><ref name="Haslam, A. S. (2001). p 26-57"/> Although not privileged in the theory, it is this positive distinctiveness strategy that has received the greatest amount of attention.<ref name="Ouwerkerk et al. (1999)">{{cite journal|last1=Ouwerkerk|first1=J. W.|last2=Ellemers|first2=N.|last3=de Gilder|first3=D.|title=Group commitment and individual effort in experimental and organizational contexts|journal=Social Identity|year=1999|pages=184–204|editor1-first=N.|editor1-last=Ellemers|editor2-first=R.|editor2-last=Spears|editor3-first=B.|editor3-last=Doosje|publisher=Blackwell|location=Oxford}}</ref><ref name="Haslam et al., (2010b)">{{cite journal | last1 = Haslam | first1 = S. A. | last2 = Ellemers | first2 = N. | last3 = Reicher | first3 = S. D. | last4 = Reynolds | first4 = K. J. | last5 = Schmitt | first5 = M. T. | editor1-last = Postmes | editor1-first = T. | editor2-last = Branscombe | editor2-first = N. R. | year = 2010 | title = The social identity perspective tomorrow: Opportunities and avenues for advance | journal = Rediscovering Social Identity | pages = 357–379 | publisher = Psychology Press }}</ref>


==== Political psychology ====
Importantly, “although vulgarized versions of social identity theory argue that ‘social identification leads automatically to discrimination and bias’, in fact…discrimination and conflict are anticipated only in a limited set of circumstances”.<ref name="Haslam, A. S. (2001)."/> The likening of social identity theory with social competition and ingroup favouritism is partly attributable to the fact that early statements of the theory included empirical examples of ingroup favouritism, while alternative identity management strategies were at that stage theoretical assertions.<ref name="Haslam et al., (2010a)"/> Regardless, in some circles the prediction of a straight forward identification-bias correlation has earned the pejorative title "SIT-lite".<ref name="McGarty, C. (2001)">McGarty, C. (2001). Social Identity Theory does not maintain that identification produces bias, and Self-categorization Theory does not maintain that salience is identification: Two comments on Mummendey, Klink and Brown. British Journal of Social Psychology, 40, 173-176.</ref>
In [[political science]], social identity theory has been incorporated as the [[Subconsitituency politics|subconsitituency politics theory of representation]].<ref>{{Cite book |last=Bishin |first=Benjamin G. |url=https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/369179329 |title=Tyranny of the minority : the subconstituency politics theory of representation |date=2009 |publisher=Temple Univ. Press |isbn=978-1-59213-660-5 |location=Philadelphia, PA |oclc=369179329}}</ref> This theory holds that political elites are individually rational, and they use identity instrumentally to cultivate minimum winning constituencies (e.g., via the "microtargeting" of ads). An example of microtargeting is [[Russian interference in the 2016 United States elections|Russian use of social media advertising]] alleged to have influenced the United States 2016 presidential election.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Wagner |first=Kurt |date=2018-05-10 |title=Congress just published all the Russian Facebook ads used to try and influence the 2016 election |url=https://www.vox.com/2018/5/10/17339864/congress-russia-advertisements-facebook-donald-trump-president |access-date=2022-05-28 |website=Vox |language=en}}</ref> Separately, a recent ''[[Science Advances]]'' article validates a [[computational model]] of [[in-group favoritism]] and [[political economy]] developed by [[Princeton University|Princeton]] political scientist [[Nolan McCarty]] using [[public opinion]] polling data.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Stewart |first1=Alexander J. |last2=McCarty |first2=Nolan |last3=Bryson |first3=Joanna J. |date=2020-12-11 |title=Polarization under rising inequality and economic decline |journal=Science Advances |language=en |volume=6 |issue=50 |pages=eabd4201 |doi=10.1126/sciadv.abd4201 |issn=2375-2548 |pmc=7732181 |pmid=33310855|arxiv=1807.11477 |bibcode=2020SciA....6.4201S }}</ref>


==Implications==
Continued study into the relationship between social categorization and ingroup favoritism has explored the relative prevalences of the ingroup favoritism vs. outgroup descrimination,<ref>{{cite journal|last=Ahmed|first=Ali M.|title=Group identity, social distance and intergroup bias|journal=Journal of Economic Psychology|date=1 June 2007|volume=28|issue=3|pages=324–337|doi=10.1016//j.joep.2007.01.007|accessdate=6 April 2011}}</ref> as well as the relationship between ingroup favoritism and other psychological constraints (e.g. [[Terror management theory|existential threat]]).<ref>{{cite journal|last=Giannakakis|first=Andrew Erik|coauthors=Fritsche, Immo|title=Social Identities, Group Norms, and Threat: On the Malleability of Ingroup Bias|journal=Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin|date=1 January 2011|volume=37|issue=1|pages=82–93|doi=10.1177/0146167210386120|accessdate=6 April 2011}}</ref>
===Ingroup favoritism===
{{Main|In-group favoritism}}
In-group favoritism (also known as "ingroup bias", despite Turner's objections to the term<ref name="Turner & Reynolds (2001)"/>) is an effect where people give preferential treatment to others when they are perceived to be in the same ingroup. Social identity attributes the cause of ingroup favoritism to a psychological need for positive distinctiveness and describes the situations where ingroup favoritism is likely to occur (as a function of perceived group status, legitimacy, stability, and permeability).<ref name="Tajfel & Turner (1979)."/><ref name="Ellemers & Barreto (2001)">{{cite book | last1 = Ellemers | first1 = N. | last2 = Barreto | first2 = M. | editor1-last = Brown | editor1-first = S. L. | editor2-last = Gaertner | year = 2001 | chapter = The impact of relative group status: affective, perceptual and behavioural consequences | title = Blackwell Handbook of Social Psychology: Intergroup Processes | volume = 3 | issue = 1| pages = 324–343 | doi=10.1002/9780470693421.ch16| isbn = 9780470693421 }}</ref> It has been shown via the minimal group studies that ingroup favoritism may occur for both arbitrary ingroups (e.g. a coin toss may split participants into a 'heads' group and a 'tails' group) as well as non-arbitrary ingroups (e.g. ingroups based on cultures, [[gender identity|genders]], [[sexual orientation]], and first languages).<ref>{{cite journal|last=Brewer|first=Marilynn B. |title=Ingroup bias in the minimal intergroup situations: A cognitive motivational analysis|journal=Psychological Bulletin|date=1 January 1979|volume=86|issue=2|pages=307–324|doi=10.1037/0033-2909.86.2.307}}</ref><ref name="hog & Turner, (1987)">{{cite journal|last1=Hogg|first1=M.A.|last2=Turner|first2=J.C.|year = 1987| title=Intergroup behaviour, self-stereotyping and the salience of social categories|journal= British Journal of Social Psychology|volume=26| pages=325–340|doi=10.1111/j.2044-8309.1987.tb00795.x|issue=4}}</ref>


Continued study into the relationship between social categorization and ingroup favoritism has explored the relative prevalences of the ingroup favoritism vs. outgroup discrimination,<ref>{{cite journal|last=Ahmed|first=Ali M.|title=Group identity, social distance and intergroup bias|journal=Journal of Economic Psychology|date=1 June 2007|volume=28|issue=3|pages=324–337|doi=10.1016/j.joep.2007.01.007}}</ref> explored different manifestations of ingroup favoritism,<ref name="Ellemers & Barreto (2001)"/><ref>{{cite journal|last=Krumm |first= Angela J. |author2=Corning, Alexandra F. |title=Who Believes Us When We Try to Conceal Our Prejudices? The Effectiveness of Moral Credentials With In-Groups Versus Out-Groups |journal=The Journal of Social Psychology|date=1 December 2008| volume=148| issue=6| pages=689–709| doi=10.3200/SOCP.148.6.689-710|pmid=19058658|s2cid= 45138670 }}</ref> and has explored the relationship between ingroup favoritism and other psychological constraints (e.g., [[Terror management theory|existential threat]]).<ref>{{cite journal|last=Giannakakis|first=Andrew Erik|author2=Fritsche, Immo |title=Social Identities, Group Norms, and Threat: On the Malleability of Ingroup Bias|journal=Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin|date=1 January 2011|volume=37|issue=1|pages=82–93|doi=10.1177/0146167210386120|pmid=20956355|s2cid=36524029 }}</ref>
==Applications==


System justification theory was originally proposed by John Jost and Mahzarin Banaji in 1994 to build on social identity theory and to understand important deviations from ingroup favoritism, such as [[outgroup favoritism]] on the part of members of disadvantaged groups (Jost & Banaji, 1994; Jost, 2020).
===Prejudice===
{{main|Prejudice}}


[[Social identity threat]] was also inspired by social identity theory and developed by Branscombe and colleagues in 1999 as a mechanism to understand and explain the different types of [[threat]]s that arise from [[Collective identity|group identity]] being threatened.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Branscombe |first=N.R. |title=The context and content of social identity threat. |last2=Ellemers |first2=N. |last3=Spears |first3=R. |last4=Doosje |first4=E.J. |publisher=Oxford: Blackwell. |year=1999 |pages=35–55}}</ref>
Prejudice is drawing (typically) negative assumptions about someone or something before having enough information to guarantee accuracy of those judgments. In respect to social identity, the integrated threat theory of prejudice states that four types of perceived threats felt from an out-group act as triggers for inter-group prejudice: realistic threats (those to body and possessions, for example), symbolic threats (those to ways of life), inter-group anxiety, and negative [[stereotype]]s.<ref>{{cite journal|last=Stephan|first= Walter G. |coauthors=Stephan, Cookie W.|title=Predicting prejudice|journal=International Journal of Intercultural Relations|date=1 September 1996| volume=20| issue=3–4| pages=409–426| doi=10.1016//0147-1767(96)00026-0 | accessdate=6 April 2011}}</ref> In studies of cultural prejudice, not all four types of threats need to be involved for prejudice to be observed.<ref>{{cite journal|last=Stephan|first= Walter G. |last2=Ybarra| first2=Oscar| last3=Martnez| first3=Carmen Martnez| last4=Schwarzwald| first4 = Joseph|last5=Tur-Kaspa|first5=Michal|title=Prejudice toward immigrants to Spain and Israel: An integrated threat theory analysis|journal=International Journal of Intercultural Relations|date=1 July 1998| volume=29| issue=4| pages=559–576| doi=10.1177//0022022198294004 | accessdate=6 April 2011}}</ref> Additional research in cultural prejudice discovered that realistic threats have larger impacts on prejudice displayed by people who highly identify with the in-group, symbolic threats and negative stereotypes have no significant effect differences between high and low identifiers, and inter-group anxiety plays a more significant role for low identifiers.<ref>{{cite journal|last=Bizman|first= Aharon |coauthors= Yinon, Yoel|title=Intergroup and Interpersonal Threats as Determinants of Prejudice: The Moderating Role of In-Group Identification|journal=Basic and Applied Social Psychology|date=1 September 2001| volume=23| issue=3| pages=191–196| doi=10.1207//153248301750433669 | accessdate=6 April 2011}}</ref>


===Prosocial behaviors===
Research shows that people who share in-group status with the potential targets of potentially prejudicial behavior, as well as people who display [[moral credential]]s, are less likely to be judged as prejudiced by in-group members than by out-group members.<ref>{{cite journal|last=Krumm |first= Angela J. |coauthors=Corning, Alexandra F.|title=Who Believes Us When We Try to Conceal Our Prejudices? The Effectiveness of Moral Credentials With In-Groups Versus Out-Groups. |journal=The Journal of Social Psychology|date=1 December 2008| volume=148| issue=6| pages=689–709| doi=10.3200//SOCP.148.6.689-710 | accessdate=6 April 2011}}</ref>
Social identification can lead individuals to engage in prosocial behaviours towards others.<ref name="Hackel, Zaki, and Bavel, (2017)">{{cite journal|last1=Hackel|last2=Zaki|last3=Bavel.|year = 2017| title=Social identity shapes social valuation: evidence from prosocial behavior and vicarious reward |journal= Soc Cogn Affect Neurosci|volume=12|issue=8|pages=1219–1228|doi=10.1093/scan/nsx045|pmid=28402506|pmc=5597888}}</ref> Examples include contexts such as food drives <ref name="Shipley, (2008)">{{cite journal|last1=Shipley|year = 2008| title=Social Comparison and prosocial behavior: An applied study of social identity theory in community food drives|journal= Psychological Reports|volume = 102|issue = 2|pages = 425–434|doi=10.2466/pr0.102.2.425-434|pmid = 18567213| s2cid=10310516 }}</ref> or even shared purchasing patterns, as might occur for motorcycle riders.<ref name="Johnson et al, (2013)">{{cite journal|last1=Johnson |last2=Massiah | last3=Allen |year = 2013| title=Community identification increases consumer-to-consumer helping, but not always|journal= Journal of Consumer Marketing|volume=30 |issue=2 |pages=121–129 |doi=10.1108/07363761311304933}}</ref> Interestingly, consumers may have sub-identities that are nested into a larger identity. As a result, "[w]hen consumers identify with the overall community, they assist other consumers. However, consumers are less likely to help consumers in the overall community when identifying with a subgroup".<ref name="Johnson et al, (2013)" />

=== Reluctance to bet against identity-relevant outcomes ===
Social identities are a valued aspect of the self, and people will sacrifice their pecuniary self-interest to maintain the self-perception that they belong to a given social group. Political partisans and fans of sports teams (e.g., Republicans and Democrats, or MLB, NFL, NCAA fans) are reluctant to bet against the success of their party or team because of the diagnostic cost such a bet would incur to their identification with it. As a result, partisans and fans will reject even very favorable bets against identity-relevant desired outcomes. More than 45% of N.C.A.A. basketball and hockey fans, for example, turned down a free, real chance to earn $5 if their team lost its upcoming game.<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Morewedge|first1=Carey K.|last2=Tang|first2=Simone|last3=Larrick|first3=Richard P.|date=2016-10-12|title=Betting Your Favorite to Win: Costly Reluctance to Hedge Desired Outcomes|journal=Management Science|volume=64|issue=3|pages=997–1014|doi=10.1287/mnsc.2016.2656|issn=0025-1909}}</ref>


==Controversies==
==Controversies==


===The self-esteem hypothesis===
===Self-esteem hypothesis===
Social identity theory proposes that people are motivated to achieve and maintain positive concepts of themselves. [[Michael Hogg]] and Dominic Abrams propose a fairly direct relationship between positive social identity and self-esteem. In what has become known as the 'self-esteem hypothesis', self-esteem is predicted to relate in-group bias in two ways. Firstly, successful intergroup discrimination elevates self-esteem. Secondly, depressed or threatened self-esteem promotes intergroup discrimination.<ref name="Hogg & Abrams (1990)">{{cite journal | last1 = Hogg | first1 = M. A. | authorlink1 = | last2 = Abrams | first2 = D. | editor1-last = Abrams | editor1-first = D. | editor2-last = Hogg | editor2-first = M. A | year = 1990 | title = Social motivation, self-esteem, and social identity | journal = Social identity theory. Constructive and critical advances | pages = 44–70 | location = London| publisher = Harvester Wheatsheaf}}</ref><ref name="brown2000">{{cite journal|last=Brown|first=Rupert|title=Social Identity Theory: past achievements, current problems and future challenges|journal=European Journal of Social Psychology|date=1 November 2000 |volume=30 |issue=6 |pages=745–778 |doi=10.1002/1099-0992(200011/12)30:6<745::AID-EJSP24>3.0.CO;2-O| accessdate=8 April 2011}}</ref> Empirical support for these predictions has been mixed.<ref>Rubin, M., & Hewstone, M. (1998). Social identity theory’s self-esteem hypothesis: A review and some suggestions for clarification. ''Personality and Social Psychology Review, 2,'' 40-62.[http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15327957pspr0201_3 [View<nowiki>]</nowiki>]</ref>
Social identity theory proposes that people are motivated to achieve and maintain positive concepts of themselves. Some researchers, including [[Michael Hogg]] and [[Dominic Abrams]], thus propose a fairly direct relationship between positive social identity and [[self-esteem]]. In what has become known as the "self-esteem hypothesis", self-esteem is predicted to relate to in-group bias in two ways. Firstly, successful intergroup discrimination elevates self-esteem. Secondly, depressed or threatened self-esteem promotes intergroup discrimination.<ref name="Hogg & Abrams (1990)">{{cite journal | last1 = Hogg | first1 = M. A. | last2 = Abrams | first2 = D. | editor1-last = Abrams | editor1-first = D. | editor2-last = Hogg | editor2-first = M. A | year = 1990 | title = Social motivation, self-esteem, and social identity | journal = Social Identity Theory. Constructive and Critical Advances | pages = 44–70 | location = London| publisher = Harvester Wheatsheaf}}</ref><ref name="brown2000">{{cite journal|last=Brown|first=Rupert|title=Social Identity Theory: past achievements, current problems and future challenges|journal=European Journal of Social Psychology|date=1 November 2000 |volume=30 |issue=6 |pages=745–778 |doi=10.1002/1099-0992(200011/12)30:6<745::AID-EJSP24>3.0.CO;2-O|doi-access=free}}</ref> [[Empirical]] support for these predictions has been mixed.<ref name="Long & Spears (1997)">{{cite journal|last1=Long|first1=K.|last2=Spears|first2=R.|title=The self-esteem hypothesis revisited: Differentiation and the disaffected|journal=The Social Psychology of Stereotyping and Group Life|year=1997|pages=273–295|editor1-first=R.|editor1-last=Spears|editor2-first=P. J.|editor2-last=Oakes|editor3-first=N|editor3-last=Ellemers|editor4-first=S. A.|display-editors = 3 |editor4-last=Haslam|publisher=Blackwell|location=Oxford}}</ref><ref>{{cite journal | last1 = Rubin | first1 = M. | last2 = Hewstone | first2 = M. | year = 1998 | title = Social identity theory's self-esteem hypothesis: A review and some suggestions for clarification | journal = Personality and Social Psychology Review | volume = 2 | issue = 1| pages = 40–62 | doi = 10.1207/s15327957pspr0201_3 | pmid = 15647150 | hdl = 1959.13/930907 | s2cid = 40695727 | hdl-access = free }}</ref>


Some social identity theorists, including John Turner, consider the self-esteem hypothesis as not canonical to social identity theory. In fact, the self-esteem hypothesis is argued to be conflictual with the tenets of the theory.<ref name="Turner & Reynolds (2001)"/> It is argued that the self-esteem hypothesis misunderstands the distinction between a social identity and a personal identity, and that it neglects the alternative strategies to maintaining a positive self-concept that are articulated in social identity theory (I.e. individual mobility and social creativity). Further, Turner and others argue against a picture of positive distinctiveness as a straight forward need for self-esteem or “quasi-biological drive toward prejudice”.<ref name="Turner & Oakes, (1997)">{{cite journal | last1 = Turner | first1 = J. C. | last2 = Oakes | first2 = P. J. | editor1-last = McGarty | editor1-first = C. | editor2-last = Haslam | editor2-first = S. A. | year = 1997 | title = The socially structured mind | journal = The message of social psychology | pages = 355–373 | location = Cambridge, MA | publisher = Blackwell }}</ref> They instead favour a somewhat more complex conception of positive self-concept as a reflection of the ideologies and social values of the perceiver.
Some social identity theorists, including John Turner, consider the self-esteem hypothesis as not canonical to social identity theory.<ref name="Turner & Reynolds (2001)"/><ref name="Long & Spears (1997)"/> In fact, the self-esteem hypothesis is argued to be conflictual with the tenets of the theory.<ref name="Turner (1999)"/><ref name="Turner & Reynolds (2001)"/><ref name="Turner & Oakes, (1997)">{{cite journal | last1 = Turner | first1 = J. C. | last2 = Oakes | first2 = P. J. | editor1-last = McGarty | editor1-first = C. | editor2-last = Haslam | editor2-first = S. A. | year = 1997 | title = The socially structured mind | journal = The Message of Social Psychology | pages = 355–373 | location = Cambridge, MA | publisher = Blackwell }}</ref> It is argued that the self-esteem hypothesis misunderstands the distinction between a social identity and a personal identity. Along those lines, John Turner and [[Penny Oakes]] argue against an interpretation of positive distinctiveness as a straightforward need for self-esteem or "quasi-biological drive toward prejudice".<ref name="Turner & Oakes, (1997)"/> They instead favour a somewhat more complex conception of positive self-concept as a reflection of the ideologies and social values of the perceiver. Additionally, it is argued that the self-esteem hypothesis neglects the alternative strategies to maintaining a positive self-concept that are articulated in social identity theory (i.e., individual mobility and social creativity).<ref name="Turner (1999)"/><ref name="Turner & Reynolds (2001)"/><ref name="Ellemers & Barreto (2001)"/>


===Positive-negative asymmetry===
===Positive-negative asymmetry===
In what has been dubbed the Positive-Negative Asymmetry Phenomenon, researchers have shown that punishing the in-group less benefits self-esteem less than does rewarding the in-group more. From this finding it has been extrapolated that social identity theory is therefore unable to deal with bias on negative dimensions. Social identity theorist however point out that for ingroup favouritism to occur a social identity “must be psychologically salient”, and that negative dimensions may be experienced as a “less fitting basis for self -definition”.<ref name="Turner & Reynolds (2001)"/> This important qualification is subtly present in social identity theory, but is further developed in self-categorization theory. Empirical support for this perspective comes from research where it has been shown that when experiment participants can self-select negative self-definitional dimensions no positive-negative asymmetry is found.<ref name="Reynolds et al. (2000)">{{cite journal | last1 = Reynolds | first1 = K. J. | last2 = Turner | first2 = J. C. | last3 = Haslam | first3 = S. A. | last4 = Ryan | first4 = M. K. | year = 2000 | title = When are we better than them and they worse than us? A closer look at social discrimination in positive and negative domains | journal = Journal of personality and social psychology | volume = 72 | pages = 353–372}}</ref>
In what has been dubbed the Positive-Negative Asymmetry Phenomenon, researchers have shown that punishing the out-group benefits self-esteem less than rewarding the in-group.<ref name="Bourhis & Gagnon (2001)">{{cite book | last1 = Bourhis | first1 = R. Y. | last2 = Gagnon | first2 = A. | editor1-last = Brown | editor1-first = S. L. | editor2-last = Gaertner | year = 2001 | chapter = Social Orientations in the Minimal Group Paradigm | title = Blackwell Handbook of Social Psychology: Intergroup Processes | volume = 3 | issue = 1| pages = 133–152}}</ref> From this finding it has been extrapolated that social identity theory is therefore unable to deal with bias on negative dimensions. Social identity theorists, however, point out that for ingroup favouritism to occur a social identity "must be psychologically salient", and that negative dimensions may be experienced as a "less fitting basis for self-definition".<ref name="Turner & Reynolds (2010). p142">Turner, J. C. & Reynolds, K. J. (2010). The story of social identity. In T. Postmes & N. Branscombe (Eds). Rediscovering Social Identity: Core Sources. Psychology Press. p. 142</ref> This important qualification is subtly present in social identity theory, but is further developed in self-categorization theory. Empirical support for this perspective exist. It has been shown that when experiment participants can self-select negative dimensions that define the ingroup no positive–negative asymmetry is found.<ref name="Reynolds et al. (2000)">{{cite journal | last1 = Reynolds | first1 = K. J. | last2 = Turner | first2 = J. C. | last3 = Haslam | first3 = S. A. | last4 = Ryan | first4 = M. K. | year = 2000 | title = When are we better than them and they worse than us? A closer look at social discrimination in positive and negative domains | journal = Journal of Personality and Social Psychology | volume = 78 | issue = 1 | pages = 64–80 | doi = 10.1037/0022-3514.78.1.64 | pmid = 10653506 }}</ref>


===Intergroup similarity===
===Intergroup similarity===
It has been posited that social identity theory suggest straight forwardly that similar groups should have an increased motivation to differentiate themselves from each other.<ref name="brown2000"/><ref name="Brown (1984)">{{cite journal | last1 = Brown | first1 = R. J. | editor-last = Tajfel | editor-first = H. | year = 1984 | title = The role of similarity in intergroup relations | journal = The social dimension | volume = 2 | pages = 603–623 | location = Cambridge | publisher = University Press}}</ref> Subsequently, empirical findings where similar groups are shown to possess increased levels of intergroup attraction and decreased levels of in-group bias have been interpreted as problematic for the theory.<ref name="brown2000"/> Elsewhere it has been suggested that this apparent inconsistency may be resolved by attending to social identity theory’s emphasis on the importance of the perceived stability and legitimacy of the intergroup status hierarchy.<ref name="Brown (1984)"/>
It has been posited that social identity theory suggests that similar groups should have an increased motivation to differentiate themselves from each other.<ref name="brown2000"/><ref name="Brown (1984)">{{cite journal | last1 = Brown | first1 = R. J. | editor-last = Tajfel | editor-first = H. | year = 1984 | title = The role of similarity in intergroup relations | journal = The Social Dimension | volume = 2 | pages = 603–623 | location = Cambridge | publisher = University Press | doi = 10.1017/CBO9780511759154.012 | isbn = 9780511759154}}</ref> Subsequently, empirical findings where similar groups are shown to possess increased levels of intergroup attraction and decreased levels of in-group bias have been interpreted as problematic for the theory.<ref name="brown2000"/> Elsewhere it has been suggested that this apparent inconsistency may be resolved by attending to social identity theory's emphasis on the importance of the perceived stability and legitimacy of the intergroup status hierarchy.<ref name="Brown (1984)"/>


===Predictive power===
===Predictive power===
Social identity theory is purportedly criticised for having far greater [[explanatory power]] than [[predictive power]].<ref name="Hogg 81–97"/> That is, while the relationship between independent variables and the resulting intergroup behaviour may be consistent with the theory in retrospect, that particular outcome is often not that which was predicted at the outset. A rebuttal to this charge is that the theory was never advertised as the definitive answer to understanding intergroup relationships. Instead it is stated that social identity theory must be go hand in hand with sufficient understanding of the specific social context under consideration.<ref name="Turner & Reynolds (2001)"/><ref name="Tajfel (1984)">{{cite journal | last1 = Tajfel | first1 = H. | editor-last = Tajfel | editor-first = H. | year = 1984 | title = Intergroup relations, social myths and social justice in social psychology | journal = The social dimension | volume = 2 | pages = 695–715 | location = Cambridge | publisher = University Press}}</ref> The latter argument is consistent with the explicit importance that the authors of social identity theory placed on the role of "objective" factors, stating that in any particular situation "the effects of [social identity theory] variables are powerfully determined by the previous social, economic, and political processes".<ref name="Tajfel & Turner (1979)."/>
Social identity theory has been criticised for having far greater [[explanatory power]] than [[predictive power]].<ref name="Miller (1983)"/><ref name="Hogg 81–97"/><ref name="Duckitt (1992)">{{cite book|last=Duckitt|first=John|title=The social psychology of prejudice|year=1992|publisher=Praeger Publishers|location=London|pages=84–90|chapter=5}}</ref> That is, while the relationship between independent variables and the resulting intergroup behaviour may be consistent with the theory in retrospect, that particular outcome is often not that which was predicted at the outset. A rebuttal to this charge is that the theory was never advertised as the definitive answer to understanding intergroup relationships. Instead it is stated that social identity theory must go hand in hand with sufficient understanding of the specific social context under consideration.<ref name="Turner (1999)"/><ref name="Turner & Reynolds (2001)"/><ref name="Tajfel (1984)">{{cite book | last1 = Tajfel | first1 = H. | editor-last = Tajfel | editor-first = H. | year = 1984 | chapter = Intergroup relations, social myths and social justice in social psychology | journal = The Social Dimension | volume = 2 | pages = 695–715 | location = Cambridge | publisher = University Press | doi = 10.1017/CBO9780511759154.016 | isbn = 9780511759154}}</ref> The latter argument is consistent with the explicit importance that the authors of social identity theory placed on the role of "objective" factors, stating that in any particular situation "the effects of [social identity theory] variables are powerfully determined by the previous social, economic, and political processes".<ref name="Tajfel & Turner (1979)."/>


==See also==
===SIT-lite===
Some researchers interpret social identity theory as drawing a direct link between identification with a social group and ingroup favoritism.<ref name="Stangor & Jost (1997)">{{cite journal|last1=Stangor|first1=C.|last2=Jost|first2=J. T.|title=Commentary: Individual, group and system levels of analysis and their relevance for stereotyping and intergroup relations|journal=The Social Psychology of Stereotyping and Group Life|year=1997|pages=336–358|editor1-first=R.|editor1-last=Spears|editor2-first=P. J.|editor2-last=Oakes|editor3-first=N|editor3-last=Ellemers|editor4-first=S. A.|display-editors = 3 |editor4-last=Haslam|publisher=Blackwell|location=Oxford}}</ref><ref name="Jackson & Smith (1999)">{{cite journal|last1=Smith|first1=E.R.|title=Reconceptualizing social identity: a new framework and evidence for the impact of different dimensions|journal=Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin|year=1999|volume=25|pages=120–135|doi=10.1177/0146167299025001010|first2=E. R.|last2=Smith|s2cid=144774507 }}</ref><ref name="Operanio & Fiske (2001)">{{cite book|last1=Operanio|first1=D.|last2=Fiske|first2=S. T.|chapter=Stereotypes: Content, Structures, Processes and Context|title=Blackwell Handbook of Social Psychology: Intergroup Processes|year=2001|pages=22–44|editor1-first=R.|editor1-last=Brown|editor2-first=S.|editor2-last=Geartner|publisher=Blackwell|location=Oxford}}</ref><ref name="Triandis & Trafimow (2001)">{{cite book |author-link1=Harry C. Triandis | last1 = Triandis | first1 = H.C. | last2 = Trafimow | first2 = D. | editor1-last = Brown | editor1-first = S. L. | editor2-last = Gaertner | year = 2001 | chapter = Culture and its implications for intergroup behavior | title = Blackwell Handbook of Social Psychology: Intergroup Processes | volume = 3 | issue = 1| pages = 367–385 | doi=10.1002/9780470693421.ch18| isbn = 9780470693421 }}</ref><ref name="Brewer & Gaertner (2001)">{{cite book | last1 = Brewer | first1 = M. B. | last2 = Gaertner | first2 = S. L. | editor1-last = Brown | editor1-first = S. L. | editor2-last = Gaertner | year = 2001 | chapter = Toward reduction of prejudice: intergroup contact and social categorization | title = Blackwell Handbook of Social Psychology: Intergroup Processes | volume = 3 | issue = 1| pages = 451–472 | doi=10.1002/9780470693421.ch22| isbn = 9780470693421 }}</ref> This is because social identity theory was proposed as a way of explaining the ubiquity of ingroup favoritism in the minimal group paradigm. For example, [[Charles Stangor]] and [[John Jost]] state that "a main premise of social identity theory is that ingroup members will favour their own group over other groups".<ref name="Stangor & Jost (1997). p346">{{cite journal|last1=Stangor|first1=C.|last2=Jost|first2=J. T.|title=Commentary: Individual, group and system levels of analysis and their relevance for stereotyping and intergroup relations|journal=The Social Psychology of Stereotyping and Group Life|year=1997|pages = 346|editor1-first=R.|editor1-last=Spears|editor2-first=P. J.|editor2-last=Oakes|editor3-first=N|editor3-last=Ellemers|editor4-first=S. A.|display-editors = 3 |editor4-last=Haslam|publisher=Blackwell|location=Oxford}}</ref> This interpretation is rejected by other researchers.<ref name="Turner (1999)"/><ref name="Haslam, A. S. (2001). p 26-57"/><ref name="Turner & Reynolds (2001)"/><ref name="Ellemers & Barreto (2001)"/><ref name="Spears et al. (1999)">{{cite journal|last1=Spears|first1=R.|last2=Doosje|first2=B.|last3=Ellemers|first3=N.|title=Commitment and the context of social perception|journal=Social Identity|year=1999|pages=59–83|editor1-first=N.|editor1-last=Ellemers|editor2-first=R.|editor2-last=Spears|editor3-first=B.|editor3-last=Doosje|publisher=Blackwell|location=Oxford}}</ref><ref name="McGarty, C. (2001)">{{cite journal | last1 = McGarty | first1 = C | year = 2001 | title = Social Identity Theory does not maintain that identification produces bias, and self-categorization Theory does not maintain that salience is identification: Two comments on Mummendey, Klink and Brown | journal = British Journal of Social Psychology | volume = 40 | issue = Pt 2| pages = 173–176 | doi=10.1348/014466601164777 | pmid=11446223}}</ref><ref>{{cite journal | last1 = Rubin | first1 = M. | last2 = Hewstone | first2 = M. | year = 2004 | title = Social identity, system justification, and social dominance: Commentary on Reicher, Jost et al., and Sidanius et al | journal = Political Psychology | volume = 25 | issue = 6| pages = 823–844 | doi = 10.1111/j.1467-9221.2004.00400.x | hdl = 1959.13/27347 | hdl-access = free }}</ref> For example, [[Alex Haslam]] states that "although vulgarized versions of social identity theory argue that 'social identification leads automatically to discrimination and bias', in fact…discrimination and conflict are anticipated only in a limited set of circumstances".<ref name="Haslam, A. S. (2001). p. 40.">Haslam, A. S. (2001). Psychology in Organizations. London, SAGE Publications. p. 40</ref> The likening of social identity theory with social competition and ingroup favouritism is partly attributable to the fact that early statements of the theory included empirical examples of ingroup favouritism, while alternative positive distinctiveness strategies (e.g., social creativity) were at that stage theoretical assertions.<ref name="Haslam et al., (2010a)."/> Regardless, in some circles the prediction of a straightforward identification-bias correlation has earned the pejorative title "social identity theory-lite".<ref name="McGarty, C. (2001)"/> This raises the problem of whether social identity theory really does explain the ubiquity of ingroup favoritism in the minimal group paradigm without making recourse to "the generic norm hypothesis" originally proposed by Tajfel but later abandoned.{{Citation needed|date=March 2021}}
{{Columns-list|3|

* [[Collective narcissism]]
== See also ==
* [[Microculture]]
{{Div col|colwidth=15em|content=* [[Asset poverty]]
* [[Reference group]]
* [[Stigma management]]
* [[Bagholder]]
* [[Causes of mental disorders]]
}}
* [[Identity performance]]
* [[Identity politics]]
* [[In-group and out-group]]
* [[Kyriarchy]]
* [[Labelling]]
* [[Low-life]]
* [[Other (philosophy)]]
* [[Political identity]]
* [[Social reality]]
* [[Social stigma]]}}


==References==
==References==
{{Reflist|30em}}
{{Reflist|30em}}

==Further reading==
*{{cite book
| last = Jenkins
| first = Richard
| author-link = Richard Jenkins (sociologist)
| title = Social Identity
| publisher = Talyor&Francis
| date = 2014
| isbn = 9780203463352}}


==External links==
==External links==
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{{DEFAULTSORT:Social Identity}}
{{DEFAULTSORT:Social Identity}}
[[Category:Conceptions of self]]
[[Category:Psychological theories]]
[[Category:Identity]]
[[Category:Collective identity]]
[[Category:Social psychology]]
[[Category:Social status]]
[[Category:Social status]]

[[ca:Identitat social]]
[[de:Theorie der sozialen Identität]]
[[es:Identidad social]]
[[fr:Théorie de l'identité sociale]]
[[it:Teoria dell'identità sociale]]
[[he:תאוריית הזהות החברתית]]
[[nl:Sociale identiteit]]
[[pl:Tożsamość społeczna]]
[[pt:Identidade social]]
[[fi:Sosiaalisen identiteetin teoria]]
[[tr:Toplumsal kimlik]]

Latest revision as of 07:47, 3 September 2024

Social identity is the portion of an individual's self-concept derived from perceived membership in a relevant social group.[1][2]

As originally formulated by social psychologists Henri Tajfel and John Turner in the 1970s and the 1980s,[3] social identity theory introduced the concept of a social identity as a way in which to explain intergroup behaviour.[4][5][6] "Social identity theory explores the phenomenon of the 'ingroup' and 'outgroup', and is based on the view that identities are constituted through a process of difference defined in a relative or flexible way depends on the activities in which one engages."[7] This theory is described as a theory that predicts certain intergroup behaviours on the basis of perceived group status differences, the perceived legitimacy and stability of those status differences, and the perceived ability to move from one group to another.[4][6] This contrasts with occasions where the term "social identity theory" is used to refer to general theorizing about human social selves.[8] Moreover, and although some researchers have treated it as such,[9][10][11] social identity theory was never intended to be a general theory of social categorization.[3] It was awareness of the limited scope of social identity theory that led John Turner and colleagues to develop a cousin theory in the form of self-categorization theory,[1][6][12] which built on the insights of social identity theory to produce a more general account of self and group processes.[3][6]

The term social identity approach, or social identity perspective, is suggested for describing the joint contributions of both social identity theory and self-categorization theory.[6][12][13] Social identity theory suggests that an organization can change individual behaviours if it can modify their self-identity or part of their self-concept that derives from the knowledge of, and emotional attachment to the group.[4]

Development

[edit]
Social scientist William Graham Sumner
Social psychologist Henri Tajfel

Historical background

[edit]

The term 'social identity theory' achieved academic currency only in the late 1970s, but the basic underlying concepts associated with it had emerged by the early twentieth century. William G. Sumner, writing in 1906, captures the primary dynamics in this excerpt from his influential work Folkways: A Study of the Sociological Importance of Usages, Manners, Customs, Mores, and Morals:

"Loyalty to the group, sacrifice for it, hatred and contempt for outsiders, brotherhood within, warlikeness without,—all grow together, common products of the same situation. ... Men of an others-group are outsiders with whose ancestors the ancestors of the we-group waged war. ... Each group nourishes its own pride and vanity, boasts itself superior, exalts its own divinities, and looks with contempt on outsiders. Each group thinks its own folkways the only right ones, and if it observes that other groups have other folkways, these excite its scorn."[14]

By the late 1920s the collectivist perspective had all but disappeared from mainstream social psychology.[15] Over fifty years later, around the time of the first formal use of the term 'social identity theory', Tajfel wrote this on the state of social psychology:

"Thus, social categorization is still conceived as a haphazardly floating 'independent variable' which strikes at random as the spirit moves it. No links are made or attempted, between the conditions determining its presence and mode of operation, and its outcomes in widely diffused commonalities of social behaviour. Why, when and how is social categorisation salient or not salient? What kind of shared constructions of social reality, mediated through social categorization, lead to a social climate in which large masses of people feel they are in long-term conflict with other masses? What, for example, are the psychological transitions from a stable to an unstable social system?" (Original emphasis, p. 188)[16]

Thus, social identity theory in part reflects a desire to reestablish a more collectivist approach to social psychology of the self and social groups.[15]

Aspects

[edit]
Henri Tajfel suggests that soldiers of opposing armies, fighting outside of view, is an illustrative example of behaviour at the extreme intergroup end of the intergroup-interpersonal continuum (shown: U.S. Marines in Fallujah, 2004).[17]

The interpersonal-intergroup continuum

[edit]

Social identity theory states that social behaviour will want a person to change their behaviour while in a group. It varies along a continuum between interpersonal behaviour and intergroup behaviour. Completely interpersonal behaviour would be behaviour determined solely by the individual characteristics and interpersonal relationships that exists between only two people. Completely intergroup behaviour would be behaviour determined solely by the social category memberships that apply to more than two people.[4] The authors of social identity theory state that purely interpersonal or purely intergroup behaviour is unlikely to be found in realistic social situations. Rather, behaviour is expected to be driven by a compromise between the two extremes.[4][17] The cognitive nature of personal vs. social identities, and the relationship between them, is more fully developed in self-categorization theory.[3][18][19][20] Social identity theory instead focuses on the social structural factors that will predict which end of the spectrum will most influence an individual's behaviour, along with the forms that the behaviour may take.[6][12][19]

Positive distinctiveness

[edit]

A key assumption in social identity theory is that individuals are intrinsically motivated to achieve positive distinctiveness. That is, individuals "strive for a positive self-concept".[4][12] As individuals to varying degrees may be defined and informed by their respective social identities (as per the interpersonal-intergroup continuum) it is further derived in social identity theory that "individuals strive to achieve or to maintain positive social identity".[4] The precise nature of this striving for positive self-concept is a matter of debate (see the self-esteem hypothesis).[6][19][21][22] Both the interpersonal-intergroup continuum and the assumption of positive distinctiveness motivation arose as outcomes of the findings of minimal group studies.[3] In particular, it was found that under certain conditions individuals would endorse resource distributions that would maximize the positive distinctiveness of an in-group in contrast to an out-group at the expense of personal self-interest.[23] Social identity matters because it shapes people's self-perceptions and interpersonal relationships. Favorable self-perception increases the likelihood that an individual would relate well to other members of the group and experience favorable feelings about themselves. People's perceptions of themselves are shaped by the group they identify with more strongly. Getting status within the group can make people feel more confident, content, and respected since belonging to that group becomes significant for how they view themselves and their talents.[citation needed]

The "black is beautiful" movement and the associated African American embrace of African hairdos (like afros), culture, traditions, and music was provided by Tajfel and colleagues as an example of the cognitive creativity of low-status groups in the face of stable intergroup relations (shown: Lauryn Hill, 2005).[4][24][25][26]

Positive distinctiveness strategies

[edit]

Building on the above components, social identity theory details a variety of strategies that may be invoked in order to achieve positive distinctiveness. The individual's choice of behaviour is posited to be dictated largely by the perceived intergroup relationship. In particular the choice of strategy is an outcome of the perceived permeability of group boundaries (e.g., whether a group member may pass from a low status group into a high status group), as well as the perceived stability and legitimacy of the intergroup status hierarchy.[4][12] The self-enhancing strategies detailed in social identity theory are detailed below. Importantly, although these are viewed from the perspective of a low status group member, comparable behaviours may also be adopted by high status group members.[12]

Individual mobility

[edit]

It is predicted that under conditions where the group boundaries are considered permeable individuals are more likely to engage in individual mobility strategies.[4][12] That is, individuals "disassociate from the group and pursue individual goals designed to improve their personal lot rather than that of their ingroup".[27]

Social creativity

[edit]

Where group boundaries are considered impermeable, and where status relations are considered reasonably stable, individuals are predicted to engage in social creativity behaviours. Here, low-status ingroup members are still able to increase their positive distinctiveness without necessarily changing the objective resources of the ingroup or the outgroup. This may be achieved by comparing the ingroup to the outgroup on some new dimension, changing the values assigned to the attributes of the group, and choosing an alternative outgroup by which to compare the ingroup.[4][12]

Social competition

[edit]

Here an ingroup seeks positive distinctiveness and requires positive differentiation via direct competition with the outgroup in the form of ingroup favoritism.[28] It is considered competitive in that in this case favoritism for the ingroup occurs on a value dimension that is shared by all relevant social groups (in contrast to social creativity scenarios). Social competition is predicted to occur when group boundaries are considered impermeable, and when status relations are considered to be reasonably unstable.[4][12] Although not privileged in the theory, it is this positive distinctiveness strategy that has received the greatest amount of attention.[29][30]

Political psychology

[edit]

In political science, social identity theory has been incorporated as the subconsitituency politics theory of representation.[31] This theory holds that political elites are individually rational, and they use identity instrumentally to cultivate minimum winning constituencies (e.g., via the "microtargeting" of ads). An example of microtargeting is Russian use of social media advertising alleged to have influenced the United States 2016 presidential election.[32] Separately, a recent Science Advances article validates a computational model of in-group favoritism and political economy developed by Princeton political scientist Nolan McCarty using public opinion polling data.[33]

Implications

[edit]

Ingroup favoritism

[edit]

In-group favoritism (also known as "ingroup bias", despite Turner's objections to the term[19]) is an effect where people give preferential treatment to others when they are perceived to be in the same ingroup. Social identity attributes the cause of ingroup favoritism to a psychological need for positive distinctiveness and describes the situations where ingroup favoritism is likely to occur (as a function of perceived group status, legitimacy, stability, and permeability).[4][34] It has been shown via the minimal group studies that ingroup favoritism may occur for both arbitrary ingroups (e.g. a coin toss may split participants into a 'heads' group and a 'tails' group) as well as non-arbitrary ingroups (e.g. ingroups based on cultures, genders, sexual orientation, and first languages).[35][36]

Continued study into the relationship between social categorization and ingroup favoritism has explored the relative prevalences of the ingroup favoritism vs. outgroup discrimination,[37] explored different manifestations of ingroup favoritism,[34][38] and has explored the relationship between ingroup favoritism and other psychological constraints (e.g., existential threat).[39]

System justification theory was originally proposed by John Jost and Mahzarin Banaji in 1994 to build on social identity theory and to understand important deviations from ingroup favoritism, such as outgroup favoritism on the part of members of disadvantaged groups (Jost & Banaji, 1994; Jost, 2020).

Social identity threat was also inspired by social identity theory and developed by Branscombe and colleagues in 1999 as a mechanism to understand and explain the different types of threats that arise from group identity being threatened.[40]

Prosocial behaviors

[edit]

Social identification can lead individuals to engage in prosocial behaviours towards others.[41] Examples include contexts such as food drives [42] or even shared purchasing patterns, as might occur for motorcycle riders.[43] Interestingly, consumers may have sub-identities that are nested into a larger identity. As a result, "[w]hen consumers identify with the overall community, they assist other consumers. However, consumers are less likely to help consumers in the overall community when identifying with a subgroup".[43]

Reluctance to bet against identity-relevant outcomes

[edit]

Social identities are a valued aspect of the self, and people will sacrifice their pecuniary self-interest to maintain the self-perception that they belong to a given social group. Political partisans and fans of sports teams (e.g., Republicans and Democrats, or MLB, NFL, NCAA fans) are reluctant to bet against the success of their party or team because of the diagnostic cost such a bet would incur to their identification with it. As a result, partisans and fans will reject even very favorable bets against identity-relevant desired outcomes. More than 45% of N.C.A.A. basketball and hockey fans, for example, turned down a free, real chance to earn $5 if their team lost its upcoming game.[44]

Controversies

[edit]

Self-esteem hypothesis

[edit]

Social identity theory proposes that people are motivated to achieve and maintain positive concepts of themselves. Some researchers, including Michael Hogg and Dominic Abrams, thus propose a fairly direct relationship between positive social identity and self-esteem. In what has become known as the "self-esteem hypothesis", self-esteem is predicted to relate to in-group bias in two ways. Firstly, successful intergroup discrimination elevates self-esteem. Secondly, depressed or threatened self-esteem promotes intergroup discrimination.[45][46] Empirical support for these predictions has been mixed.[21][47]

Some social identity theorists, including John Turner, consider the self-esteem hypothesis as not canonical to social identity theory.[19][21] In fact, the self-esteem hypothesis is argued to be conflictual with the tenets of the theory.[6][19][48] It is argued that the self-esteem hypothesis misunderstands the distinction between a social identity and a personal identity. Along those lines, John Turner and Penny Oakes argue against an interpretation of positive distinctiveness as a straightforward need for self-esteem or "quasi-biological drive toward prejudice".[48] They instead favour a somewhat more complex conception of positive self-concept as a reflection of the ideologies and social values of the perceiver. Additionally, it is argued that the self-esteem hypothesis neglects the alternative strategies to maintaining a positive self-concept that are articulated in social identity theory (i.e., individual mobility and social creativity).[6][19][34]

Positive-negative asymmetry

[edit]

In what has been dubbed the Positive-Negative Asymmetry Phenomenon, researchers have shown that punishing the out-group benefits self-esteem less than rewarding the in-group.[49] From this finding it has been extrapolated that social identity theory is therefore unable to deal with bias on negative dimensions. Social identity theorists, however, point out that for ingroup favouritism to occur a social identity "must be psychologically salient", and that negative dimensions may be experienced as a "less fitting basis for self-definition".[50] This important qualification is subtly present in social identity theory, but is further developed in self-categorization theory. Empirical support for this perspective exist. It has been shown that when experiment participants can self-select negative dimensions that define the ingroup no positive–negative asymmetry is found.[51]

Intergroup similarity

[edit]

It has been posited that social identity theory suggests that similar groups should have an increased motivation to differentiate themselves from each other.[46][52] Subsequently, empirical findings where similar groups are shown to possess increased levels of intergroup attraction and decreased levels of in-group bias have been interpreted as problematic for the theory.[46] Elsewhere it has been suggested that this apparent inconsistency may be resolved by attending to social identity theory's emphasis on the importance of the perceived stability and legitimacy of the intergroup status hierarchy.[52]

Predictive power

[edit]

Social identity theory has been criticised for having far greater explanatory power than predictive power.[26][15][53] That is, while the relationship between independent variables and the resulting intergroup behaviour may be consistent with the theory in retrospect, that particular outcome is often not that which was predicted at the outset. A rebuttal to this charge is that the theory was never advertised as the definitive answer to understanding intergroup relationships. Instead it is stated that social identity theory must go hand in hand with sufficient understanding of the specific social context under consideration.[6][19][54] The latter argument is consistent with the explicit importance that the authors of social identity theory placed on the role of "objective" factors, stating that in any particular situation "the effects of [social identity theory] variables are powerfully determined by the previous social, economic, and political processes".[4]

SIT-lite

[edit]

Some researchers interpret social identity theory as drawing a direct link between identification with a social group and ingroup favoritism.[55][56][57][58][59] This is because social identity theory was proposed as a way of explaining the ubiquity of ingroup favoritism in the minimal group paradigm. For example, Charles Stangor and John Jost state that "a main premise of social identity theory is that ingroup members will favour their own group over other groups".[60] This interpretation is rejected by other researchers.[6][12][19][34][61][62][63] For example, Alex Haslam states that "although vulgarized versions of social identity theory argue that 'social identification leads automatically to discrimination and bias', in fact…discrimination and conflict are anticipated only in a limited set of circumstances".[64] The likening of social identity theory with social competition and ingroup favouritism is partly attributable to the fact that early statements of the theory included empirical examples of ingroup favouritism, while alternative positive distinctiveness strategies (e.g., social creativity) were at that stage theoretical assertions.[8] Regardless, in some circles the prediction of a straightforward identification-bias correlation has earned the pejorative title "social identity theory-lite".[62] This raises the problem of whether social identity theory really does explain the ubiquity of ingroup favoritism in the minimal group paradigm without making recourse to "the generic norm hypothesis" originally proposed by Tajfel but later abandoned.[citation needed]

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]
  1. ^ a b Turner, John; Oakes, Penny (1986). "The significance of the social identity concept for social psychology with reference to individualism, interactionism and social influence". British Journal of Social Psychology. 25 (3): 237–252. doi:10.1111/j.2044-8309.1986.tb00732.x.
  2. ^ Social Psychology in Action: Evidence-Based Interventions from Theory to Practice. Springer Link: Springer Nature. 2020. ISBN 978-3-030-13790-8. OCLC 1182516016. The thoughts and feelings that arise when you think about the group you belong to form your social identity.
  3. ^ a b c d e Turner, J. C.; Reynolds, K. J. (2010). "The story of social identity". In T. Postmes; N. Branscombe (eds.). Rediscovering Social Identity: Core Sources. Psychology Press.
  4. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n Tajfel, H.; Turner, J. C. (1979). "An integrative theory of intergroup conflict". In W. G. Austin; S. Worchel (eds.). The social psychology of intergroup relations. Monterey, CA: Brooks/Cole. pp. 33–47.
  5. ^ Tajfel, H.; Turner, J. C. (1986). "The social identity theory of intergroup behaviour". In S. Worchel; W. G. Austin (eds.). Psychology of Intergroup Relations. Chicago, IL: Nelson-Hall. pp. 7–24.
  6. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k Turner, J. C. (1999). Ellemers, N.; Spears, R.; Doosje, B. (eds.). "Some current issues in research on social identity and self-categorization theories". Social Identity. Oxford: Blackwell: 6–34.
  7. ^ Benwell, Bethan; Stokoe, Elizabeth (2006). Discourse and Identity. Edinburgh University Press. ISBN 978-0-7486-1749-4. JSTOR 10.3366/j.ctt1r2356.
  8. ^ a b Haslam, S. A.; Ellemers, N.; Reicher, S. D.; Reynolds, K. J.; Schmitt, M. T. (2010). Postmes, T.; Branscombe, N. R. (eds.). "The social identity perspective today: An overview of its defining ideas". Rediscovering Social Identity. Psychology Press: 341–356.
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Further reading

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