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{{Short description|Regulations to reduce increases in housing rents}}
{{Short description|Regulations to reduce increases in housing rents}}
{{redirect|Rent control}}
{{redirect|Rent control}}
{{pp-pc|small=yes}}
{{Use dmy dates|date=October 2019}}
{{Use dmy dates|date=October 2019}}
{{livingspaces}}
{{livingspaces}}
'''Rent regulation''' is a system of [[law]]s, administered by a court or a public authority, which aims to ensure the affordability of housing and [[Tenancy|tenancies]] on the rental market for dwellings. Generally, a system of rent regulation involves:
'''Rent regulation''' is a system of [[law]]s for the rental market of dwellings, with controversial effects on affordability of housing and [[Tenancy|tenancies]]. Generally, a system of rent regulation involves:
*[[Price controls]], limits on the rent that a landlord may charge, typically called '''rent control''' or '''rent stabilization'''
*[[Price controls]], limits on the rent that a landlord may charge, typically called '''rent control''' or '''rent stabilization'''
*[[Eviction]] controls: codified standards by which a landlord may terminate a tenancy{{ r | MB_Law | p=1 | q=Rent Control Laws cannot exist without a coinciding Eviction Control ordinance. The reason being is that if a landlord has a tenant in a rent controlled unit who is paying below market rent, he/she is financially motivated to simply evict the tenant and reset the rent to market rate under the Costa Hawkins Act. Therefore Eviction Control is necessary in order to preserve Rent Controlled tenancies. }} {{ r | SFChronicle_RC_1 | p=1 | q=If a city only limited rent increases, landlords could simply evict tenants when their lease is up and charge the next one market rates. Two state laws place some limits on both rent control and eviction control. The Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act exempts multifamily apartments built after 1 February 1995 — and all single-family homes and condos, whenever built — from limits on rent increases. Costa-Hawkins does not prevent cities from imposing eviction controls on any type of rental housing — including single-family homes and apartments of any age. [This source and quote is included to clarify the difference between rent control and eviction control, and that eviction control laws can (and do) exist separately from and without rent control laws, whereas the converse is not true.] }}
*[[Eviction]] controls: codified standards by which a landlord may terminate a tenancy{{ r | MB_Law | p=1 | q=Rent Control Laws cannot exist without a coinciding Eviction Control ordinance. The reason being is that if a landlord has a tenant in a rent controlled unit who is paying below market rent, he/she is financially motivated to simply evict the tenant and reset the rent to market rate under the Costa Hawkins Act. Therefore Eviction Control is necessary in order to preserve Rent Controlled tenancies. }} {{ r | SFChronicle_RC_1 | p=1 | q=If a city only limited rent increases, landlords could simply evict tenants when their lease is up and charge the next one market rates. Two state laws place some limits on both rent control and eviction control. The Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act exempts multifamily apartments built after 1 February 1995 — and all single-family homes and condos, whenever built — from limits on rent increases. Costa-Hawkins does not prevent cities from imposing eviction controls on any type of rental housing — including single-family homes and apartments of any age. [This source and quote is included to clarify the difference between rent control and eviction control, and that eviction control laws can (and do) exist separately from and without rent control laws, whereas the converse is not true.] }}
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The loose term "rent control" covers a spectrum of regulation which can vary from setting the absolute amount of rent that can be charged, with no allowed increases, to placing different limits on the amount that rent can increase; these restrictions may continue between tenancies, or may be applied only within the duration of a tenancy.<ref>See the section on [[Rent regulation#Forms of rent regulation]] for more detail.</ref> As of 2016, at least 14 of the 36 [[OECD]] countries have some form of rent control in effect,{{r | OECD_RC }} including four states in the United States.{{r | NMHC | Landlord_com }}
The loose term "rent control" covers a spectrum of regulation which can vary from setting the absolute amount of rent that can be charged, with no allowed increases, to placing different limits on the amount that rent can increase; these restrictions may continue between tenancies, or may be applied only within the duration of a tenancy.<ref>See the section on [[Rent regulation#Forms of rent regulation]] for more detail.</ref> As of 2016, at least 14 of the 36 [[OECD]] countries have some form of rent control in effect,{{r | OECD_RC }} including four states in the United States.{{r | NMHC | Landlord_com }}


Rent regulation is implemented in many diverse forms. It is one of several classes of policies intended to improve [[housing affordability]]. Its efficacy and collateral impacts have been the subject of disagreement and controversy.{{r | lightning-rod }}
Rent regulation is implemented in many diverse forms. It is one of several classes of policies intended to improve [[housing affordability]]. Its efficacy and collateral impacts have been the subject of disagreement and controversy.{{r | lightning-rod }} There is consensus among economists that rent control reduces the quality and quantity of housing units.{{r | lightning-rod | p=1 | q=And yet economists from both the right and the left are in almost universal agreement that rent control makes housing problems worse in the long run. }}<ref name=":1" /><ref name=":2" /><ref name=":3" /><ref name=":4" /><ref name=":5">See also the "[[#Effectiveness|Effectiveness]]" section for more references supporting this statement.</ref><ref name=":6" /><ref name=":7" />


== Forms of rent regulation ==
== Forms of rent regulation ==
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* "vacancy decontrol", also known as ''tenancy'' or ''second-generation'' rent control, which limits price increases during a tenancy, but allows rents to rise to market rate between tenancies (new tenants pay market rate rent, but increases are limited as long as they remain).{{ r | GPG }}
* "vacancy decontrol", also known as ''tenancy'' or ''second-generation'' rent control, which limits price increases during a tenancy, but allows rents to rise to market rate between tenancies (new tenants pay market rate rent, but increases are limited as long as they remain).{{ r | GPG }}


== Economics ==
== Effectiveness ==

=== Theory ===
{{see also|Freedom of contract|Inequality of bargaining power}}
{{see also|Freedom of contract|Inequality of bargaining power}}
Rent price controls remain the most controversial element of a system of rent regulation. Modern rent controls (sometimes called rent leveling or rent stabilization) are intended to protect tenants in privately owned residential properties from excessive rent increases. This is usually done by mandating gradual rent increases or rent freezes, while at the same time ensuring that landlords receive a return on their investment that is deemed fair by the controlling authority.{{citation needed|date=February 2023}}
Rent price controls remain the most controversial element of a system of rent regulation. Modern rent controls (sometimes called rent leveling or rent stabilization) are intended to protect tenants in privately owned residential properties from excessive rent increases. This is usually done by mandating gradual rent increases or rent freezes, while at the same time ensuring that landlords receive a return on their investment that is deemed fair by the controlling authority.{{citation needed|date=February 2023}}

There is consensus among economists that rent control reduces the quality and quantity of rental housing units.{{r | lightning-rod | p=1 | q=And yet economists from both the right and the left are in almost universal agreement that rent control makes housing problems worse in the long run. }}<ref name=":1">{{cite book |last1=Baumol |first1=William J |title=Economics Principles and Policy |last2=Blinder |first2=Alan S. |date=1994 |publisher=Dryden Press |isbn=0-03-098927-2 |edition=6th |pages=92–93, 379}}</ref><ref name=":2">{{cite book |last1=Cooter |first1=Robert |title=Law and Economics 2nd Edition |last2=Ulen |first2=Thomas |date=1997 |publisher=Addison-Wesley |pages=32–33}}</ref><ref name=":3">{{cite book |author1=David A Besanko |title=Microeconomics |author2=Ronald R. Braeutigam |date=2008 |publisher=John Wiley & Sons |isbn=978-0470-04924-2 |edition=3rd |location=[[Hoboken, New Jersey]] |pages=374–377 |chapter=10.5}}</ref><ref name=":4">{{cite book |author1=B. Douglas Bernheim |title=Microeconomics |author2=Michael D Whinston |date=2008 |publisher=McGraw-Hill Irwin |isbn=978-0-07-290027-9 |edition=1st |page=565}}</ref><ref name=":6">{{Cite book |last=Mankiw |first=N. Gregory |title=Principles of Economics |publisher=Cengage Learning |year=2015 |isbn=978-1-305-58512-6 |location=Boston, MA |pages=31 |author-link=Gregory Mankiw|quote=Propositions about Which Most Economists Agree: ... A ceiling on rents reduces the quantity and quality of housing available}}</ref><ref name=":7">{{Cite journal |last1=Brandts |first1=Jordi |last2=Busom |first2=Isabel |last3=Lopez-Mayan |first3=Cristina |last4=Panadés |first4=Judith |date=2022 |title=Pictures are worth many words: Effectiveness of visual communication in dispelling the rent-control misconception |url=https://www.ssrn.com/abstract=4037381 |journal=SSRN Electronic Journal |language=en |doi=10.2139/ssrn.4037381 |issn=1556-5068 |hdl=2445/183641|hdl-access=free|quote=We focus on the popular belief that rent control allows more families to find affordable housing. The support for this policy is very large and widespread among the public in many countries. This belief, however, is at odds with scientific consensus arising from economic research. In a poll to economists from the IGM Economic Experts Panel, 95% strongly disagree that rent capping will increase the quantity of affordable housing.}}</ref><ref>https://housingevidence.ac.uk/wp-content/uploads/2022/11/CPG-rent-control-final-011122.pdf</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Marsh |first1=Alex |last2=Gibb |first2=Kenneth |last3=Soaita |first3=Adriana Mihaela |date=2022-08-01 |title=Rent regulation: unpacking the debates |journal=International Journal of Housing Policy |volume=23 |issue=4 |language=en |pages=734–757 |doi=10.1080/19491247.2022.2089079 |issn=1949-1247|doi-access=free |hdl=1983/e12d8c29-a7c0-4cea-ba0e-85363841d111 |hdl-access=free }}</ref> However, some economists challenge this consensus and argue that controls do not have a statistically significant impact on quantity and quality of housing units.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Marsh |first1=Alex |last2=Gibb |first2=Kenneth |last3=Soaita |first3=Adriana Mihaela |date=2022-08-01 |title=Rent regulation: unpacking the debates |journal=International Journal of Housing Policy |volume=23 |issue=4 |language=en |pages=734–757 |doi=10.1080/19491247.2022.2089079 |issn=1949-1247|doi-access=free |hdl=1983/e12d8c29-a7c0-4cea-ba0e-85363841d111 |hdl-access=free }}</ref><ref>{{cite journal | url=https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9906.2007.00334.x | doi=10.1111/j.1467-9906.2007.00334.x | title=Thirty Years of Rent Control: A Survey of New Jersey Cities | date=2007 | last1=Gilderbloom | first1=John I. | last2=Ye | first2=Lin | journal=Journal of Urban Affairs | volume=29 | issue=2 | pages=207–220 | s2cid=153505704 }}</ref><ref>{{cite journal | url=https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cities.2015.08.001 | doi=10.1016/j.cities.2015.08.001 | title=Forty years of rent control: Reexamining New Jersey's moderate local policies after the great recession | date=2015 | last1=Ambrosius | first1=Joshua D. | last2=Gilderbloom | first2=John I. | last3=Steele | first3=William J. | last4=Meares | first4=Wesley L. | last5=Keating | first5=Dennis | journal=Cities | volume=49 | pages=121–133 }}</ref><ref>{{cite web | url=https://jacobin.com/2019/11/rent-control-housing-crisis-affordability-supply | title=Why Rent Control Works }}</ref>


A number of [[Neoclassical economics|neo-classical]] and [[Keynesian economics|Keynesian]] economists say that some forms of rent control regulations create [[shortage]]s and exacerbate scarcity in the housing market by discouraging private investment in the rental market. In addition, there would be a dead weight loss and inefficiency since some of the loss due to price ceilings is never gained again.<ref>C Rapkin,''The Private Rental Housing Market in New York City'' (1966) and G Sternlieb, ''The Urban Housing Dilemma'' (1972)</ref>{{ r | 2009_econ_lit_review}} This analysis targeted nominal rent freezes, and the studies conducted were mainly focused on rental prices in Manhattan, or elsewhere in the United States.{{citation needed|date=February 2023}}
A number of [[Neoclassical economics|neo-classical]] and [[Keynesian economics|Keynesian]] economists say that some forms of rent control regulations create [[shortage]]s and exacerbate scarcity in the housing market by discouraging private investment in the rental market. In addition, there would be a dead weight loss and inefficiency since some of the loss due to price ceilings is never gained again.<ref>C Rapkin,''The Private Rental Housing Market in New York City'' (1966) and G Sternlieb, ''The Urban Housing Dilemma'' (1972)</ref>{{ r | 2009_econ_lit_review}} This analysis targeted nominal rent freezes, and the studies conducted were mainly focused on rental prices in Manhattan, or elsewhere in the United States.{{citation needed|date=February 2023}}

=== California studies ===
{{main|Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act#Studies on effects of California Rent Control (not limited to Costa-Hawkins)}}

In 1994, San Francisco voters passed a [[ballot initiative]] which expanded the city's existing rent control laws to include small multi-unit apartments with four or fewer units, built prior to 1980 (about 30% of the city's rental housing stock at the time).{{ r | SF_RC_study_2017 | p=7 | q="These small multi-family structures made up about 30% of the rental housing stock in 1990..." }}{{ r | MN_RC | p=1 | q=When San Francisco residents voted in 1994 to expand the city's rent-control policies, they granted protections to legions of renters living in duplexes and other small, "mom and pop" apartment buildings constructed before 1980 — 30 percent of the city's rental housing stock. }}{{ r | BizJournal_RC | p=1 | q=Rent control started in San Francisco in 1979, when economic pressures and the passage of Prop. 13, which limited property tax increases, led then-Mayor Dianne Feinstein to sign the policy into law for properties built before 1980. An exemption was given to "mom and pop" landlords, or owner-occupied buildings with four or less units. These made up around 30 percent of the city's rental housing stock at the time. To skirt rent control, large corporations starting buying up those properties and selling a portion back to a live-in representative. This in turn led to a successful ballot initiative in 1994 to remove the exemption. The Stanford researchers looked at the effects on tenants who received rent control because of the ballot initiative versus tenants living in similar properties who were not subject to the new rule. }} A 2019 study found that San Francisco's rent control laws reduced tenant displacement from rent controlled units in the short-term, but resulted in landlords removing 30% of the rent controlled units from the rental market (by conversion to [[Condominium|condos]] or [[Concurrent estate#Tenancy in common|TICs]]) which led to a 15% citywide decrease in total rental units, and a 7% increase in citywide rents.<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Qian|first1=Franklin|last2=McQuade|first2=Tim|last3=Diamond|first3=Rebecca|date=2019|title=The Effects of Rent Control Expansion on Tenants, Landlords, and Inequality: Evidence from San Francisco|journal=American Economic Review|language=en|volume=109|issue=9|pages=3365–3394|doi=10.1257/aer.20181289|issn=0002-8282|doi-access=free}}</ref>{{r | MN_RC | BizJournal_RC | SFGate_RC}}{{r | Gov_RC | p=1 | q=The report focused on San Francisco, where a 1994 ballot measure expanded rent control to certain smaller multifamily apartment buildings constructed before 1980. Because units built after 1980 were not included in the expansion, the result was what researchers call a "natural experiment" in which the newer units could act as a control group. The researchers then tracked tenants' housing as well as changes in the housing stock and rents. }}{{r | CityLab_RC | p=1 | q=The researchers examined the impact of a 1994 ballot initiative in San Francisco, extending rent control protections to certain smaller buildings built before 1980. Its passage created a natural opportunity to compare these buildings with similar ones built in the period after that were not rent controlled. Diamond and her colleagues followed the landlords and the tenants in these buildings over time. }}{{r | StanfordGSB_RC }}

=== Economists' views ===
There is consensus among economists that rent control reduces the quality and quantity of rental housing units.{{r | lightning-rod | p=1 | q=And yet economists from both the right and the left are in almost universal agreement that rent control makes housing problems worse in the long run. }}<ref name=":1">{{cite book |last1=Baumol |first1=William J |title=Economics Principles and Policy |last2=Blinder |first2=Alan S. |date=1994 |publisher=Dryden Press |isbn=0-03-098927-2 |edition=6th |pages=92–93, 379}}</ref><ref name=":2">{{cite book |last1=Cooter |first1=Robert |title=Law and Economics 2nd Edition |last2=Ulen |first2=Thomas |date=1997 |publisher=Addison-Wesley |pages=32–33}}</ref><ref name=":3">{{cite book |author1=David A Besanko |title=Microeconomics |author2=Ronald R. Braeutigam |date=2008 |publisher=John Wiley & Sons |isbn=978-0470-04924-2 |edition=3rd |location=[[Hoboken, New Jersey]] |pages=374–377 |chapter=10.5}}</ref><ref name=":4">{{cite book |author1=B. Douglas Bernheim |title=Microeconomics |author2=Michael D Whinston |date=2008 |publisher=McGraw-Hill Irwin |isbn=978-0-07-290027-9 |edition=1st |page=565}}</ref><ref name=":6">{{Cite book |last=Mankiw |first=N. Gregory |title=Principles of Economics |publisher=Cengage Learning |year=2015 |isbn=978-1-305-58512-6 |location=Boston, MA |pages=31 |author-link=Gregory Mankiw|quote=Propositions about Which Most Economists Agree: ... A ceiling on rents reduces the quantity and quality of housing available}}</ref><ref name=":7">{{Cite journal |last1=Brandts |first1=Jordi |last2=Busom |first2=Isabel |last3=Lopez-Mayan |first3=Cristina |last4=Panadés |first4=Judith |date=2022 |title=Pictures are worth many words: Effectiveness of visual communication in dispelling the rent-control misconception |url=https://www.ssrn.com/abstract=4037381 |journal=SSRN Electronic Journal |language=en |doi=10.2139/ssrn.4037381 |issn=1556-5068 |hdl=2445/183641|hdl-access=free|quote=We focus on the popular belief that rent control allows more families to find affordable housing. The support for this policy is very large and widespread among the public in many countries. This belief, however, is at odds with scientific consensus arising from economic research. In a poll to economists from the IGM Economic Experts Panel, 95% strongly disagree that rent capping will increase the quantity of affordable housing.}}</ref><ref>https://housingevidence.ac.uk/wp-content/uploads/2022/11/CPG-rent-control-final-011122.pdf</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |last=Marsh |first=Alex |last2=Gibb |first2=Kenneth |last3=Soaita |first3=Adriana Mihaela |date=2022-08-01 |title=Rent regulation: unpacking the debates |url=https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/19491247.2022.2089079 |journal=International Journal of Housing Policy |language=en |pages=1–24 |doi=10.1080/19491247.2022.2089079 |issn=1949-1247|doi-access=free |hdl=1983/e12d8c29-a7c0-4cea-ba0e-85363841d111 |hdl-access=free }}</ref> However, some economists challenge this consensus and argue that controls do not have a statistically significant impact on quantity and quality of housing units.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Marsh |first=Alex |last2=Gibb |first2=Kenneth |last3=Soaita |first3=Adriana Mihaela |date=2022-08-01 |title=Rent regulation: unpacking the debates |url=https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/19491247.2022.2089079 |journal=International Journal of Housing Policy |language=en |pages=1–24 |doi=10.1080/19491247.2022.2089079 |issn=1949-1247|doi-access=free |hdl=1983/e12d8c29-a7c0-4cea-ba0e-85363841d111 |hdl-access=free }}</ref><ref>https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9906.2007.00334.x</ref><ref>https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cities.2015.08.001</ref><ref>https://jacobin.com/2019/11/rent-control-housing-crisis-affordability-supply</ref>


In a 1992 [[Stratified sampling|stratified]], random survey of 464 US economists, economics [[graduate school|graduate students]], and members of the [[American Economic Association]], 93% "generally agreed" or "agreed with [[wikt:proviso|provisos]]" that "A ceiling on rents reduces the quantity and quality of housing available."{{ r | 1992_poll | p=204 | q=76.3% generally agreed, 16.6% agreed but with provisos }} {{ r | Krugman_NYT | p=1 | q=The analysis of rent control is among the best-understood issues in all of economics, and -- among economists, anyway -- one of the least controversial. In 1992 a poll of the American Economic Association found 93 percent of its members agreeing that "a ceiling on rents reduces the quality and quantity of housing." }}
In a 1992 [[Stratified sampling|stratified]], random survey of 464 US economists, economics [[graduate school|graduate students]], and members of the [[American Economic Association]], 93% "generally agreed" or "agreed with [[wikt:proviso|provisos]]" that "A ceiling on rents reduces the quantity and quality of housing available."{{ r | 1992_poll | p=204 | q=76.3% generally agreed, 16.6% agreed but with provisos }} {{ r | Krugman_NYT | p=1 | q=The analysis of rent control is among the best-understood issues in all of economics, and -- among economists, anyway -- one of the least controversial. In 1992 a poll of the American Economic Association found 93 percent of its members agreeing that "a ceiling on rents reduces the quality and quantity of housing." }}
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A study by NYU's Furman Center takes a more positive view on rent regulation, especially as a tool to slow gentrification: "Although rent regulation is ill-targeted if viewed as a purely redistributional program," write the three authors of the study, "as a program to promote longer-term lower rent tenancies for the tenants who benefit from it, even in hot rental markets, it seems to succeed."<ref>{{Cite web |last1=Herrine |first1=Luke |last2=Yager |first2=Jessica |last3=Mian |first3=Nadia |date=26 October 2016 |title=Gentrification Response: A Survey of Strategies to Maintain Neighborhood Economic Diversity |url=https://furmancenter.org/files/NYUFurmanCenter_GentrificationResponse_26OCT2016.pdf |access-date=2 January 2022 |website=The Furman Center}}</ref>
A study by NYU's Furman Center takes a more positive view on rent regulation, especially as a tool to slow gentrification: "Although rent regulation is ill-targeted if viewed as a purely redistributional program," write the three authors of the study, "as a program to promote longer-term lower rent tenancies for the tenants who benefit from it, even in hot rental markets, it seems to succeed."<ref>{{Cite web |last1=Herrine |first1=Luke |last2=Yager |first2=Jessica |last3=Mian |first3=Nadia |date=26 October 2016 |title=Gentrification Response: A Survey of Strategies to Maintain Neighborhood Economic Diversity |url=https://furmancenter.org/files/NYUFurmanCenter_GentrificationResponse_26OCT2016.pdf |access-date=2 January 2022 |website=The Furman Center}}</ref>

=== California studies ===
{{main|Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act#Studies on effects of California Rent Control (not limited to Costa-Hawkins)}}
In 1994, San Francisco voters passed a [[ballot initiative]] which expanded the city's existing rent control laws to include small multi-unit apartments with four or fewer units, built prior to 1980 (about 30% of the city's rental housing stock at the time).{{ r | SF_RC_study_2017 | p=7 | q="These small multi-family structures made up about 30% of the rental housing stock in 1990..." }}{{ r | MN_RC | p=1 | q=When San Francisco residents voted in 1994 to expand the city's rent-control policies, they granted protections to legions of renters living in duplexes and other small, "mom and pop" apartment buildings constructed before 1980 — 30 percent of the city's rental housing stock. }}{{ r | BizJournal_RC | p=1 | q=Rent control started in San Francisco in 1979, when economic pressures and the passage of Prop. 13, which limited property tax increases, led then-Mayor Dianne Feinstein to sign the policy into law for properties built before 1980. An exemption was given to "mom and pop" landlords, or owner-occupied buildings with four or less units. These made up around 30 percent of the city's rental housing stock at the time. To skirt rent control, large corporations starting buying up those properties and selling a portion back to a live-in representative. This in turn led to a successful ballot initiative in 1994 to remove the exemption. The Stanford researchers looked at the effects on tenants who received rent control because of the ballot initiative versus tenants living in similar properties who were not subject to the new rule. }} A 2019 study found that San Francisco's rent control laws reduced tenant displacement from rent controlled units in the short-term, but resulted in landlords removing 30% of the rent controlled units from the rental market (by conversion to [[Condominium|condos]] or [[Concurrent estate#Tenancy in common|TICs]]) which led to a 15% citywide decrease in total rental units, and a 7% increase in citywide rents.<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Qian|first1=Franklin|last2=McQuade|first2=Tim|last3=Diamond|first3=Rebecca|date=2019|title=The Effects of Rent Control Expansion on Tenants, Landlords, and Inequality: Evidence from San Francisco|journal=American Economic Review|language=en|volume=109|issue=9|pages=3365–3394|doi=10.1257/aer.20181289|issn=0002-8282|doi-access=free}}</ref>{{r | MN_RC | BizJournal_RC | SFGate_RC}}{{r | Gov_RC | p=1 | q=The report focused on San Francisco, where a 1994 ballot measure expanded rent control to certain smaller multifamily apartment buildings constructed before 1980. Because units built after 1980 were not included in the expansion, the result was what researchers call a "natural experiment" in which the newer units could act as a control group. The researchers then tracked tenants' housing as well as changes in the housing stock and rents. }}{{r | CityLab_RC | p=1 | q=The researchers examined the impact of a 1994 ballot initiative in San Francisco, extending rent control protections to certain smaller buildings built before 1980. Its passage created a natural opportunity to compare these buildings with similar ones built in the period after that were not rent controlled. Diamond and her colleagues followed the landlords and the tenants in these buildings over time. }}{{r | StanfordGSB_RC }}


== History ==
== History ==
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=== Early modern Europe ===
=== Early modern Europe ===
Rent control was used in [[Rome]] as early as 1470 to protect [[Jewish]] residents from [[price gouging]]. Since Jews in the [[Papal States]] were forbidden to own property, they were dependent on [[Christians|Christian]] landlords, who charged them high rents. In 1562, [[Pope Pius IV]] granted Jews the right to own property worth up to 1500 [[Roman scudi]] and enacted rent stabilization. In 1586, [[Pope Sixtus V]] issued a bull ordering landlords to rent out houses to Jewish tenants at reasonable rates.<ref name="short-history">{{Cite journal |last=Willis |first=John W. |date=1950 |title=Short History of Rent Control Laws |url=https://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clr/vol36/iss1/3/ |journal=Cornell Law Review |volume=36 |issue=1 |pages=54–94 |via=Cornell University Law Library |access-date=7 March 2019}}</ref>
Rent control was used in [[Rome]] as early as 1470 to protect [[Jewish]] residents from [[price gouging]]. Since Jews in the [[Papal States]] were forbidden to own property, they were dependent on [[Christians|Christian]] landlords, who charged them high rents. In 1562, [[Pope Pius IV]] granted Jews the right to own property worth up to 1,500 [[Roman scudi]] and enacted rent stabilization. In 1586, [[Pope Sixtus V]] issued a bull ordering landlords to rent out houses to Jewish tenants at reasonable rates.<ref name="short-history">{{Cite journal |last=Willis |first=John W. |date=1950 |title=Short History of Rent Control Laws |url=https://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clr/vol36/iss1/3/ |journal=Cornell Law Review |volume=36 |issue=1 |pages=54–94 |via=Cornell University Law Library |access-date=7 March 2019}}</ref>


== Politics ==
== Politics ==
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Rental regulations are administered by the state and territory governments. Rent control and freezes were features of the First and Second World War, the [[Great Depression in Australia|Great Depression]], and the early stages of the [[COVID-19 pandemic]].<ref>{{Cite web |last=z5076905 |date=2022-08-29 |title=Is it time to talk about rent control in Australia? |url=https://newsroom.unsw.edu.au/news/social-affairs/it-time-talk-about-rent-control-australia |access-date=2022-11-04 |website=UNSW Newsroom}}</ref>
Rental regulations are administered by the state and territory governments. Rent control and freezes were features of the First and Second World War, the [[Great Depression in Australia|Great Depression]], and the early stages of the [[COVID-19 pandemic]].<ref>{{Cite web |last=z5076905 |date=2022-08-29 |title=Is it time to talk about rent control in Australia? |url=https://newsroom.unsw.edu.au/news/social-affairs/it-time-talk-about-rent-control-australia |access-date=2022-11-04 |website=UNSW Newsroom}}</ref>


==== ACT ====
==== Australian Capital Territory ====


The Australian Capital Territory is currently the only jurisdiction with regulation specifying maximum rent increases. Rents can only be increased for sitting tenants once a year by a maximum of 110% of the [[consumer price index]] for the cost of rent in the ACT.<ref>{{Cite web |last=ACT Government |date=1 April 2023 |title=Part 5, Residential Tenancies Act 1997 (ACT) |url=https://www.legislation.act.gov.au/sl/1998-17/default.asp |access-date=25 June 2023 |website=ACT Legislation Register}}</ref><ref name=":0">{{Cite web |last=ACT Government |date=1 April 2023 |title=Part 2, Residential Tenancies Regulation 1998 (ACT) |url=https://www.legislation.act.gov.au/sl/1998-17/default.asp |access-date=25 June 2023 |website=ACT Legislation Register}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=ACT Government Justice and Community Safety Directorate |date=March 2021 |title=The Renting Book |url=https://www.justice.act.gov.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0006/2074488/Renting-Book-March-2021-Update-Authorised-by-JACS-DG.pdf |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221025021122/https://www.justice.act.gov.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0006/2074488/Renting-Book-March-2021-Update-Authorised-by-JACS-DG.pdf |archive-date=25 October 2022 |access-date=4 November 2022 |website=The Renting Book |pages=28–31}}</ref> Rents between tenancies are not regulated, and are allowed to rise to market rate upon vacancy (vacancy decontrol).<ref name=":0" /><ref>{{Cite web |last=Clun |first=Rachel |date=25 June 2023 |title=The one place in Australia with rent control |url=https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/the-one-place-in-australia-with-rent-control-20230609-p5dfar.html |access-date=25 June 2023 |website=The Sydney Morning Herald}}</ref> Rent increases above the amount prescribed by regulation may be disputed by application to the ACT Civil and Administrative Tribunal (ACAT).<ref>{{Cite web |last=Legal Aid ACT |date=25 June 2023 |title=Tenancy: Rent Increases |url=https://www.legalaidact.org.au/sites/default/files/files/publications/Rent_Increases_May_2022.pdf |access-date=25 June 2023 |website=Legal Aid ACT}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=ACT Civil and Administrative Tribunal (ACAT) |date=25 June 2023 |title=About ACAT |url=https://www.acat.act.gov.au/about-acat |access-date=25 June 2023 |website=ACT Civil and Administrative Tribunal}}</ref> Other Australian jurisdictions allow for rent increases every six to twelve months with variable notice periods.<ref>{{Cite web |date=2022-10-24 |title=How Much Is Rent Allowed to Increase (And How Often)? |url=https://propertyupdate.com.au/how-much-and-how-often-can-i-increase-the-rent-of-my-investment-property/ |access-date=2022-11-04 |website=Property Update |language=en-US}}</ref>
The [[Australian Capital Territory]] (ACT) is currently the only jurisdiction with regulation specifying maximum rent increases. Rents can only be increased for sitting tenants once a year by a maximum of 110% of the [[consumer price index]] for the cost of rent in the ACT.<ref>{{Cite web |last=ACT Government |date=1 April 2023 |title=Part 5, Residential Tenancies Act 1997 (ACT) |url=https://www.legislation.act.gov.au/sl/1998-17/default.asp |access-date=25 June 2023 |website=ACT Legislation Register}}</ref><ref name=":0">{{Cite web |last=ACT Government |date=1 April 2023 |title=Part 2, Residential Tenancies Regulation 1998 (ACT) |url=https://www.legislation.act.gov.au/sl/1998-17/default.asp |access-date=25 June 2023 |website=ACT Legislation Register}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=ACT Government Justice and Community Safety Directorate |date=March 2021 |title=The Renting Book |url=https://www.justice.act.gov.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0006/2074488/Renting-Book-March-2021-Update-Authorised-by-JACS-DG.pdf |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221025021122/https://www.justice.act.gov.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0006/2074488/Renting-Book-March-2021-Update-Authorised-by-JACS-DG.pdf |archive-date=25 October 2022 |access-date=4 November 2022 |website=The Renting Book |pages=28–31}}</ref> Rents between tenancies are not regulated, and are allowed to rise to market rate upon vacancy (vacancy decontrol).<ref name=":0" /><ref>{{Cite web |last=Clun |first=Rachel |date=25 June 2023 |title=The one place in Australia with rent control |url=https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/the-one-place-in-australia-with-rent-control-20230609-p5dfar.html |access-date=25 June 2023 |website=The Sydney Morning Herald}}</ref> Rent increases above the amount prescribed by regulation may be disputed by application to the ACT Civil and Administrative Tribunal (ACAT).<ref>{{Cite web |last=Legal Aid ACT |date=25 June 2023 |title=Tenancy: Rent Increases |url=https://www.legalaidact.org.au/sites/default/files/files/publications/Rent_Increases_May_2022.pdf |access-date=25 June 2023 |website=Legal Aid ACT}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=ACT Civil and Administrative Tribunal (ACAT) |date=25 June 2023 |title=About ACAT |url=https://www.acat.act.gov.au/about-acat |access-date=25 June 2023 |website=ACT Civil and Administrative Tribunal}}</ref> Other Australian jurisdictions allow for rent increases every six to twelve months with variable notice periods.<ref>{{Cite web |date=2022-10-24 |title=How Much Is Rent Allowed to Increase (And How Often)? |url=https://propertyupdate.com.au/how-much-and-how-often-can-i-increase-the-rent-of-my-investment-property/ |access-date=2022-11-04 |website=Property Update |language=en-US}}</ref>


==== New South Wales ====
==== New South Wales ====
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Tenants may be evicted against their will through a court procedure for a good reason, and in the normal case only with a minimum of three months' notice.<ref>BGB [http://www.gesetze-im-internet.de/englisch_bgb/englisch_bgb.html#p2227 §573c]</ref> Tenants receive unlimited duration of their rental agreement unless the duration is explicitly halted. In practice, landlords have little incentive to change tenants as rental price increases beyond inflation are constrained. During the period of the tenancy, a person's tenancy may only be terminated for very good reasons. A system of rights for the rental property to be maintained by the landlord is designed to ensure quality of housing. Many states, such as [[Berlin]], have a constitutional right to adequate housing, and require buildings to make dwelling spaces of a certain size and ceiling height.{{Citation needed|date=September 2018}}
Tenants may be evicted against their will through a court procedure for a good reason, and in the normal case only with a minimum of three months' notice.<ref>BGB [http://www.gesetze-im-internet.de/englisch_bgb/englisch_bgb.html#p2227 §573c]</ref> Tenants receive unlimited duration of their rental agreement unless the duration is explicitly halted. In practice, landlords have little incentive to change tenants as rental price increases beyond inflation are constrained. During the period of the tenancy, a person's tenancy may only be terminated for very good reasons. A system of rights for the rental property to be maintained by the landlord is designed to ensure quality of housing. Many states, such as [[Berlin]], have a constitutional right to adequate housing, and require buildings to make dwelling spaces of a certain size and ceiling height.{{Citation needed|date=September 2018}}


In 2020, Berlin implemented a rent freeze, which was unprecedented in the German housing market. It benefitted sitting renters, but it substantially reduced the supply of new housing, harming those looking for a dwelling. The rent freeze was repealed in 2021.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Sagner |first1=Pekka |last2=Voigtländer |first2=Michael |date=2022 |title=Supply side effects of the Berlin rent freeze |url=https://doi.org/10.1080/19491247.2022.2059844 |journal=International Journal of Housing Policy |pages=1–20 |doi=10.1080/19491247.2022.2059844 |s2cid=248615020 |issn=1949-1247}}</ref>
In 2020, Berlin implemented a rent freeze, which was unprecedented in the German housing market. It benefitted sitting renters, but it substantially reduced the supply of new housing, harming those looking for a dwelling. The rent freeze was repealed in 2021.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Sagner |first1=Pekka |last2=Voigtländer |first2=Michael |date=2022 |title=Supply side effects of the Berlin rent freeze |url=https://doi.org/10.1080/19491247.2022.2059844 |journal=International Journal of Housing Policy |volume=23 |issue=4 |pages=692–711 |doi=10.1080/19491247.2022.2059844 |s2cid=248615020 |issn=1949-1247}}</ref>


=== Netherlands ===
=== Netherlands ===
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{{main|Rent control in the United States}}
{{main|Rent control in the United States}}
{{seealso|Rent control in California|Rent control in New York|Rent control in Massachusetts}}
{{seealso|Rent control in California|Rent control in New York|Rent control in Massachusetts}}
Rent regulation in the [[United States]] is an issue for each state. In 1921, the [[US supreme court|US Supreme Court]] case of ''[[Block v. Hirsh]]''<ref>{{ussc|256|135|1921}}</ref> held by a majority that regulation of rents in the District of Columbia as a temporary emergency measure was constitutional, but shortly afterwards in 1924 in ''[[Chastleton Corp v. Sinclair]]''<ref>{{ussc|264|543|1924}}</ref> the same law was unanimously struck down by the Supreme Court. After the 1930s [[New Deal]], the Supreme Court ceased to interfere with social and economic legislation, and a number of states adopted rules.{{Citation needed|date=December 2015}} In the 1986 case of ''[[Fisher v. City of Berkeley]]'',<ref>{{ussc|475|260|1986}}</ref> the US Supreme court held that there was no incompatibility between rent control and the [[Sherman Act]].
Rent regulation in the [[United States]] is an issue for each state. In 1921, the [[US supreme court|US Supreme Court]] case of ''[[Block v. Hirsh]]''<ref>{{ussc|256|135|1921}}</ref> held by a majority that regulation of rents in the District of Columbia as a temporary emergency measure was constitutional, but shortly afterward in 1924 in ''[[Chastleton Corp v. Sinclair]]''<ref>{{ussc|264|543|1924}}</ref> the same law was unanimously struck down by the Supreme Court. After the 1930s [[New Deal]], the Supreme Court ceased to interfere with social and economic legislation, and many states adopted rules.{{Citation needed|date=December 2015}} In the 1986 case of ''[[Fisher v. City of Berkeley]]'',<ref>{{ussc|475|260|1986}}</ref> the US Supreme court held that there was no incompatibility between rent control and the [[Sherman Act]].


Rent control existed in several Massachusetts communities from 1970 to 1994. During this time, least 20 percent of all rent controlled apartments in Cambridge housed the rich.{{r|move}} The vast majority housed middle- and high-income earners.{{r|move}} They included [[Frederik X|Frederik, Crown Prince of Denmark]].<ref name=move>{{cite web | url = https://rentcontrolhistory.com/chapters/renters-who-needed-to-move-couldnt-qualify/ | title = Renters who needed to move couldn’t qualify. | publisher = Mass Landlords, Inc | accessdate = January 3, 2024 }}</ref>
Rent control existed in several Massachusetts communities from 1970 to 1994. During this time, at least 20% of all rent-controlled apartments in Cambridge housed the rich.{{r|move}} The vast majority housed middle- and high-income earners.{{r|move}} They included [[Frederik X|Frederik, Crown Prince of Denmark]].<ref name=move>{{cite web | url = https://rentcontrolhistory.com/chapters/renters-who-needed-to-move-couldnt-qualify/ | title = Renters who needed to move couldn't qualify. | publisher = Mass Landlords, Inc | accessdate = January 3, 2024 }}</ref>


As of 2018, four states ([[California]], [[New York (state)|New York]], [[New Jersey]], and [[Maryland]]) and the [[District of Columbia]] have localities in which some form of residential rent control is in effect (for normal structures, excluding [[mobile home]]s).{{ r | NMHC | Landlord_com }} Thirty-seven states either prohibit or preempt rent control, while nine states allow their cities to enact rent control, but have no cities that have implemented it.{{ r | NMHC | Landlord_com }}
As of 2018, 4 states ([[California]], [[New York (state)|New York]], [[New Jersey]], and [[Maryland]]) and the [[District of Columbia]] have localities in which some form of residential rent control is in effect (for normal structures, excluding [[mobile home]]s).{{ r | NMHC | Landlord_com }} 37 states either prohibit or preempt rent control, while 9 states allow their cities to enact rent control, but have no cities that have implemented it.{{ r | NMHC | Landlord_com }}
For the localities with rent control, it often covers a large percentage of that city's stock of rental units: For example, in some of the largest markets: in [[New York City]] in 2011, 45% of rental units were either "rent stabilized" or "rent controlled", (these are different legal classifications in NYC)
For the localities with rent control, it often covers a large percentage of that city's stock of rental units: For example, in some of the largest markets: in [[New York City]] in 2011, 45% of rental units were either "rent-stabilized" or "rent-controlled", (these are different legal classifications in NYC)
{{ r | NYC_RC_percent | p=1 | q=Rent stabilized units in 2011, according to a study by NYU's Furman Center. Rental units in the city: 2,172,634 Rent stabilized: 986,840 Rent controlled: 38,374 }}
{{ r | NYC_RC_percent | p=1 | q=Rent stabilized units in 2011, according to a study by NYU's Furman Center. Rental units in the city: 2,172,634 Rent stabilized: 986,840 Rent controlled: 38,374 }}
in the District of Columbia in 2014, just over 50% of rental units were rent controlled,
in the District of Columbia in 2014, just over 50% of rental units were rent-controlled,
{{ r | DC_RC_percent | p=1 | q=According to the Department of Housing and Community Development, D.C. had about 79,000 rent-controlled units in 2011, out of 120,000 to 145,000 total rental units. This year, the Urban Institute estimates, 90,700 units in the city are potentially subject to rent control (there are a few exemptions that could reduce the number slightly), out of 177,600 total rental units. }}
{{ r | DC_RC_percent | p=1 | q=According to the Department of Housing and Community Development, D.C. had about 79,000 rent-controlled units in 2011, out of 120,000 to 145,000 total rental units. This year, the Urban Institute estimates, 90,700 units in the city are potentially subject to rent control (there are a few exemptions that could reduce the number slightly), out of 177,600 total rental units. }}
in [[San Francisco]], as of 2014, about 75% of all rental units were rent controlled,
in [[San Francisco]], as of 2014, about 75% of all rental units were rent-controlled,
{{ r | SF_RC_percent | p=1 | q=First off, understand the math of the region. San Francisco has a roughly thirty-five percent homeownership rate. Then 172,000 units of the city's 376,940 housing units are under rent control. (That's about 75 percent of the city's rental stock.) }}
{{ r | SF_RC_percent | p=1 | q=First off, understand the math of the region. San Francisco has a roughly thirty-five percent homeownership rate. Then 172,000 units of the city's 376,940 housing units are under rent control. (That's about 75 percent of the city's rental stock.) }}
and in [[Los Angeles]] in 2014, 80% of ''multifamily'' units were rent controlled.
and in [[Los Angeles]] in 2014, 80% of ''multifamily'' units were rent controlled.
Line 149: Line 146:
* [[Public housing]]
* [[Public housing]]
* [[Subsidized housing]]
* [[Subsidized housing]]
* [[YIMBY movement]]


== References ==
== References ==
Line 231: Line 229:
*P Weitzman, 'Economics and Rent Regulation: A Call for a New Perspective' (1984–1985) 13 NYU Review of Legal and Social Change 975–988
*P Weitzman, 'Economics and Rent Regulation: A Call for a New Perspective' (1984–1985) 13 NYU Review of Legal and Social Change 975–988
*M Haffner, M Elsinga and J Hoekstra, 'Rent Regulation: The Balance between Private Landlords and Tenants in Six European Countries' (2008) 8(2) International Journal of Housing Policy 217
*M Haffner, M Elsinga and J Hoekstra, 'Rent Regulation: The Balance between Private Landlords and Tenants in Six European Countries' (2008) 8(2) International Journal of Housing Policy 217
*Kholodilin, Konstantin A. (2024). "[https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1051137724000020 Rent control effects through the lens of empirical research: An almost complete review of the literature]". ''Journal of Housing Economics''. '''63'''


== External links ==
== External links ==

Latest revision as of 21:26, 27 June 2024

Rent regulation is a system of laws for the rental market of dwellings, with controversial effects on affordability of housing and tenancies. Generally, a system of rent regulation involves:

  • Price controls, limits on the rent that a landlord may charge, typically called rent control or rent stabilization
  • Eviction controls: codified standards by which a landlord may terminate a tenancy[1]: 1 [2]: 1
  • Obligations on the landlord or tenant regarding adequate maintenance of the property
  • A system of oversight and enforcement by an independent regulator and ombudsman

The loose term "rent control" covers a spectrum of regulation which can vary from setting the absolute amount of rent that can be charged, with no allowed increases, to placing different limits on the amount that rent can increase; these restrictions may continue between tenancies, or may be applied only within the duration of a tenancy.[3] As of 2016, at least 14 of the 36 OECD countries have some form of rent control in effect,[4] including four states in the United States.[5][6]

Rent regulation is implemented in many diverse forms. It is one of several classes of policies intended to improve housing affordability. Its efficacy and collateral impacts have been the subject of disagreement and controversy.[7] There is consensus among economists that rent control reduces the quality and quantity of housing units.[7]: 1[8][9][10][11][12][13][14]

Forms of rent regulation

[edit]

The loose term "rent control" can apply to several types of price control:

  • "strict price ceilings", also known as rent freeze systems, or absolute or first generation rent controls, in which no increases in rent are allowed at all (rent is typically frozen at the rate existing when the law was enacted)
    A price ceiling will create a shortage in between Qs and Qd.
  • "vacancy control", also known as strict or strong rent control, in which the rental price can rise, but continues to be regulated in between tenancies (a new tenant pays almost the same rent as the previous tenant) and
  • "vacancy decontrol", also known as tenancy or second-generation rent control, which limits price increases during a tenancy, but allows rents to rise to market rate between tenancies (new tenants pay market rate rent, but increases are limited as long as they remain).[15]

Effectiveness

[edit]

Rent price controls remain the most controversial element of a system of rent regulation. Modern rent controls (sometimes called rent leveling or rent stabilization) are intended to protect tenants in privately owned residential properties from excessive rent increases. This is usually done by mandating gradual rent increases or rent freezes, while at the same time ensuring that landlords receive a return on their investment that is deemed fair by the controlling authority.[citation needed]

There is consensus among economists that rent control reduces the quality and quantity of rental housing units.[7]: 1[8][9][10][11][13][14][16][17] However, some economists challenge this consensus and argue that controls do not have a statistically significant impact on quantity and quality of housing units.[18][19][20][21]

A number of neo-classical and Keynesian economists say that some forms of rent control regulations create shortages and exacerbate scarcity in the housing market by discouraging private investment in the rental market. In addition, there would be a dead weight loss and inefficiency since some of the loss due to price ceilings is never gained again.[22][23] This analysis targeted nominal rent freezes, and the studies conducted were mainly focused on rental prices in Manhattan, or elsewhere in the United States.[citation needed]

In a 1992 stratified, random survey of 464 US economists, economics graduate students, and members of the American Economic Association, 93% "generally agreed" or "agreed with provisos" that "A ceiling on rents reduces the quantity and quality of housing available."[24]: 204 [25]: 1

A 2009 review of the economic literature[23]: 106 by Blair Jenkins through EconLit covering theoretical and empirical research on multiple aspects of the issue, including housing availability, maintenance and housing quality, rental rates, political and administrative costs, and redistribution, for both first generation and second generation rent control systems, found that "the economics profession has reached a rare consensus: Rent control creates many more problems than it solves".[23]: 105 [26]: 1 [27]: 1 [28]: 1.

In a 2012 poll of 41 economists by the Initiative on Global Markets (IGM) Economic Experts Panel, which queried opinions on the statement "Local ordinances that limit rent increases for some rental housing units, such as in New York and San Francisco, have had a positive impact over the past three decades on the amount and quality of broadly affordable rental housing in cities that have used them," 13 members said they strongly disagreed, 20 disagreed, 1 agreed, and 7 either did not answer, were undecided, or had no opinion.[29] [2]: 1 [30]: 1.

A 2021 Columbia Business School study found that there are benefits to rent regulation,[31] arguing that "the housing stability they provide disproportionately benefits low-income households. These insurance benefits trade off against the aggregate and spatial distortions in housing and labor markets that accompany such policies."

In David Sims's 2007 study of the deregulation of the housing market in Cambridge, Massachusetts, he found that "rent control had little effect on the construction of new housing but did encourage owners to shift units away from rental status and reduced rents substantially."[32]

In a 2013 analysis of the body of economic research on rent control by Peter Tatian at the Urban Institute, he stated that "The conclusion seems to be that rent stabilization doesn't do a good job of protecting its intended beneficiaries—poor or vulnerable renters—because the targeting of the benefits is very haphazard.", and concluded that: "Given the current research, there seems to be little one can say in favor of rent control." [26]: 1 [2]: 1 [33]: 1

Many economists suggest housing subsidies as a way to make housing more affordable to renters without distorting the housing market as much as rent control, but expanding the existing subsidy programs would require sharp increases in government spending.[7]

Paul Krugman writes that rent control inhibits construction of new housing, creates bitter tenant–landlord relations, and in markets with not all apartments under rent control, causes an increase in rents for uncontrolled units.[25]

Thomas Sowell writes that rent control reduces the supply of housing,[34]: 4 and has stated that rent control increases urban blight.[34]: 5  [35]: 1

The Swedish economist Assar Lindbeck, a housing expert, said that "rent control appears to be the most efficient technique presently known to destroy a city – except for bombing".[36][37]

A study by NYU's Furman Center takes a more positive view on rent regulation, especially as a tool to slow gentrification: "Although rent regulation is ill-targeted if viewed as a purely redistributional program," write the three authors of the study, "as a program to promote longer-term lower rent tenancies for the tenants who benefit from it, even in hot rental markets, it seems to succeed."[38]

California studies

[edit]

In 1994, San Francisco voters passed a ballot initiative which expanded the city's existing rent control laws to include small multi-unit apartments with four or fewer units, built prior to 1980 (about 30% of the city's rental housing stock at the time).[39]: 7[40]: 1[41]: 1 A 2019 study found that San Francisco's rent control laws reduced tenant displacement from rent controlled units in the short-term, but resulted in landlords removing 30% of the rent controlled units from the rental market (by conversion to condos or TICs) which led to a 15% citywide decrease in total rental units, and a 7% increase in citywide rents.[42][40][41][43][44]: 1[45]: 1[46]

History

[edit]
A 1945 comic explaining rent control under the U.S. Office of Price Administration

Early modern Europe

[edit]

Rent control was used in Rome as early as 1470 to protect Jewish residents from price gouging. Since Jews in the Papal States were forbidden to own property, they were dependent on Christian landlords, who charged them high rents. In 1562, Pope Pius IV granted Jews the right to own property worth up to 1,500 Roman scudi and enacted rent stabilization. In 1586, Pope Sixtus V issued a bull ordering landlords to rent out houses to Jewish tenants at reasonable rates.[47]

Politics

[edit]

Rent regulation by country

[edit]

Australia

[edit]

Rental regulations are administered by the state and territory governments. Rent control and freezes were features of the First and Second World War, the Great Depression, and the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic.[48]

Australian Capital Territory

[edit]

The Australian Capital Territory (ACT) is currently the only jurisdiction with regulation specifying maximum rent increases. Rents can only be increased for sitting tenants once a year by a maximum of 110% of the consumer price index for the cost of rent in the ACT.[49][50][51] Rents between tenancies are not regulated, and are allowed to rise to market rate upon vacancy (vacancy decontrol).[50][52] Rent increases above the amount prescribed by regulation may be disputed by application to the ACT Civil and Administrative Tribunal (ACAT).[53][54] Other Australian jurisdictions allow for rent increases every six to twelve months with variable notice periods.[55]

New South Wales

[edit]

New South Wales has a small number of tenants who are not covered by the Residential Tenancies Act 2010 (NSW),[56] but rather continuing provisions of the repealed Landlord and Tenant (Amendment) Act 1948 (NSW).[57][58][59][60] Such ‘protected tenants’ pay a regulated ‘fair rent’ set either through a Section 17A agreement registered with NSW Fair Trading, or a magistrate sitting as the Fair Rents Board (NSW).[58][61]

Canada

[edit]

In Canada, there are rent regulation laws in each province. For example, in Ontario the Residential Tenancies Act 2006 requires that prices for rented properties do not rise more than 2.5 percent each year, or a lower figure fixed by a government minister.

China

[edit]

China announced in August 2021 new nationwide rent regulations that cap maximum yearly rent increases to 5% in all urban areas, which comprise over 2/3 of the population and include most of the ~250 million renters in the country.[62]

France

[edit]

Rent regulations are determined in France based on the Rent Reference Index, which serves as the basis for what landlords can increase yearly rents by.[63] In July 2022, France introduced a new cap on yearly rent increase of a maximum of 3.5% for one year.[64]

Germany

[edit]

German rent regulation is found in the "Civil Code" (the Bürgerliches Gesetzbuch) in § 535 to § 580a.[65] As common in German law, regulations are structured into an abstract, more general part that applies to all contracts of a certain type, followed by a more specific section for individual fields of application of this type of contract. Specific regulations for rental contracts governing apartments range from §§ 549 - 577a BGB.

The German law differentiates between the rental price at the starting point of the contract and rent increases throughout the duration of the contract. Generally, the rental price at the starting point of the contract is determined by the contractual agreement between the parties. Only in designated regions with a strained housing market, the rental price at the beginning of the rental agreement are capped by law. Increases in the rental prices throughout the duration of a rental contract are required to follow a "rent level" (Mietspiegel), which is a database of local reference rent prices. This collects all rent prices of new rental contracts of the past four years, and landlords may only increase prices on their property in line with rents in the same locality. Usury Rents are prohibited altogether, so that any price rises above 20 per cent over three years are unlawful.[66]

Tenants may be evicted against their will through a court procedure for a good reason, and in the normal case only with a minimum of three months' notice.[67] Tenants receive unlimited duration of their rental agreement unless the duration is explicitly halted. In practice, landlords have little incentive to change tenants as rental price increases beyond inflation are constrained. During the period of the tenancy, a person's tenancy may only be terminated for very good reasons. A system of rights for the rental property to be maintained by the landlord is designed to ensure quality of housing. Many states, such as Berlin, have a constitutional right to adequate housing, and require buildings to make dwelling spaces of a certain size and ceiling height.[citation needed]

In 2020, Berlin implemented a rent freeze, which was unprecedented in the German housing market. It benefitted sitting renters, but it substantially reduced the supply of new housing, harming those looking for a dwelling. The rent freeze was repealed in 2021.[68]

Netherlands

[edit]

Yearly rent increases in the Netherlands are capped at a maximum of inflation + 1%, calculated as 3.3% in 2022.[69]

Spain

[edit]

The Catalonia region of Spain passed a rent-regulation law in September 2020.[70]

United Kingdom

[edit]
UK house prices 1975–2006.

Rent regulation covered the whole of the UK private sector rental market from 1915 to 1980. However, from the Housing Act 1980, it became Conservative Party policy to deregulate and dismantle rent regulation. Regulation for all new tenancies was abolished by the Housing Act 1988, leaving the basic regulatory framework was "freedom of contract" by the landlord to set any price. Rent regulations survive among a small number of council houses, and often the rates set by local authorities mirror escalating prices in the non-regulated private market.

United States

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Rent regulation in the United States is an issue for each state. In 1921, the US Supreme Court case of Block v. Hirsh[71] held by a majority that regulation of rents in the District of Columbia as a temporary emergency measure was constitutional, but shortly afterward in 1924 in Chastleton Corp v. Sinclair[72] the same law was unanimously struck down by the Supreme Court. After the 1930s New Deal, the Supreme Court ceased to interfere with social and economic legislation, and many states adopted rules.[citation needed] In the 1986 case of Fisher v. City of Berkeley,[73] the US Supreme court held that there was no incompatibility between rent control and the Sherman Act.

Rent control existed in several Massachusetts communities from 1970 to 1994. During this time, at least 20% of all rent-controlled apartments in Cambridge housed the rich.[74] The vast majority housed middle- and high-income earners.[74] They included Frederik, Crown Prince of Denmark.[74]

As of 2018, 4 states (California, New York, New Jersey, and Maryland) and the District of Columbia have localities in which some form of residential rent control is in effect (for normal structures, excluding mobile homes).[5][6] 37 states either prohibit or preempt rent control, while 9 states allow their cities to enact rent control, but have no cities that have implemented it.[5][6] For the localities with rent control, it often covers a large percentage of that city's stock of rental units: For example, in some of the largest markets: in New York City in 2011, 45% of rental units were either "rent-stabilized" or "rent-controlled", (these are different legal classifications in NYC) [75]: 1 in the District of Columbia in 2014, just over 50% of rental units were rent-controlled, [76]: 1 in San Francisco, as of 2014, about 75% of all rental units were rent-controlled, [77]: 1 and in Los Angeles in 2014, 80% of multifamily units were rent controlled. [78]: 1

In 2019 California passed a statewide rent cap for the next 10 years which limits yearly rent increases to 5% plus regional inflation.[79]

In 2019 Oregon's legislature passed a bill which made the state the first in the nation to adopt a state-wide rent control policy. This new law limits annual rent increases to inflation plus 7 percent, includes vacancy decontrol (market rate between tenancies), exempts new construction for 15 years, and keeps the current state ban on local rent control policies (state level preemption) intact. [80]: 1 [81]: 1

In November 2021, voters in Saint Paul, Minnesota passed a rent control ballot initiative which capped annual rent increases at 3 percent, included vacancy control, and did not exempt new construction, nor allow inflation to be added to the allowable rate increase.[82][83] This was followed by an 80% reduction in requests for new multifamily housing permits, while in neighboring Minneapolis, where voters authorized the city council to craft a rent control ordinance, yet to be enacted—which may exempt new construction from the rent control caps—permits were up 68%.[82][84]

See also

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References

[edit]
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  3. ^ See the section on Rent regulation#Forms of rent regulation for more detail.
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  10. ^ a b David A Besanko; Ronald R. Braeutigam (2008). "10.5". Microeconomics (3rd ed.). Hoboken, New Jersey: John Wiley & Sons. pp. 374–377. ISBN 978-0470-04924-2.
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  12. ^ See also the "Effectiveness" section for more references supporting this statement.
  13. ^ a b Mankiw, N. Gregory (2015). Principles of Economics. Boston, MA: Cengage Learning. p. 31. ISBN 978-1-305-58512-6. Propositions about Which Most Economists Agree: ... A ceiling on rents reduces the quantity and quality of housing available
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  82. ^ a b Britschgi, Christian (22 March 2022). "America's Most Controversial Rent Control Law Is Getting a Hasty Makeover - A collapse in new development activity followed St. Paul voters' approval of a strict, vaguely written rent control ordinance. City and state officials are scrambling over how best to fix the new law". Reason. Tomorrow the St. Paul City Council will discuss the details of implementing Question 1, a brief, voter-passed ordinance that caps annual rent increases at 3 percent and which includes none of the typical exemptions or allowances for new construction, vacant units, or inflation. ... California and Oregon policies also include a number of other exemptions to their state-level rent control laws. They allow property owners, up to a point, to add inflation to allowable rent increases. They both allow landlords to raise rents as high as they want between tenants and have higher caps on rent increases: 5 percent in California and 7 percent in Oregon.
  83. ^ Galioto, Katie (20 November 2021). "Fearing a spike, tenant advocates keep a close eye on St. Paul rents". Star Tribune. More than 30,000 St. Paul residents — about 53% of voters — approved an ordinance by referendum earlier this month that will cap annual rent increases at 3%. The city has yet to hammer out the finer points of its new policy, which has been pegged as one of the most stringent rent control measures in the nation because it does not allow landlords to raise rents once a tenant moves out, does not exempt new construction and is not tied to inflation.
  84. ^ Callaghan, Peter (16 March 2022). "Minnesota Senate committee moves bill to retroactively cancel rent control measures passed by voters in Minneapolis, St. Paul". MinnPost. Draheim also cited Census Bureau statistics that show requests for housing permits has fallen 80 percent in St. Paul since the passage of the referendum. In Minneapolis, which hasn't drafted an ordinance yet and where new buildings could be exempt from caps, permits are up 68 percent.

Further reading

[edit]
  • R Arnott, 'Time for Revisionism on Rent Control?' (1995) 9(1) Journal of Economic Perspectives 99
  • A Anas, 'Rent Control with Matching Economies: A Model of European Housing Market Regulation' (1997) 15(1) Journal of Real Estate Finance and Economics 111–37
  • T Ellingsen and P Englund, 'Rent regulation: An introduction' (2003) 10 Swedish Economic Policy Review 3
  • H Lind, 'Rent Regulation: A Conceptual and Comparative Analysis' (2001) 1(1) International Journal of Housing Policy 41
  • C Rapkin, The Private Rental Housing Market in New York City (1966)
  • G Sternlieb, The Urban Housing Dilemma (1972)
  • P Weitzman, 'Economics and Rent Regulation: A Call for a New Perspective' (1984–1985) 13 NYU Review of Legal and Social Change 975–988
  • M Haffner, M Elsinga and J Hoekstra, 'Rent Regulation: The Balance between Private Landlords and Tenants in Six European Countries' (2008) 8(2) International Journal of Housing Policy 217
  • Kholodilin, Konstantin A. (2024). "Rent control effects through the lens of empirical research: An almost complete review of the literature". Journal of Housing Economics. 63
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