Ivan Ilyin: Difference between revisions

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In September the [[Reich Chamber of Culture]] was established. When the Berlin Institute was placed under [[Reich Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda]] in October not only the Jews but also Ilyin lost his job as head of the institute because of he refused to incorporate Nazi propaganda into his courses. Ilyin noted the Nazi government's assault on the civil rights of German Jews but did not regard those measures as a sufficient reason for calling the entire German fascist project into question.<ref name="Valliere"/> When he was asked to join the anti-Jewish propaganda Ilyin refrained from following it.<ref name="Philip T. Grier (1994) The Complex Legacy of Ivan Il'in, p. 182. In: Russian Thought After Communism: The Recovery of a Philosophical Heritage edited by James Patrick Scanlan" /><ref name="iljinru.tsygankov.ru"/> This was followed by a ban on teaching activities. After that, he was arrested for all his printed works and completely banned from public speaking.<ref name="The Postil">{{cite web |url=https://www.thepostil.com/author/denis-spiridonov/ |title=Denis Spiridonov|date=September 2022 }}</ref> The initial support proved to be short-lived: he had fallen victim to [[Émigré]] denunciations, which prompted the search of his house by police and subsequent interrogation. In a letter to [[Ivan Shmelyov]], dated 7 August 1934, Ilyin wrote: "At the beginning of July, I was dismissed along with all my other compatriots from the position I had occupied for 12 years — dismissed for being Russian patriot.<ref name="О России / Православие.Ru">{{cite web |url=http://www.pravoslavie.ru/41907.html |title=О России}}</ref>
 
{{Blockquote|On August 5, Ilyin's house was searched, his letters were looked over, and he was taken away for interrogation, where he was asked about his source of income and for details of the people abroad with whom he corresponded. Upon release, the German police required him to sign a declaration: "I am aware that if I '"engage in politics'", I will be sent to a concentration camp. To this I have added a distinct point, to the effect that the authorities themselves provide me with inducement through their anti-communist mission."<ref name=":0">{{Cite book |last1=Petrov |first1=Igor |url=https://www.illiberalism.org/stakeholders-hangers-copycats-russian-berlin-1933/ |title="Stakeholders, Hangers-On, and Copycats: the Russian Right in Berlin in 1933" Institute for European, Russian, and Eurasian Studies – The George Washington University. Liberalism Studies Program Working Papers no. 6, April 2021 |last2=Beyda |first2=Oleg |date=2021-01-01}}</ref>}}
 
Ilyin initially saw [[Adolf Hitler]] as a defender of civilization from [[Bolshevism]] and approved of the way Hitler had, in his view, derived his [[anti-communism]] and [[antisemitism]] from the ideology of the Russian [[White movement|Whites]].<ref name="Snyder_2018"/>{{rp|page=20}} <!--Later, in the 1940s and '50s, he provided the outlines for a constitution of a fascist Holy Russia governed by a 'national dictator' who would be 'inspired by the spirit of totality.'{{cn}}--> Ilyin's admiration for early fascism, his arguments for a strong state, organically connected to the people, and his assertion that ''"at the head of the state, there must be a single will''" have inevitably produced comparisons with his German counterpart [[Carl Schmitt]].<ref name=dgl/><ref>Sytin 2014</ref>
 
<!--Ilyin considered Nazism a positive phenomenon that with some modifications and adjustments could serve as a model for the future Russia.<ref>[https://www.lander.odessa.ua/doc/Putinism.pdf [[Walter Laquer]] (2015) Putanism</ref>-->In 1948, Ilyin in his work "On Fascism" gives a series of justifications for fascism and sums it up at the end of his work: