Partition of India: Difference between revisions

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{{Short description|1947 division of British India}}
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{{Use Indian English|date=July 2015}}
{{Use dmy dates|date=March 2024}}
{{Infobox historical event
| image = British Indian Empire 1909 Imperial Gazetteer of India.jpg
| image_size =
| caption = British Indian Empire in ''[[The Imperial Gazetteer of India]]'', 1909. [[British India]] is shaded pink, the [[princely state]]s yellow
| Location = [[British Raj]]
| Date = August 1947
| Result = [[Partition (politics)|Partition]] of [[British Raj|British Indian Empire]] into independent dominions the [[Dominion of India|Union of India]] and the [[Dominion of Pakistan]] and [[Refugee crisis|refugee crises]]
| fatalities = 200,000 to 2 million,{{sfn|Talbot|Singh|2009|p=2}}{{efn|"The death toll remains disputed with figures ranging from 200,000 to 2 million."{{sfn|Talbot|Singh|2009|p=2}}}} 1412 to 20 million displaced<ref name="Springer Science & Business Media">{{Cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=tGiSBAAAQBAJ&pg=PA6#v=onepage&q&f=false|title=Population Redistribution and Development in South Asia|last=|first=|publisher=Springer Science & Business Media|year=2012|isbn=978-9400953093|location=|page=6}}</ref>{{efn|name=Displacement}}
| URL =
}}
[[File:Brit IndianEmpireReligions3.jpg|thumb|262px|The prevailing religions of the British Indian Empire based on the Census of India, 1901]]
 
The '''partition of India''' in 1947 was the division of [[British India]]{{efn|British India consisted of those regions of the [[British Raj]], or the [[British Indian Empire]], which were directly administered by Britain; other regions, of nominal sovereignty, which were indirectly ruled by Britain, were called [[princely state]]s.}} into two independent dominion states, the [[Dominion of India|Union of India]] and [[Dominion of Pakistan]].<ref>{{cite book |title=Partition (n), 7. b |publisher=Oxford English Dictionary |edition=3rd |year=2005 |quote=The division of British India into India and Pakistan, achieved in 1947.}}</ref> The Union of India is today the [[Republic of India]] and the Dominion of Pakistan, the [[Islamic Republic of Pakistan]], and the [[People's Republic of Bangladesh]]. The [[Partition (politics)|partition]] involved the division of two provinces, [[Bengal]] and the [[Punjab Province (British India)|Punjab]], based on district-wise [[Hindu]] or [[Muslim]] majorities. It also involved the division of the [[British Indian Army]], the [[Royal Indian Navy]], the [[Indian Civil Service]], the [[History of rail transport in India|railways]], and the central treasury, between the two new dominions. The partition was set forth in the [[Indian Independence Act 1947]] and resulted in the dissolution of the [[British Raj]], or [[Crown rule in India]]. The two self-governing countries of India and Pakistan legally came into existence at midnight on 14–15 August 1947.
 
The partition displaced between 10–1212 and 20 million people along religious lines,{{efn|name=Displacement}} creating overwhelming refugee crises in the newly constituted dominions; there was large-scale violence, with estimates of loss of life accompanying or preceding the partition disputed and varying between several hundred thousand and two million.{{sfn|Talbot|Singh|2009|p=2}}{{efn|"The death toll remains disputed to this day with figures ranging from 200,000 to 2 million."{{sfn|Talbot|Singh|2009|p=2}}}} The violent nature of the partition created an atmosphere of hostility and suspicion between India and Pakistan that plagues [[Indo-Pakistani relations|their relationship]] to the present.
 
The term ''partition of India'' does not cover the [[Bangladesh Liberation War|secession of Bangladesh from Pakistan]] in 1971, nor the earlier separations of [[Burma]] (now [[Myanmar]]) and [[Ceylon]] (now [[Sri Lanka]]) from the administration of British India.{{efn|Coastal Ceylon, part of the [[Madras Presidency]] of British India from 1796, became the separate [[crown colony]] of [[British Ceylon]] in 1802. Burma, gradually annexed by the British during 1826–86 and governed as a part of the British Indian administration until 1937, was [[Separation of Burma|directly administered]] thereafter.<ref>[http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,788006,00.html Sword For Pen], ''[[Time (magazine)|Time]]'', 12 April 1937</ref> Burma was granted independence on 4 January 1948 and Ceylon on 4 February 1948. (See [[History of Sri Lanka]] and [[History of Burma]].)}} The term also does not cover the [[Political integration of India|political integration]] of [[princely states]] into the two new dominions, nor the disputes of annexation or division arising in the princely states of [[Hyderabad State|Hyderabad]], [[Junagadh State|Junagadh]], and [[Jammu and Kashmir (princely state)|Jammu and Kashmir]], though violence along religious lines did break out in some princely states at the time of the partition. It does not cover the incorporation of the enclaves of [[French India]] into India during the period 1947–1954, nor the annexation of [[Goa]] and other districts of [[Portuguese India]] by India in 1961. Other contemporaneous political entities in the region in 1947, such as [[Sikkim]], [[Bhutan]], [[Nepal]], and [[the [[Maldives]], were unaffected by the partition.{{efn|The Himalayan kingdom of [[Sikkim]] was established as a [[princely state]] after the ''Anglo-Sikkimese Treaty'' of 1861, however, the issue of sovereignty was left undefined.<ref>{{cite encyclopedia |title=Sikkim |encyclopedia=Encyclopædia Britannica |url=http://www.britannica.com/eb/article-46212 |year=2008}}</ref> In 1947, Sikkim became an independent kingdom under the [[suzerainty]] of India and remained so until 1975 when it was absorbed into India as the 22nd state. Other Himalayan kingdoms, [[Nepal]] and [[Bhutan]], having signed treaties with the British designating them as ''independent states'', were not a part of British India.<ref>[http://www.britannica.com/eb/article-23632 Encyclopædia Britannica. 2008. "Nepal."], [http://www.britannica.com/eb/article-25008 Encyclopædia Britannica. 2008. "Bhutan."]</ref> The [[Indian Ocean]] island of [[The Maldives]], became a [[protectorate]] of the [[British crown]] in 1887 and gained its independence in 1965.}}
 
==Background==
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In 1905, during his second term as [[Governor-General of India|viceroy of India]], [[Lord Curzon]] divided the [[Bengal Presidency]]—the largest [[Administrative division|administrative subdivision]] in British India—into the Muslim-majority province of [[Eastern Bengal and Assam]] and the Hindu-majority province of [[Bengal]] (present-day Indian states of [[West Bengal]], [[Bihar]], [[Jharkhand]], and [[Odisha]]).<ref name="spear176">{{harvnb|Spear|1990|p=176}}</ref> Curzon's act, the [[Partition of Bengal (1905)|partition of Bengal]]—which had been contemplated by various colonial administrations since the time of [[Lord William Bentinck]], though never acted upon—was to transform [[Nationalism|nationalist]] politics as nothing else before it.<ref name="spear176" />
 
The Hindu elite of Bengal, many of whom owned land that was leased out to Muslim [[peasant]]s in East Bengal, protested strongly. The large [[Bengali Hindus|Bengali-Hindu]] [[Indian middle class|middle-class]] (the ''[[Bhadralok]]''), upset at the prospect of Bengalis being outnumbered in the new Bengal province by [[Biharis]] and [[Oriyas]], felt that Curzon's act was punishment for their political [[assertiveness]].<ref name="spear176" /> The pervasive protests against Curzon's decision predominantly took the form of the ''[[Swadeshi movement|Swadeshi]]'' ('buy Indian') campaign, involving a boycott of British goods. Sporadically, but flagrantly, the protesters also took to [[political violence]], which involved attacks on civilians.<ref>{{harvnb|Spear|1990|p=176}}, {{harvnb|Stein|Arnold|2010|p=291}}, {{harvnb|Ludden|2002|p=193}}, {{harvnb|Metcalf|Metcalf|2006|p=156}}</ref> The violence was ineffective, as most planned attacks were either prevented by the British or failed.<ref name="bandyo260" /> The [[Battle cry|rallying cry]] for both types of protest was the slogan ''[[Vande Mataram|Bande Mataram]]'' ([[Bengali language|Bengali]], lit:{{Literal 'translation|Hail to the Mother'}}), the title of a song by [[Bankim Chandra Chatterjee]], which invoked a [[mother goddess]], who stood variously for Bengal, India, and the Hindu goddess [[Kali]].<ref name="ludden193">{{harvnb|Ludden|2002|p=193}}</ref> The unrest spread from [[Kolkata|Calcutta]] to the surrounding regions of Bengal when Calcutta's English-educated students returned home to their villages and towns.<ref name="ludden199">{{harvnb|Ludden|2002|p=199}}</ref> The religious stirrings of the slogan and the political outrage over the partition were combined as young men, in such groups as [[Jugantar]], took to [[bomb]]ing public buildings, staging armed robberies,<ref name="bandyo260">{{harvnb|Bandyopadhyay|2004|p=260}}</ref> and [[Assassination|assassinating]] British officials.<ref name="ludden193" /> Since Calcutta was the imperial capital, both the outrage and the slogan soon became known nationally.<ref name="ludden193" />
 
The overwhelming, predominantly-Hindu protest against the partition of Bengal, along with the fear of reforms favouring the Hindu majority, led the Muslim elite of India in 1906 to the new viceroy [[Lord Minto]], asking for separate electorates for Muslims. In conjunction, they demanded representation in proportion to their share of the total population, reflecting both their status as former rulers and their record of cooperating with the British. This would result{{citation needed|date=April 2024}} in the founding of the [[All-India Muslim League]] in [[Dhaka|Dacca]] in December 1906. Although Curzon by now had returned to England following his resignation over a dispute with his military chief, [[Herbert Kitchener, 1st Earl Kitchener|Lord Kitchener]], the League was in favor of his partition plan.<ref name="ludden199" /> The Muslim elite's position, which was reflected in the League's position, had crystallized gradually over the previous three decades, beginning with the [[1871 Census of India|1871 Census of British India]],{{citation needed|date=April 2024}} which had first estimated the populations in regions of Muslim majority.<ref name="ludden200">{{harvnb|Ludden|2002|p=200}}</ref> For his part, Curzon's desire to court the Muslims of East Bengal had arisen from British anxieties ever since the 1871 census, and in light of the history of Muslims fighting them in the [[Indian Rebellion of 1857|1857 Rebellion]] and the [[Second Anglo-Afghan War]].{{citation needed|date=April 2024}}
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[[File:Jinnah lucknow pact1916.jpg|thumb|[[Muhammad Ali Jinnah]], seated, third from the left, was a supporter of the Lucknow Pact, which, in 1916, ended the three-way rift between the Extremists, the Moderates and the League]]
 
[[World War I]] would prove to be a watershed in the imperial relationship between Britain and India. 1.4 million Indian and British soldiers of the [[British Indian Army]] would take part in the war, and their participation would have a wider cultural fallout: news of Indian soldiers fighting and dying with British soldiers, as well as soldiers from [[dominion]]s like Canada and Australia, would travel to distant corners of the world both in newsprint and by the new medium of the radio.<ref name="brown-p197-198">{{harvnb|Brown|1994|pp=197–198}}</ref> India's international profile would thereby rise and would continue to rise during the 1920s.<ref name="brown-p197-198" /> It was to lead, among other things, to India, under its name, becoming a [[League of Nations members#1920: founder members|founding member]] of the [[League of Nations]] in 1920 and participating, under the name, "Les Indes Anglaises" (British India), in the [[1920 Summer Olympics]] in [[Antwerp]].<ref>[http://www.la84foundation.org/6oic/OfficialReports/1920/1920.pdf Olympic Games Antwerp 1920: Official Report] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110505163318/http://www.la84foundation.org/6oic/OfficialReports/1920/1920.pdf |date=5 May 2011 }}, Nombre de bations representees, p. 168. Quote: "31 Nations avaient accepté l'invitation du Comité Olympique Belge: ... la Grèce – la Hollande Les Indes Anglaises – l'Italie – le Japon ..."</ref> Back in India, especially among the leaders of the [[Indian National Congress]], it would lead to calls for greater self-government for Indians.<ref name="brown-p197-198" />
 
The [[Lucknow Pact|1916 Lucknow Session]] of the Congress was also the venue of an unanticipated mutual effort by the Congress and the Muslim League, the occasion for which was provided by the wartime partnership between Germany and Turkey. Since the Ottoman Sultan, also held guardianship of the Islamic holy sites of [[Mecca]], [[Medina]], and [[Jerusalem]], and, since the British and their allies were now in conflict with the Ottoman Empire, doubts began to increase among some Indian Muslims about the "religious neutrality" of the British, doubts that had already surfaced as a result of the [[Partition of Bengal (1905)#Reunited Bengal (1911)|reunification of Bengal]] in 1911, a decision that was seen as ill-disposed to Muslims.<ref name="brown-p200-201">{{Harvnb|Brown|1994|pp=200–201}}</ref> In the Lucknow Pact, the League joined the Congress in the proposal for greater self-government that was campaigned for by Tilak and his supporters; in return, the Congress accepted separate electorates for Muslims in the provincial legislatures as well as the Imperial Legislative Council. In 1916, the Muslim League had anywhere between 500 and 800 members and did not yet have its wider following among Indian Muslims of later years; in the League itself, the pact did not have unanimous backing, having largely been negotiated by a group of "Young Party" Muslims from the [[United Provinces of Agra and Oudh|United Provinces]] (UP), most prominently, the brothers [[Mohammad Ali Jauhar|Mohammad]] and [[Maulana Shaukat Ali|Shaukat Ali]], who had embraced the Pan-Islamic cause.<ref name="brown-p200-201" /> It gained the support of a young lawyer from Bombay, [[Muhammad Ali Jinnah]], who later rose to leadership roles in the League and the Indian independence movement. In later years, as the full ramifications of the pact unfolded, it was seen as benefiting the Muslim minority elites of provinces like UP and Bihar more than the Muslim majorities of Punjab and Bengal. At the time, the "Lucknow Pact" was an important milestone in nationalistic agitation and was seen so by the British.<ref name="brown-p200-201" />
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[[Secretary of State for India]] [[Edwin Samuel Montagu|Montagu]] and [[Governor-General of India|Viceroy]] [[Frederic John Napier Thesiger, 3rd Baron Chelmsford|Lord Chelmsford]] presented a report in July 1918 after a long fact-finding trip through India the previous winter.<ref name="brown-p205-207">{{Harvnb|Brown|1994|pp=205–207}}</ref> After more discussion by the government and parliament in Britain, and another tour by the Franchise and Functions Committee to identify who among the Indian population could vote in future elections, the [[Government of India Act of 1919]] (also known as the [[Montagu–Chelmsford Reforms]]) was passed in December 1919.<ref name="brown-p205-207" /> The new Act enlarged both the provincial and [[Imperial Legislative Council|Imperial]] legislative councils and repealed the Government of India's recourse to the "official majority" in unfavourable votes.<ref name="brown-p205-207" /> Although departments like defence, foreign affairs, criminal law, communications, and income-tax were retained by the [[Governor-General of India|viceroy]] and the central government in New Delhi, other departments like public health, education, land-revenue, local self-government were transferred to the provinces.<ref name="brown-p205-207" /> The provinces themselves were now to be administered under a new [[Diarchy|dyarchical]] system, whereby some areas like education, agriculture, infrastructure development, and local self-government became the preserve of Indian ministers and legislatures, and ultimately the Indian electorates, while others like irrigation, land-revenue, police, prisons, and control of media remained within the purview of the British governor and his executive council.<ref name="brown-p205-207" /> The new Act also made it easier for Indians to be admitted into the civil service and the army officer corps.
 
A greater number of Indians were now enfranchised, although, for voting at the national level, they constituted only 10% of the total adult male population, many of whom were still illiterate.<ref name="brown-p205-207" /> In the provincial legislatures, the British continued to exercise some control by setting aside seats for special interests they considered cooperative or useful. In particular, rural candidates, generally sympathetic to British rule and less confrontational, were assigned more seats than their urban counterparts.<ref name="brown-p205-207" /> Seats were also reserved for non-[[Brahmin]]s, landowners, businessmen, and college graduates. The principle of "communal representation,", an integral part of the [[Minto-MorleyIndian Councils Act 1909|Minto–Morley Reforms]], and more recently of the Congress-Muslim League Lucknow Pact, was reaffirmed, with seats being reserved for [[Muslims]], [[Sikhs]], [[Christianity in India|Indian Christians]], [[Anglo-Indians]], and domiciled Europeans, in both provincial and imperial legislative councils.<ref name="brown-p205-207" /> The Montagu-ChelmsfordMontagu–Chelmsford reforms offered Indians the most significant opportunity yet for exercising legislative power, especially at the provincial level, though restricted by the still limited number of eligible voters, by the small budgets available to provincial legislatures, and by the presence of rural and special interest seats that were seen as instruments of British control.<ref name="brown-p205-207" />
 
====Introduction of the two-nation theory: 1920s====
{{main|Two-nation theory}}
 
The ''two-nation theory'' is the assertion, based on the former Indian Muslim ruling class' sense of being culturally and historically distinct, that Indian [[Hindus]] and Muslims are two distinct [[nation]]snations.<ref>{{cite book |url= https://books.google.com/books?id=-78yjVybQfkC&q=The+Idea+of+Pakistan |page= 36 |quote=Thus the idea of Pakistan rests on the elite Indian muslim sense of being culturally and historically distinct |title= the Idea of Pakistan |author= Stephen P. Cohen |date=2004 |publisher= Rowman & Littlefield |isbn= 9780815797616 }}</ref><ref name="winks2001">Talbot, Ian. 1999. "[https://books.google.com/books?id=eEd7tQEACAAJ&pg=PA253 Pakistan's Emergence]." Pp. 253–63 in ''[[The Oxford History of the British Empire|The Oxford History of the British Empire: Historiography]]'', edited by [[Robin Winks|R. W. Winks]]. Oxford: Oxford University Press. {{ISBN|978-0-19-820566-1}}. {{OCLC|1036799442}}.</ref><ref name="khan1940">{{Citation |title=Pakistan: The Heart of Asia |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=swIYjzJOx5wC |year=1940 |isbn=978-1443726672 |quote="... There is much in the Musalmans which, if they wish, can roll them into a nation. But isn't there enough that is common to both Hindus and Muslims, which if developed, is capable of molding them into one people? Nobody can deny that there are many modes, manners, rites, and customs that are common to both. Nobody can deny that there are rites, customs, and usages based on religion that do divide Hindus and Muslims. The question is, which of these should be emphasized ..." |author=Liaquat Ali Khan |publisher=Thacker & Co. Ltd. |access-date=6 April 2016}}</ref> It argued that religion resulted in cultural and social differences between Muslims and Hindus.<ref>{{cite book |url= https://books.google.com/books?id=JSHFDgAAQBAJ |title= Islam: A Worldwide Encyclopedia [4 Volumes] |author=Cenap Çakmak |date=2017 |publisher=ABC-CLIO |page=866 |isbn=9781610692175}}</ref> While some professional Muslim Indian politicians used it to secure or safeguard a large share of political spoils for the Indian Muslims with the withdrawal of British rule, others believed the main political objective was the preservation of the cultural entity of Muslim India.<ref>{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=APLmIxRyEjEC&dq=barani+two+nation+theory&pg=PA16 |title=Two Nations: The Philosophy of Muslim Nationalism |author=Anil Chandra Banerjee |date=1981 |publisher=Concept}}</ref> The two-nation theory was a founding principle of the [[Pakistan Movement]] (i.e., the ideology of [[Pakistan]] as a Muslim [[nation-state]] in South Asia), and the partition of India in 1947.<ref name="Two-Nation Theory Exists">{{cite news |title=Two-Nation Theory Exists |newspaper=Pakistan Times |url=http://www.pakistantimes.net/2007/04/03/oped2.htm |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071111023629/http://www.pakistantimes.net/2007/04/03/oped2.htm |archive-date=11 November 2007}}</ref>
|author= Cenap Çakmak |date= 2017 |publisher= ABC-CLIO |page= 866 |isbn= 9781610692175
}}</ref> While some professional Muslim Indian politicians used it to secure or safeguard a large share of political spoils for the Indian Muslims with the withdrawal of British rule, others believed the main political objective was the preservation of the cultural entity of Muslim India.<ref>{{cite book |url= https://books.google.com/books?id=APLmIxRyEjEC&dq=barani+two+nation+theory&pg=PA16 |title= Two Nations: The Philosophy of Muslim Nationalism |author=Anil Chandra Banerjee |date=1981 |publisher= Concept }}</ref> The two-nation theory was a founding principle of the [[Pakistan Movement]] (i.e., the ideology of [[Pakistan]] as a Muslim [[nation-state]] in South Asia), and the partition of India in 1947.<ref name="Two-Nation Theory Exists">{{cite news|title=Two-Nation Theory Exists |newspaper=Pakistan Times |url=http://www.pakistantimes.net/2007/04/03/oped2.htm |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071111023629/http://www.pakistantimes.net/2007/04/03/oped2.htm |archive-date=11 November 2007 }}</ref>
 
[[Theodore Beck]], who played a major role in founding of the [[All-India Muslim League]] in 1906, was supportive of two-nation theory. Another British official supportive of the theory includes [[Theodore Morison]]. Both Beck and Morison believed that parliamentary system of majority rule would be disadvantageous for the Muslims.<ref name="Ahmed 2020">{{cite book | last=Ahmed | first=I. | title=Jinnah: His Successes, Failures and Role in History | publisher=Penguin Random House India Private Limited | year=2020 | isbn=978-93-5305-664-3 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=1hP9DwAAQBAJ&pg=PT118 | access-date=11 July 2023 | pages=117–118}}</ref>
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[[Arya Samaj]] leader [[Lala Lajpat Rai]] laid out his own version of two-nation theory in 1924 to form "a clear partition of India into a Muslim India and a non-Muslim India". Lala believed in partition in response to the riots against Hindus in Kohat, [[North-West Frontier Province]] which diminished his faith in Hindu-Muslim unity.<ref name="Ahmed 2020"/><ref name="Hoodbhoy">{{cite book | last=Hoodbhoy | first=P. | title=Pakistan: Origins, Identity and Future | publisher=Taylor & Francis | year=2023 | isbn=978-1-000-85667-5 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=MgSqEAAAQBAJ&pg=PT231 | access-date=11 July 2023 | page=231}}</ref><ref name="Bonney 2004">{{cite book | last=Bonney | first=R. | title=Three Giants of South Asia: Gandhi, Ambedkar, and Jinnah on Self-determination | publisher=Media House | series=South Asian history academic papers | year=2004 | isbn=978-81-7495-174-8 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=SpmpK8hgbkkC&pg=PA7 | access-date=11 July 2023 | page=7}}</ref>
 
[[Hindu Mahasabha]] leader [[Vinayak Damodar Savarkar]]'s [[Hindutva]] ideology had embryonic form of a two-nation theory since the 1920s.<ref name="Bapu">{{cite book | last=Bapu | first=Prabhu | title=Hindu Mahasabha in Colonial North India, 1915-1930: Constructing Nation and History | publisher=Routledge | series=Online access with subscription: Proquest Ebook Central | year=2013 | isbn=978-0-415-67165-1 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=iUFalxUFFWkC | page=77}}</ref> Savarkar in 1937 during the 19th session of the [[Hindu Mahasabha]] in Ahmedabad supported two-nation theory, where hestating saidthat "there are two nations in the main: the Hindus and the Muslims, in India".<ref name="counterview">{{cite web | url=https://www.counterview.net/2016/01/savarkar-in-ahmedabad-declared-support.html | title=Savarkar in Ahmedabad 'declared' two-nation theory in 1937, Jinnah followed 3 years later | date=24 January 2016 }}</ref>
 
[[Muhammad Ali Jinnah]] undertook the ideology that religion is the determining factor in defining the nationality of Indian Muslims in 1940. He termed it as the awakening of Muslims for the creation of Pakistan.<ref>[[Conor Cruise O'Brien|Cruise O'Brien, Conor]]. August 1988. "[https://www.theatlantic.com/past/docs/issues/88aug/obrien.htm Holy War Against India] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210128075043/https://www.theatlantic.com/past/docs/issues/88aug/obrien.htm |date=28 January 2021 }}". ''[[The Atlantic Monthly]]'' 262(2):54–64. Retrieved 8 June 2020.</ref> However, Jinnah opposed Partition of Punjab and Bengal, and advocated for the integration of all Punjab and Bengal into Pakistan without the displacement of any of its inhabitants, whether they were Sikhs or Hindus.<ref>{{cite news |url=https://www.dawn.com/news/1614173 |title=The Two-Nation Reality versus Theory: Opposition to Partition |author= Javed Jabbar |date=21 March 2021 |work=Dawn |access-date=27 March 2023 }}</ref> The theory is also a source of inspiration to several [[Hindu nationalism|Hindu nationalist]] organizations, with causes as varied as the redefinition of Indian Muslims as non-Indian foreigners and second-class citizens in India, the expulsion of all Muslims from [[India]], the establishment of a legally Hindu state in India, prohibition of conversions to [[Islam]], and the promotion of [[Shuddhi (Hinduism)|conversions or reconversions]] of Indian Muslims to Hinduism.<ref name="epw1979r">Shakir, Moin. 1979. "Review: Always in the Mainstream." ''[[Economic and Political Weekly]]'' 14(33):1424. {{JSTOR|4367847}}
 
"[T]he Muslims are not Indians but foreigners or temporary guests—without any loyalty to the country or its cultural heritage—and should be driven out of the country ..."</ref><ref name="sankhdher1991">Sankhdher, M. M., and K. K. Wadhwa. 1991. ''[https://books.google.com/books?id=bwGKAAAAMAAJ National unity and religious minorities]''. Gitanjali Publishing House. {{ISBN|978-81-85060-36-1}}.
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[[File:Gandhi at Peshawar meeting.jpg|thumb|Gandhi and [[Abdul Ghaffar Khan]] at a pro-independence rally in [[Peshawar]], 1938]]
 
Opposition to the theory has come from two sources. The first is the concept of a [[Greater India|single Indian nation]], of which Hindus and Muslims are two intertwined communities.<ref name="zakaria2004">{{Citation | title=Indian Muslims: where have they gone wrong? | author=Rafiq Zakaria | year=2004 | isbn=978-81-7991-201-0 |publisher=Popular Prakashan |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=-aMlKSmWRQ8cC | quote="... As a Muslim, Hindus, and Muslims are one nation and not two ... two nations have no basis in history... they shall continue to live together for another thousand years in united India ..."}}</ref> This is a founding principle of the modern, officially- [[Secularity|secular]] [[Republic of India]]. Even after the formation of Pakistan, debates on whether Muslims and Hindus are distinct nationalities or not continued in that country as well.<ref name="gop1953">[[Pakistan Constituent Assembly]]. 1953. "[https://books.google.com/books?id=AmIKAAAAIAAJ Debates: Official report, Volume 1; Volume 16]." [[Government of Pakistan|Government of Pakistan Press]]."[S]ay that Hindus and Muslims are one, single nation. It is a very peculiar attitude on the part of the leader of the opposition. If his point of view were accepted, then the very justification for the existence of Pakistan would disappear ..."</ref> The second source of opposition is the concept that while Indians are not one nation, neither are the Muslims or Hindus of the subcontinent, and it is instead the relatively [[Homogeneity and heterogeneity|homogeneous]] provincial units of the subcontinent which are true nations and deserving of [[sovereignty]]; the [[Baloch people|Baloch]] have presented this view,<ref name="janmahmad1989">{{Citation | title=Essays on Baloch national struggle in Pakistan: emergence, dimensions, repercussions | author=Janmahmad | year=1989 | publisher=Gosha-e-Adab | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=mRErAAAAMAAJ | quote="... would be completely extinct as a people without any identity. This proposition is the crux of the matter, shaping the Baloch attitude towards Pakistani politics. For Baloch to accept the British-conceived two-nation theory for the Indian Muslims would mean losing their Baloch identity in the process ..." | access-date=6 April 2016}}</ref> along with the [[Sindhis|Sindhi]],<ref>{{Citation | title=The idea of Pakistan | author=Stephen P. Cohen | author-link=Stephen P. Cohen | year=2004 | isbn=978-0-8157-1502-3 | publisher=Brookings Institution Press | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=-78yjVybQfkC | page=212 | quote="[In the view of G. M. Sayed,] the two-nation theory became a trap for Sindhis—instead of liberating Sindh, it fell under Punjabi-Mohajir domination, and until his death in 1995 he called for a separate Sindhi 'nation', implying a separate Sindhi country." | access-date=6 April 2016}}</ref> and [[Pashtuns|Pashtun]]<ref name="salim1991">{{Citation | title=Pashtun and Baloch history: Punjabi view | author=Ahmad Salim | year=1991 |publisher=Fiction House |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=-yvxtAAAAMAAJ | quote="... Attacking the 'two-nation theory' in Lower House on December 14, 1947, Ghaus Bux Bizenjo said: "We have a distinct culture like Afghanistan and Iran, and if the mere fact that we are Muslim requires us to amalgamate with Pakistan, then Afghanistan and Iran should also be amalgamated with Pakistan ..."}}</ref> sub-nationalities of Pakistan and the [[Assamese people|Assamese]]<ref name="SinghSingh20082">{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=lQpswqcdDLIC&pg=PA137|title=Federalism, Nationalism and Development: India and the Punjab Economy|author1=Principal Lecturer in Economics Pritam Singh|author2=Pritam Singh|year=2008|publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-1-134-04946-2|pages=137–|access-date=1 August 2017}}</ref> and [[Punjabis|Punjabi]]<ref name="Singh2008">{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=PzZ8AgAAQBAJ&pg=PT173|title=Federalism, Nationalism and Development: India and the Punjab Economy|author=Pritam Singh|date=2008|publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-1-134-04945-5|pages=173–|access-date=1 August 2017}}</ref> sub-nationalities of India.
 
====Muslim homeland, provincial elections: 1930–1938====
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[[File:Chaudhry Khaliquzzaman.jpg|thumb|[[Chaudhari Khaliquzzaman]] (left) seconding the 1940 Lahore Resolution of the [[All-India Muslim League]] with [[Muhammad Ali Jinnah|Jinnah]] (right) presiding, and [[Liaquat Ali Khan]] centre]]
 
In 1933, [[Choudhry Rahmat Ali]] had produced a pamphlet, entitled ''[[Pakistan Declaration|Now or Never]]'', in which the term ''[[Pakistan]]'', 'land of the pure,', comprising the [[Punjab Province (British India)|Punjab]], [[North-West Frontier Province (1901–1955)|North West Frontier Province (Afghania)]], [[Kashmir]], [[Sind Province (1936–55)|Sindh]], and [[Balochistan (Chief Commissioner's Province)|Balochistan]], was coined for the first time.{{Sfn|Talbot|Singh|2009|p=31}} It did not attract political attention and,{{Sfn|Talbot|Singh|2009|p=31}} a little later, a Muslim delegation to the Parliamentary Committee on Indian Constitutional Reforms gave short shrift to the idea of Pakistan, calling it "chimerical and impracticable.".{{Sfn|Talbot|Singh|2009|p=31}}
 
In 1932, British Prime Minister [[Ramsay MacDonald]] accepted [[B. R. Ambedkar|Ambedkar]]'s demand for the "[[Scheduled castes|Depressed Classes]]" to have separate representation in the central and provincial legislatures. The Muslim League favoured this "communal award" as it had the potential to weaken the Hindu caste leadership. [[Mahatma Gandhi]], who was seen as a leading advocate for [[Dalit]] rights, went on a fast to persuade the British to repeal these separate electorates. Ambedkar had to back down when it seemed Gandhi's life was threatened.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Ayoob |first=Mohammed |author-link=Mohammed Ayoob |url=http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/the-turning-point-in-1932/article23752117.ece|title=The turning point in 1932: on Dalit representation|date=3 May 2018|work=[[The Hindu]]|access-date=28 May 2018|archive-date=9 November 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201109111508/https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/the-turning-point-in-1932/article23752117.ece|url-status=live}}</ref>{{better source needed|date=July 2024|reason=Scholarly sources such as Menon 1957, Nugent 1979, Mehra 1985, or Tripathi 2012 would be better than a modern newspaper op-ed that isn't subject to peer review.}}
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[[File:Indian Empire (1947).png|thumb|300px|[[Colonial India]] in 1947, before the partition, covering the territory of modern [[India]], [[Pakistan]] and [[Bangladesh]]]]
 
With the outbreak of [[World War II]] in 1939, [[Victor Hope, 2nd Marquess of Linlithgow|Lord Linlithgow]], [[Viceroy of India]], declared war on India's behalf without consulting Indian leaders, leading the Congress provincial ministries to resign in protest.{{Sfn|Talbot|Singh|2009|p=33}} By contrast the Muslim League, which functioned under state patronage,{{Sfn|Talbot|Singh|2009|p=34}} organized "Deliverance Day" celebrations (from Congress dominance) and supported Britain in the war effort.{{Sfn|Talbot|Singh|2009|p=33}} When Linlithgow met with nationalist leaders, he gave the same status to [[Muhammad Ali Jinnah|Jinnah]] as he did to [[Mahatma Gandhi|Gandhi]], and, a month later, described the Congress as a "Hindu organization.".{{Sfn|Talbot|Singh|2009|p=34}}
 
In March 1940, in the League's annual three-day session in [[Lahore]], Jinnah gave a two-hour speech in English, in which were laid out the arguments of the [[two-nation theory]], stating, in the words of historians Talbot and Singh, that "Muslims and Hindus...were irreconcilably opposed monolithic religious communities and as such, no settlement could be imposed that did not satisfy the aspirations of the former."{{Sfn|Talbot|Singh|2009|p=33}} On the last day of its session, the League passed what came to be known as the [[Lahore Resolution]], sometimes also "Pakistan Resolution,", {{Sfn|Talbot|Singh|2009|p=33}} demanding that "the areas in which the Muslims are numerically in the majority as in the [[Northwest India (pre-1947)|north-western]] and eastern zones of India should be grouped to constitute independent states in which the constituent units shall be autonomous and sovereign." Though it had been founded more than three decades earlier, the League would gather support among South Asian Muslims only during the Second World War.<ref>{{cite book|author=Yasmin Khan|title=The Great Partition: The Making of India and Pakistan, New Edition|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=_PEpDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA18|date=2017|publisher=Yale University Press|isbn=978-0-300-23364-3|pages=18–|quote=Although it was founded in 1909 the League had only caught on among South Asian Muslims during the Second World War. The party had expanded astonishingly rapidly and was claiming over two million members by the early 1940s, an unimaginable result for what had been previously thought of as just one of the numerous pressure groups and small but insignificant parties.|access-date=27 April 2018}}</ref>
 
====August Offer, Cripps Mission: 1940–1942====
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{{further|1945 Indian general election|1946 Indian provincial elections}}
 
Labour Prime Minister [[Clement Attlee]] had been deeply interested in Indian independence since the 1920s, being surrounded by Labour statesmen who were affiliated with [[V. K. Krishna Menon|Krishna Menon]] and the [[India League]], and for years had supported it. He now took charge of the government position and gave the issue the highest priority.{{citation needed|date=May 2018}} A [[1946 Cabinet Mission to India|Cabinet Mission]] was sent to India led by the Secretary of State for India, [[Frederick Pethick-Lawrence, 1st Baron Pethick-Lawrence|Lord Pethick Lawrence]], which also included [[Stafford Cripps|Sir Stafford Cripps]], who had visited India four years before. The objective of the mission was to arrange for an orderly transfer to independence.<ref name="judd-mutiny" /> In February 1946, [[Mutiny|mutinies]] broke out in the armed services, starting with RAF servicemen frustrated with their slow [[repatriation]] to Britain.<ref name="judd-mutiny">{{harvnb|Judd|2004|pp=172–173}}</ref> These mutinies failed to turn into revolutions as the mutineers surrendered after the Congress and the Muslim League convinced the mutineers that they won't get victimised.<ref name="Karsten 1998 p. 324">{{cite book | last=Karsten | first=P. | title=Motivating Soldiers: Morale Or Mutiny | publisher=Garland Pub. | series=Military and society : a collection of essays / ser. ed. Peter Karsten | year=1998 | isbn=978-0-8153-2977-0 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=qGCI_QNHh20C&pg=PA324| page=324}}</ref>
 
In early 1946, new elections were held in India.<ref name="Metcalf2012">{{cite book|author=Barbara Metcalf|title=Husain Ahmad Madani: The Jihad for Islam and India's Freedom|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=TQjrAQAAQBAJ&pg=PT107|date=2012|publisher=Oneworld Publications|isbn=978-1-78074-210-6|pages=107–|access-date=26 June 2017}}</ref> This coincided with the infamous [[Indian National Army trials#The first trial|trial of three senior officers]][[Shah Nawaz Khan (general)|Shah Nawaz Khan]], [[Prem Sahgal]], and Gurubaksh Singh Dhillon − ofDhillon—of [[Subhas Chandra Bose]]'s defeated [[Indian National Army]] (INA) who stood accused of [[treason]]. Now as the trials began, the Congress leadership, although having never supported the INA, chose to defend the accused officers and successfully rescued the INA members.<ref>{{harvnb|Judd|2004|pp=170–171}}</ref><ref name="Lebra 2003 p. 217">{{cite book | last=Lebra | first=J.C. | title=Indian National Army and Japan | publisher=Institute of Southeast Asian Studies | year=2003 | isbn=978-981-4515-41-2 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=lB9qDwAAQBAJ&pg=PT217 | page=217}}</ref>
 
British rule had lost its legitimacy for most Hindus, and conclusive proof of this came in the form of the 1946 elections with the Congress winning 91 percent of the vote among non-Muslim constituencies, thereby gaining a majority in the Central Legislature and forming governments in eight provinces, and becoming the legitimate successor to the British government for most Hindus. If the British intended to stay in India the acquiescence of politically active Indians to British rule would have been in doubt after these election results, although many rural Indians may still have acquiesced to British rule at this time.<ref>{{Harvnb|Brown|1994|pp=328–329|ps=: "Yet these final years of the raj showed conclusively that British rule had lost legitimacy and that among the vast majority of Hindus Congress had become the raj's legitimate successor. Tangible proof came in the 1945–6 elections to the central and provincial legislatures. In the former, Congress won 91 percent of the votes cast in non-Muslim constituencies, and in the latter, gained an absolute majority and became the provincial raj in eight provinces. The acquiescence of the politically aware (though possibly not of many villagers even at this point) would have been seriously in doubt if the British had displayed any intention of staying in India."}}</ref> The Muslim League won the majority of the Muslim vote as well as most reserved Muslim seats in the provincial assemblies, and it also secured all the Muslim seats in the Central Assembly.
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|width=180 |File:Cabinet mission to india1946.jpg|Members of the [[1946 Cabinet Mission to India]] meeting [[Muhammad Ali Jinnah]]. On the extreme left is [[Frederick Pethick-Lawrence, 1st Baron Pethick-Lawrence|Lord Pethick Lawrence]]; on the extreme right, [[Stafford Cripps|Sir Stafford Cripps]].
|File:Old-muslim-couple1947.jpg|An aged and abandoned Muslim couple and their grandchildren are sitting by the roadside on this arduous journey. "The old man is dying of exhaustion. The caravan has gone on," wrote Bourke-White.
|File:Old-sikh-man-carrying-wife1947.jpg|An oldelderly Sikh man is carrying his wife. Over 10 million people were uprooted from their homeland and traveled on foot, bullock carts and trains to their promised new home.
|File:Gandhi Badshah Khan in Bela Bihar 1947.jpg|Gandhi in Bela, Bihar, after attacks on Muslims, 28 March 1947.
}}
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{{Main|Indian Independence Act 1947}}
 
When Lord Mountbatten formally proposed the plan on 3 June 1947, Patel gave his approval and lobbied Nehru and other Congress leaders to accept the proposal. Knowing Gandhi's deep anguish regarding proposals of partition, Patel engaged him in private meetings discussions over the perceived practical unworkability of any Congress-League [[Coalition government|coalition]], the rising violence, and the threat of civil war. At the All India Congress Committee meeting called to vote on the proposal, Patel said:<ref>{{cite book |last=Menon |first=V. P. |title=Transfer of Power in India |page=385}}</ref><blockquote>I fully appreciate the fears of our brothers from [the Muslim-majority areas]. Nobody likes the division of India, and my heart is heavy. But the choice is between one division and many divisions. We must face facts. We cannot give way to emotionalism and sentimentality. The [[Congress Working Committee|Working Committee]] has not acted out of fear. But I am afraid of one thing, that all our toil and hard work of these many years might go waste or prove unfruitful. My nine months in office have completely disillusioned me regarding the supposed merits of the [[1946 Cabinet Mission to India|Cabinet Mission]] Plan. Except for a few honourable exceptions, Muslim officials from the top down to the chaprasis ([[peon]]s or servants) are working for the League. The communal veto given to the League in the Mission Plan would have blocked India's progress at every stage. Whether we like it or not, [[de facto]] Pakistan already exists in the Punjab and Bengal. Under the circumstances, I would prefer a de jure Pakistan, which may make the League more responsible. Freedom is coming. We have 75 to 80 percent of India, which we can make strong with our genius. The League can develop the rest of the country.</blockquote>Following Gandhi's denial<ref>{{Cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NurqxSttqjoC&pg=PA38 |title=Gandhi, the Forgotten Mahatma |first=Jagdish Chandra |last=Jain |date=1 January 1987 |publisher=Mittal Publications |isbn=9788170990376 |access-date=22 May 2020}}</ref> and Congress' approval of the plan, Patel, Rajendra Prasad, C. Rajagopalachari represented Congress on the Partition Council, with Jinnah, Liaqat Ali Khan and Abdur Rab Nishtar representing the Muslim League. Late in 1946, the [[Attlee ministry|Labour government in Britain]], its [[exchequer]] exhausted by the recently concluded World War II, decided to end British rule of India, with power being transferred no later than June 1948. With the British army unprepared for the potential for increased violence, the new viceroy, [[Louis Mountbatten]], advanced the date, allowing less than six months for a mutually agreed plan for independence.
 
====Radcliffe Line====
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[[File:Partition of India 1947 en.svg|thumb|200px|The partition of India: green regions were all part of Pakistan by 1948, and orange ones part of India. The darker-shaded regions represent the [[Punjab Province (British India)|Punjab]] and [[Bengal Presidency|Bengal]] provinces partitioned by the Radcliffe Line. The grey areas represent some of the key [[princely state]]s that were eventually integrated into India or Pakistan.]]
 
Mountbatten administered the independence oath to Jinnah on the 14th, before leaving for India where the oath was scheduled on the midnight of the 15th.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Farooqui |first1=Tashkeel Ahmed |last2=Sheikh |first2=Ismail |date=15 August 2016 |title=Was Pakistan created on August 14 or 15? |work=The Express Tribune |url=http://tribune.com.pk/story/1160291/pakistan-created-august-14-15/ |url-status=live |access-date=16 August 2016 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160816113500/http://tribune.com.pk/story/1160291/pakistan-created-august-14-15/ |archive-date=16 August 2016}}</ref> On 14 August 1947, the new [[Dominion of Pakistan]] came into being, with [[Muhammad Ali Jinnah]] sworn in as its first Governor-General in [[Karachi]]. The following day, 15 August 1947, India, now [[Dominion of India]], became an independent country, with official ceremonies taking place in [[New Delhi]], Jawaharlal Nehru assuming the office of [[Prime Minister of India|prime minister]]. Mountbatten remained in [[New Delhi]] for 10&nbsp;months, serving as the first [[Governor-General of India|governor-general]] of an independent India until June 1948.{{Sfn|Heathcote|2002|p=189}} Gandhi remained in Bengal to work with the new refugees from the partitioned subcontinent.
 
==Geographic partition, 1947==
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Before the Boundary Commission began formal hearings, governments were set up for the East and the West Punjab regions. Their territories were provisionally divided by "notional division" based on simple district majorities. In both the Punjab and Bengal, the Boundary Commission consisted of two Muslim and two non-Muslim judges with Sir [[Cyril Radcliffe]] as a common chairman.<ref name="spate" /> The mission of the Punjab commission was worded generally as: "To [[Demarcation line|demarcate]] the boundaries of the two parts of Punjab, based on ascertaining the [[Contiguous distribution|contiguous]] majority areas of Muslims and non-Muslims. In doing so, it will take into account other factors." Each side (the Muslims and the Congress/Sikhs) presented its claim through counsel with no liberty to bargain. The judges, too, had no mandate to compromise, and on all major issues they "divided two and two, leaving Sir Cyril Radcliffe the invidious task of making the actual decisions."<ref name="spate" />
 
==Independence, migration, and displacement ==
{{Gallery
|align=center
Line 236 ⟶ 234:
[[File:A refugee special train at Ambala Station during partition of India.jpg|thumb|A refugee special train at Ambala Station during the Partition of India]]
 
The Partition of India split the former [[Punjab Province (British India)|British province of Punjab]] between the [[Dominion of India]] and the [[Dominion of Pakistan]]. The mostly Muslim western part of the province became Pakistan's [[Punjab, Pakistan|Punjab province]]; the mostly Hindu and Sikh eastern part became India's [[East Punjab]] state (later divided into the new states of [[Punjab, India|Punjab]], [[Haryana]], and [[Himachal Pradesh]]). Many Hindus and Sikhs lived in the west, and many Muslims lived in the east, and the fears of all such minorities were so great that the partition saw many people displaced and much inter-communal violence. Some have described the violence in Punjab as a retributive genocide.<ref name="washedu">{{cite web|url=http://faculty.washington.edu/brass/Partition.pdf|title=The partition of India and retributive genocide in the Punjab, 1946–47: means, methods, and purposes|access-date=19 December 2006|archive-date=14 April 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210414111514/http://faculty.washington.edu/brass/Partition.pdf|url-status=live}}</ref> Total migration across Punjab during the partition is estimated at 12 million people;{{efn|name=Displacement|"Some 12 million people were displaced in the divided province of Punjab alone, and up to 20 million in the subcontinent as a whole."<ref name="Zamindar2013">{{cite book |chapter=India–Pakistan Partition 1947 and forced migration |author=Vazira Fazila-Yacoobali Zamindar |title=The Encyclopedia of Global Human Migration |chapter-url=https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1002/9781444351071.wbeghm285 |date=4 February 2013 |doi=10.1002/9781444351071.wbeghm285 |isbn=9781444334890 |access-date=16 January 2021 |archive-date=22 January 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210122014723/https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1002/9781444351071.wbeghm285 |url-status=live }}</ref>}} around 6.5 million Muslims moved into West Punjab, and 4.7 million Hindus and Sikhs moved into East Punjab.
 
[[File:Refugees on train roof during Partition.ogv|thumb|Video of refugees on train roof during the Partition of India.]]
Line 244 ⟶ 242:
Lawrence James observed that "Sir Francis Mudie, the governor of West Punjab, estimated that 500,000 Muslims died trying to enter his province, while the British High Commissioner in Karachi put the full total at 800,000. This makes nonsense of the claim by Mountbatten and his partisans that only 200,000 were killed": [James 1998: 636].<ref name="EPW" />
 
During this period, many alleged that Sikh leader [[Tara Singh (activist)|Tara Singh]] was endorsing the killing of Muslims. On 3 March 1947, at [[Lahore]], Singh, along with about 500 Sikhs, declared from a [[dais]] "Death to Pakistan."<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.sikh-history.com/sikhhist/personalities/sewadars/tarasingh.html |title=Sikh Social Warriors |access-date=25 July 2018 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180723065112/http://www.sikh-history.com/sikhhist/personalities/sewadars/tarasingh.html |archive-date=23 July 2018 |url-status=dead}}</ref> According to political scientist [[Ishtiaq Ahmed (political scientist)|Ishtiaq Ahmed]]:<ref>{{cite web |date=27 September 2018 |title=The 'bloody' Punjab partition – VIII |url=http://www.sacw.net/article2843.html |access-date=25 July 2018 |archive-date=25 July 2018 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180725214556/http://www.sacw.net/article2843.html |url-status=live}}</ref><ref name="fairobserver.com">{{cite web |last=Ahmed |first=Ishtiaq |date=31 January 2013 |title=The Punjab Bloodied, Partitioned and Cleansed |url=http://www.fairobserver.com/region/central_south_asia/punjab-bloodied-partitioned-and-cleansed/ |access-date=1 March 2017 |archive-date=9 August 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170809173128/https://www.fairobserver.com/region/central_south_asia/punjab-bloodied-partitioned-and-cleansed/ |url-status=live}}</ref><ref name="dawnshafiqbutt">{{cite news |last=Butt |first=Shafiq |date=24 April 2016 |title=A page from history: Dr Ishtiaq underscores need to build bridges |url=https://www.dawn.com/news/1254069 |work=Dawn |access-date=1 March 2017 |archive-date=10 August 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170810040954/https://www.dawn.com/news/1254069 |url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{cite journal |last1=Talbot |first1=Ian |year=1993 |title=The role of the crowd in the Muslim League struggled for Pakistan |journal=The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History |volume=21 |issue=2 |pages=307–333 |doi=10.1080/03086539308582893 |quote=Four thousand Muslim shops and homes were destroyed in the walled area of Amritsar during a single week in March 1947. were these exceptions which prove the rule? It appears that casualty figures were frequently higher when Hindus rather than Muslims were the aggressors.}}</ref>
 
<blockquote>On March 3, radical Sikh leader Master Tara Singh famously flashed his [[kirpan]] (sword) outside the Punjab Assembly, calling for the destruction of the Pakistan idea prompting violent response by the Muslims mainly against Sikhs but also Hindus, in the Muslim-majority districts of northern Punjab. Yet, at the end of that year, more Muslims had been killed in East Punjab than Hindus and Sikhs together in West Punjab.</blockquote>
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| {{Percentage | 512466 | 34309861 | 2 }}
|-
! [[Jainism]] [[File:Jain_Prateek_ChihnaJain Prateek Chihna.svg|15px]]
| 41,321
| {{Percentage | 41321 | 25101060 | 2 }}
Line 305 ⟶ 303:
| {{Percentage | 45475 | 34309861 | 2 }}
|-
! [[Buddhism]] [[File:Dharma_Wheel_Dharma Wheel (2).svg|15px]]
| 5,912
| {{Percentage | 5912 | 25101060 | 2 }}
Line 392 ⟶ 390:
|{{Percentage | 395311 | 17350103 | 2 }}
|-
! [[Jainism]] [[File:Jain_Prateek_ChihnaJain Prateek Chihna.svg|15px]]
| 5,930
|{{Percentage | 5930 | 11888985 | 2 }}
Line 408 ⟶ 406:
|{{Percentage | 312 | 17350103 | 3 }}
|-
! [[Buddhism]] [[File:Dharma_Wheel_Dharma Wheel (2).svg|15px]]
| 172
|{{Percentage | 172 | 11888985 | 3 }}
Line 416 ⟶ 414:
|{{Percentage | 87 | 17350103 | 3 }}
|-
! [[Judaism]] [[File:Star_of_DavidStar of David.svg|15px]]
| 16
|{{Percentage | 16 | 11888985 | 4 }}
Line 489 ⟶ 487:
|{{Percentage | 117155 | 16959758 | 2 }}
|-
! [[Jainism]] [[File:Jain_Prateek_ChihnaJain Prateek Chihna.svg|15px]]
| 35,391
|{{Percentage | 35391 | 13212075 | 2 }}
Line 497 ⟶ 495:
|{{Percentage | 35955 | 16959758 | 2 }}
|-
! [[Buddhism]] [[File:Dharma_Wheel_Dharma Wheel (2).svg|15px]]
| 5,740
|{{Percentage | 5740 | 13212075 | 2 }}
Line 513 ⟶ 511:
|{{Percentage | 4047 | 16959758 | 2 }}
|-
! [[Judaism]] [[File:Star_of_DavidStar of David.svg|15px]]
| 3
|{{Percentage | 3 | 13212075 | 4 }}
Line 611 ⟶ 609:
|{{Percentage | 5046 | 6047748 | 2 }}
|-
| [[Jainism]] [[File:Jain_Prateek_ChihnaJain Prateek Chihna.svg|15px]]
| 3,687
|{{Percentage | 3687 | 4840795 | 2 }}
Line 617 ⟶ 615:
| {{N/a}}
|-
| [[Judaism]] [[File:Star_of_DavidStar of David.svg|15px]]
| 1,082
|{{Percentage | 1082 | 4840795 | 2 }}
Line 623 ⟶ 621:
| {{N/a}}
|-
| [[Buddhism]] [[File:Dharma_Wheel_Dharma Wheel (2).svg|15px]]
| 111
|{{Percentage | 111 | 4840795 | 3 }}
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| {{Percentage | 137096 | 1744072 | 2 }}
|-
| [[Jainism]] [[File:Jain_Prateek_ChihnaJain Prateek Chihna.svg|15px]]
| 11,287
| {{Percentage | 11287 | 917939 | 2 }}
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| {{Percentage | 164 | 1744072 | 2 }}
|-
| [[Buddhism]] [[File:Dharma_Wheel_Dharma Wheel (2).svg|15px]]
| 150
| {{Percentage | 150 | 917939 | 2 }}
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| {{Percentage | 503 | 1744072 | 2 }}
|-
| [[Judaism]] [[File:Star_of_DavidStar of David.svg|15px]]
| 55
| {{Percentage | 55 | 917939 | 2 }}
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According to the [[1951 Census of India]], 2% of India's population were refugees (1.3% from [[West Pakistan]] and 0.7% from [[East Pakistan]]).
 
The majority of Hindu and Sikh Punjabi refugees from [[West Punjab]] were settled in [[Delhi]] and [[East Punjab]] (including Haryana and Himachal Pradesh). Delhi received the largest number of refugees for a single city, with the population of Delhi showing an increase from under 1 million (917,939) in the Census of India, 1941, to a little less than 2 million (1,744,072) in the 1951 Census, despite a large number of Muslims leaving Delhi in 1947 to go to Pakistan whether voluntarily or by coercion.<ref>Census of India, 1941 and 1951</ref> The incoming refugees were housed in various historical and military locations such as the [[Purana Qila]], [[Red Fort]], and military barracks in [[Kingsway Camp]] (around the present [[University of Delhi|Delhi University]]). The latter became the site of one of the largest refugee camps in northern India, with more than 35,000 refugees at any given time besides [[Kurukshetra]] camp near [[Panipat]]. The campsites were later converted into permanent housing through extensive building projects undertaken by the Government of India from 1948 onwards. Many housing colonies in Delhi came up around this period, like [[Lajpat Nagar]], [[Rajinder Nagar]], [[Nizamuddin East]], [[Punjabi Bagh]], Rehgar Pura, [[Jangpura]], and Kingsway Camp. Several schemes such as the provision of education, employment opportunities, and easy loans to start businesses were provided for the refugees at the all-India level.<ref>{{cite book |title=Since 1947: Partition Narratives among Punjabi Migrants of Delhi |last=Kaur |first=Ravinder |year=2007 |publisher=[[Oxford University Press]] |isbn=978-0-19-568377-6}}</ref> Many Punjabi Hindu refugees were also settled in Cities of Western and Central [[Uttar Pradesh]]. A Colony consisting largely of Sikhs and [[Punjabi Hindus]] was also founded in Central Mumbai's [[Sion Koliwada (Vidhan Sabha constituency)|Sion Koliwada]] region, and named [[Guru Tegh Bahadur Nagar]].<ref>{{Cite news |url=https://scroll.in/article/887276/facing-eviction-residents-of-mumbais-partition-era-colony-fear-they-will-become-refugees-again |title=Facing eviction, residents of a Mumbai Partition-era colony fear they will become homeless again |last=Johari |first=Aarefa |work=Scroll.in |access-date=20 October 2018 |archive-date=2 August 2018 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180802154416/https://scroll.in/article/887276/facing-eviction-residents-of-mumbais-partition-era-colony-fear-they-will-become-refugees-again |url-status=live}}</ref>
 
Hindus [[East Bengali refugees|fleeing from East Pakistan]] (now [[Bangladesh]]) were settled across [[East India|Eastern]], [[Central India|Central]] and [[Northeast India|Northeastern India]], many ending up in neighbouring Indian states such as [[West Bengal]], [[Assam]], and [[Tripura]]. Substantial number of refugees were also settled in [[Madhya Pradesh]] (incl. [[Chhattisgarh]]) [[Bihar]] (incl. [[Jharkhand]]), [[Odisha]] and [[Andaman islands]] (where Bengalis today form the largest linguistic group)<ref>{{cite news |title=Meet the Bengali refugees who now dominate businesses, farms in Chhattisgarh's tribal belt |url=https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/politics-and-nation/meet-the-bengali-refugees-who-now-dominate-businesses-farms-in-chhattisgarhs-tribal-belt/articleshow/73362371.cms |work=Economic Times |date=19 January 2020}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|url=https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/kolkata/over-1cr-bengali-refugees-living-outside-bengal/articleshow/67348291.cms|title=Over 1 crore Bengali refugees living outside Benga|date=2 January 2019|work=The Times of India|access-date=1 August 2021|archive-date=5 June 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210605133643/https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/kolkata/over-1cr-bengali-refugees-living-outside-bengal/articleshow/67348291.cms|url-status=live}}</ref>
 
Sindhi Hindus settled predominantly in [[Gujarat]], [[Maharashtra]], and [[Rajasthan]]. Substantial numbers, however, were also settled in [[Madhya Pradesh]], A few also settled in [[Delhi]]. A new township was established for Sindhi Hindu refugees in Maharashtra. The [[Governor-General of India]], Sir Rajagopalachari, laid the foundation for this township and named it [[Ulhasnagar]] ('city of joy').
 
Substantial communities of Hindu Gujarati and Marathi Refugees who had lived in the cities of Sindh and [[Saraikistan|Southern Punjab]] were also resettled in the cities of modern-day Gujarat and Maharashtra.<ref name="Balasubrahmanyan2011" /><ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.dnaindia.com/india/report-why-create-problems-when-we-live-in-peace-marathi-speaking-community-from-karachi-to-shiv-sena-2137208|title=Why create problems when we live in peace: Marathi-speaking community from Karachi to Shiv Sena|date=22 October 2015|work=DNA|access-date=26 July 2021|archive-date=26 July 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210726223609/https://www.dnaindia.com/india/report-why-create-problems-when-we-live-in-peace-marathi-speaking-community-from-karachi-to-shiv-sena-2137208|url-status=live}}</ref>
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In 1959, the [[International Labour Organization]] (ILO) published a report stating that from 1951 to 1956, a total of 650,000 Muslims from India relocated to West Pakistan.<ref name="Khalidi"/> However, Visaria (1969) raised doubts about the authenticity of the claims about Indian Muslim migration to Pakistan, since the 1961 Census of Pakistan did not corroborate these figures. However, the [[1961 Pakistan Census|1961 Census of Pakistan]] did incorporate a statement suggesting that there had been a migration of 800,000 people from India to Pakistan throughout the previous decade.<ref name="lse.ac.uk">{{Cite web |url=http://www.lse.ac.uk/asiaResearchCentre/_files/ARCWP04-Karim.pdf |title=Effects of Migration, Socioeconomic Status and Population Policy on Reproductive Behaviour |access-date=15 January 2016 |archive-date=27 January 2016 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160127011533/http://www.lse.ac.uk/asiaResearchCentre/_files/ARCWP04-Karim.pdf |url-status=dead }}</ref> Of those who left for Pakistan, most never came back.{{citation needed|date=July 2023}}
 
Indian Muslim migration to Pakistan declined drastically in the 1970s, a trend noticed by the Pakistani authorities. In June 1995, [[Ministry of Interior (Pakistan)|Pakistan's interior minister]], [[Naseerullah Babar]], informed the National Assembly that between the period of 1973–1994, as many as 800,000 visitors came from India on valid travel documents. Of these only 3,393 stayed.<ref name="Khalidi" /> In a related trend, intermarriages between Indian and Pakistani Muslims have declined sharply. According to a November 1995 statement of Riaz Khokhar, the [[High Commissioner of Pakistan|Pakistani High Commissioner]] in New Delhi, the number of cross-border marriages has dropped from 40,000 a year in the 1950s and 1960s to barely 300 annually.<ref name="Khalidi" />
 
In the aftermath of the Indo-Pakistani War of 1965, 3,500 Muslim families migrated from the Indian part of the [[Thar Desert]] to the Pakistani section of the Thar Desert.<ref name="Hasan2009">Hasan, Arif; Mansoor, Raza (2009). ''Migration and Small Towns in Pakistan; Volume 15 of Rural-urban interactions and livelihood strategies are working paper''. IIED. p. 16. {{ISBN|978-1-84369-734-3}}.</ref> 400 families were settled in Nagar after the 1965 war and an additional 3000 settled in the [[Chachro Taluka|Chachro taluka]] in Sindh province of West Pakistan.<ref name="Hasan, Arif 1987 p. 25">Hasan, Arif (30 December 1987). "Comprehensive assessment of drought and famine in Sind arid ones leading to a realistic short and long-term emergency intervention plan" (PDF). p. 25. Retrieved 12 January 2016.</ref> The government of Pakistan provided each family with 12 acres of land. According to government records, this land totalled 42,000 acres.<ref name="Hasan, Arif 1987 p. 25"/>
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==Documentation efforts, oral history and legacy==
In 2010, a [[Berkeley, California]] and [[Delhi, India]]-based non-profit organization, [[The 1947 Partition Archive]], began documenting [[Oral history|oral histories]] from those who lived through the partition and consolidated the interviews into an archive.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Sengupta |first=Somini |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2013/08/14/arts/potent-memories-from-a-divided-india.html |title=Potent Memories From a Divided India |date=13 August 2013 |work=The New York Times |access-date=22 February 2020 |language=en-US |issn=0362-4331 |archive-date=13 December 2019 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20191213173415/https://www.nytimes.com/2013/08/14/arts/potent-memories-from-a-divided-india.html |url-status=live }}</ref> As of June 2021, nearly 9,700 interviews are preserved from 18 countries and are being released in collaboration with five university libraries in India and Pakistan, including [[Ashoka University]], [[Habib University]], [[Lahore University of Management Sciences]], [[Guru Nanak Dev University]] and [[Delhi University]] in collaboration with [[Tata Trusts]].<ref>{{Cite news |last=Kamal |first=Neel |url=https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/home/education/news/1947-partition-archive-releases-university-access-points-in-india-and-pakistan-universities-for-researchers/articleshow/83422027.cms |title=1947 Partition Archive releases University Access Points in India and Pakistan Universities for Researchers |date=11 June 2021 |work=The Times of India |access-date=4 July 2021 |language=en-IN |archive-date=9 July 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210709091632/https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/home/education/news/1947-partition-archive-releases-university-access-points-in-india-and-pakistan-universities-for-researchers/articleshow/83422027.cms |url-status=live }}</ref>
 
In August 2017, The Arts and Cultural Heritage Trust (TAACHT) of United Kingdom set up what they describe as "the world's first [[Partition Museum]]" at Town Hall in [[Amritsar]], Punjab. The Museum, which is open from Tuesday to Sunday, offers [[multimedia]] exhibits and documents that describe both the political process that led to partition and carried it forward, and video and written narratives offered by survivors of the events.<ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.indiatoday.in/education-today/gk-current-affairs/story/partition-museum-1029593-2017-08-15 |title=Worlds first Partition Museum to be inaugurated in Amritsar, Gulzar's book to be launched |date=15 August 2017 |access-date=4 July 2021 |archive-date=9 July 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210709185858/https://www.indiatoday.in/education-today/gk-current-affairs/story/partition-museum-1029593-2017-08-15 |url-status=live }}</ref>
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On 14 August 2021, Indian Prime Minister [[Narendra Modi]] announced ''Partition Horrors Remembrance Day'' to remind the nation of the sufferings of the Indians during the partition. This move was criticised by the [[Indian National Congress|Congress]] with [[Jairam Ramesh]] saying that the day has been conceptualised with biased intent and its aim is to use traumatic events as "fodder" for Modi's current political fights.<ref>{{cite news | url=https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/bjp-congress-cross-swords-on-horrors-of-partition-genesis-of-1947-tragedy/articleshow/93562916.cms | title=BJP & Congress cross swords on horrors of Partition, genesis of 1947 tragedy | newspaper=The Times of India | date=15 August 2022 }}</ref>
 
===Artistic depictions of the partition===
{{main|Artistic depictions of the Partition of India}}
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* ''[[Cracking India|Ice-Candy Man]]'' (1988) by [[Bapsi Sidhwa]]
* What the Body Remembers (1999) by [[Shauna Singh Baldwin]]
* ''Forgotten Atrocities'' (2012), [[memoir]] by Bal K. Gupta
 
[[Salman Rushdie]]'s novel ''[[Midnight's Children]]'' (1980), which won the [[Booker Prize]] and [[The Best of the Booker]], wove its narrative based on the children born with magical abilities on midnight between 14 and 15 August 1947.<ref name="Roy2011" /> ''[[Freedom at Midnight]]'' (1975) is a non-fiction work by [[Larry Collins (writer)|Larry Collins]] and [[Dominique Lapierre]] that chronicled the events surrounding the first [[Independence Day (India)|Independence Day]] celebrations in 1947.
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The biographical films ''[[Gandhi (film)|Gandhi]]'' (1982), ''[[Jinnah (film)|Jinnah]]'' (1998), ''[[Sardar (1993 film)|Sardar]]'' (1993), and ''[[Bhaag Milkha Bhaag]]'' (2013) also feature independence and partition as significant events in their screenplay.
* The Pakistani drama ''[[Dastaan (2010 TV series)|Dastaan]]'', based on the novel ''[[Bano (novel)|Bano]]'', highlights the plight of Muslim girls who were abducted and raped during partition.
* The 2013 [[Google]] India "[[Reunion (advertisement)|Reunion]]" advertisement, which is about the partition, has had a strong impact in India and Pakistan, leading to hope for the easing of travel restrictions between the two countries.<ref name="expresstrib">{{cite news |url=http://blogs.tribune.com.pk/story/19647/google-can-envision-pakistan-india-harmony-in-less-than-4-minutes-can-we/ |title=Google can envision Pakistan-India harmony in less than 4 minutes…canminutes...can we? |last=Naqvi |first=Sibtain |date=19 November 2013 |newspaper=[[The Express Tribune]] |access-date=22 November 2013 |archive-date=22 November 2013 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131122010954/http://blogs.tribune.com.pk/story/19647/google-can-envision-pakistan-india-harmony-in-less-than-4-minutes-can-we |url-status=dead }}</ref><ref name="pti">{{cite news |url=https://www.deccanchronicle.com/131115/news-current-affairs/article/google-ad-reignites-hope-easier-indo-pak-visas |title=Google reunion ad reignites hope for easier Indo-Pak visas |agency=[[Press Trust of India|PTI]] |date=15 November 2013 |newspaper=[[Deccan Chronicle]] |access-date=22 November 2013 |archive-date=18 November 2013 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131118085407/http://www.deccanchronicle.com/131115/news-current-affairs/article/google-ad-reignites-hope-easier-indo-pak-visas |url-status=live }}</ref><ref name="tears">{{cite news |url=http://www.pri.org/stories/2013-11-20/ad-google-india-may-bring-you-tears |title=This ad from Google India brought me to tears |last=Chatterjee |first=Rhitu |date=20 November 2013 |work=The World |publisher=[[Public Radio International]] |access-date=22 November 2013 |archive-date=24 November 2013 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131124204857/http://www.pri.org/stories/2013-11-20/ad-google-india-may-bring-you-tears |url-status=live }}</ref> The advertisement went viral<ref name="ibt">{{cite news |url=http://au.ibtimes.com/articles/522379/20131115/google-india-reunion-pakistan-partition-1947-suman.htm#.UoZy-WR4ZAt |title=Google Search: Reunion Video Touches Emotions in India, Pakistan; Goes Viral [Video] |last=Peter |first=Sunny |date=15 November 2013 |newspaper=[[International Business Times]] |access-date=22 November 2013 |archive-date=21 November 2013 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131121105651/http://au.ibtimes.com/articles/522379/20131115/google-india-reunion-pakistan-partition-1947-suman.htm#.UoZy-WR4ZAt |url-status=live }}</ref><ref name="tia">{{cite news |url=https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/tech-news/googles-india-pak-reunion-ad-strikes-emotional-chord/articleshow/25753015.cms |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131117102808/http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2013-11-14/internet/44072930_1_yusuf-sweet-shop-ad |url-status=live |archive-date=17 November 2013 |title=Google's India-Pak reunion ad strikes emotional chord |date=14 November 2013 |newspaper=[[The Times of India]]}}</ref> and was viewed more than 1.6 million times before officially debuting on television on 15 November 2013.<ref name="apjohnson">{{cite news |url=https://abcnews.go.com/Technology/wireStory/india-pakistan-agree-emotional-google-ad-hit-20898645 |title=Google ad an unlikely hit in both India, Pakistan by referring to traumatic 1947 partition |last=Johnson |first=Kay |date=15 November 2013 |publisher=[[ABC News (United States)|ABC News]] |agency=[[Associated Press]] |access-date=28 June 2020 |archive-date=22 November 2013 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131122200122/http://abcnews.go.com/Technology/wireStory/india-pakistan-agree-emotional-google-ad-hit-20898645 |url-status=live }}</ref>
* The partition is also depicted in the [[History|historical]] [[sports drama]] film ''[[Gold (2018 film)|Gold]]'' (2018), based on events which impacted the [[India men's national field hockey team|Indian national field hockey team]] at the time.<ref>{{Cite web |url=https://www.indiatoday.in/movies/bollywood/story/gold-fact-check-truth-vs-fiction-akshay-kumar-film-1321509-2018-08-23 |title=Gold fact check: Truth vs fiction in Akshay Kumar film |last1=Bhattacharya |first1=Ananya |date=23 August 2018 |website=India Today |access-date=22 January 2021 |archive-date=6 August 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210806073756/https://www.indiatoday.in/movies/bollywood/story/gold-fact-check-truth-vs-fiction-akshay-kumar-film-1321509-2018-08-23 |url-status=live |quote=In 1947, when Kishan Lal walked next to Dhyan Chand in East Africa in the Indian colours, the legendary field hockey team from 1936 had all but emptied. With 1947 came the Partition and most of the talented players were partitioned too with many moving to Pakistan}}</ref>
* "[[Demons of the Punjab]]", a 2018 episode of British sci-fi show ''[[Doctor Who]]'', depicts the events of the partition from the perspective of a family torn apart by their religious differences.
* The [[Disney+]] television series ''[[Ms. Marvel (miniseries)|Ms. Marvel]]'' (2022) depicts a fictional version of the partition, from the perspective of a Muslim family fleeing to Pakistan.
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Contemporary Indian artists that have made significant artworks about the partition are [[Nalini Malani]], [[Anjolie Ela Menon]], [[Satish Gujral]], [[Nilima Sheikh]], [[Arpita Singh]], [[Krishen Khanna]], Pran Nath Mago, S. L. Parasher, [[Arpana Caur]], Tayeba Begum Lipi, Mahbubur Rahman, Promotesh D Pulak, and [[Pritika Chowdhry]].<ref>{{Cite web|last=Storey|first=Thomas|date=7 August 2013|title=Traversing Boundaries: Five Bangladeshi Artists Question the Legacy of Partition|url=https://theculturetrip.com/asia/bangladesh/articles/traversing-boundaries-five-bangladeshi-artists-question-the-legacy-of-partition/|access-date=8 January 2022|website=Culture Trip|archive-date=8 January 2022|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220108042614/https://theculturetrip.com/asia/bangladesh/articles/traversing-boundaries-five-bangladeshi-artists-question-the-legacy-of-partition/|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal|last=Micieli-Voutsinas|first=Jacque|date=2013|title="Subaltern" Remembrances: Mapping Affective Approaches to Partition Memory|journal=Social Transformations: Journal of the Global South|language=en|volume=1|issue=1|pages=27–58|doi=10.13185/ST2013.01103|doi-broken-date=1 November 2024 |doi-access=free}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal|last=Micieli-Voutsinas|first=Jacque|date=3 July 2015|title=What the Nation Re-members: Resisting Victim Nationalism in Partition Memorial Project|url=https://doi.org/10.1080/2373566X.2015.1103196|journal=GeoHumanities|volume=1|issue=2|pages=398–413|doi=10.1080/2373566X.2015.1103196|s2cid=147050563|issn=2373-566X|access-date=29 October 2021}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|title=Partition Art - Pritika Chowdhry's art installations about Partition|url=https://www.pritikachowdhry.com/partition-art|access-date=8 January 2022|website=Pritika Chowdhry Art|language=en|archive-date=8 January 2022|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220108042618/https://www.pritikachowdhry.com/partition-art|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|date=14 December 2017|title=A Visual History of the Partition of India : A Story in Art • The Heritage Lab|url=https://www.theheritagelab.in/india-partition-art/|access-date=29 October 2021|website=The Heritage Lab|language=en-GB|archive-date=29 October 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211029052819/https://www.theheritagelab.in/india-partition-art/|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|last=Sharma|first=Ekatmata|date=17 August 2019|title=Revisiting Partition through art|url=https://www.artculturefestival.in/revisiting-partition-through-art/|access-date=29 October 2021|website=Art Culture Festival|language=en-US|archive-date=29 October 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211029052819/https://www.artculturefestival.in/revisiting-partition-through-art/|url-status=live}}</ref>
 
[[Project Dastaan]] is a peace-building initiative that reconnects displaced refugees of the partition in India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh with their childhood communities and villages through [[virtual reality]] digital experiences.{{factcitation needed|date=July 2024}}
 
Artist Bindu Mehra has made digital films depicting lived memories of the partition, including ''The Inaccessible Narrative.''<ref>{{Cite news |title=Artist Bindu Mehra on retelling stories in different voices |url=https://www.tribuneindia.com/news/features/artist-bindu-mehra-on-retelling-stories-in-different-voices-534590 |work=The Tribune}}</ref>