United States non-interventionism: Difference between revisions

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'''United States non-interventionism''' primarily refers to the [[Foreign policy of the United States|foreign policy]] that was eventually applied by the [[United States]] between the late 18th century and the first half of the 20th century whereby it sought to avoid alliances with other nations in order to prevent itself from being drawn into wars that were not related to the direct territorial self-defense of the United States. [[Neutral country|Neutrality]] and [[non-interventionism]] found support among elite and popular opinion in the United States, which varied depending on the international context and the country's interests. At times, the degree and nature of this policy was better known as [[isolationism]], such as the [[interwar period]], while some consider the term ''isolationism'' to be a pejorative used to discredit non-interventionist policy.
 
Due to the start of the [[Cold War]] in the [[aftermath of World War II]] and the rise of the United States as a global [[superpower]], its traditional foreign policy turned towards [[American imperialism]] with diplomatic and military interventionism, engaging or somehow intervening in virtually any [[List of wars involving the United States|overseas armed conflict]] ever since, and concluding multiple bilateral and regional military alliances, chiefly the [[North Atlantic Treaty Organization]]. Non-interventionist policies have had continued support from some Americans even aftersince World War II, mostly regarding specific armed conflicts like thein [[VietnamKorean War|VietnamKorea]] and, [[KoreanVietnam War|KoreanVietnam]] wars or the more recent, [[Syrian Civil War|Syria]], and [[Russo-Ukrainian War|Ukraine]].
 
==Background==
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Republican Senate leader [[Henry Cabot Lodge]] supported the Treaty with reservations to be sure Congress had final authority on sending the U.S. into war. Wilson and his Democratic supporters rejected the ''[[Lodge Reservations]]''.
 
The strongest opposition to American entry into the League of Nations came from the Senate where a tight-knit faction known as the [[Irreconcilables]], led by [[William Borah]] and [[George W. Norris|George Norris]], had great objections regarding the clauses of the treaty which compelled America to come to the defense of other nations. Senator [[William Borah]], of Idaho, declared that it would "purchase peace at the cost of any part of our [American] independence."<ref>{{cite web | url=https://www.historycentral.com/documents/Borah.html | title=William e. Borah, Speech on the League of Nations &#91;November 19, 1919&#93; }}</ref> Senator [[Hiram Johnson]], of California, denounced the League of Nations as a "gigantic war trust."<ref>{{cite news | url=https://www.nytimes.com/1919/06/03/archives/johnson-assails-league-of-nations-californian-calls-it-a-gigantic.html | title=JOHNSON ASSAILS LEAGUE OF NATIONS; Californian Calls It a "Gigantic War Trust" in Speech to Senate. SEES AMERICA SWALLOWED Declares the Monroe Doctrine is Left to the Interpretation of Foreign Nations. FEARS VOTES OF ENGLAND Senator Attacks the Shantung "Secret Treaty" and Plan toProtect France. Sees No War Preventive. Danies Monroe Doctrine Safeguard. Asserts League is Deceptive | newspaper=The New York Times | date=3 June 1919 }}</ref> While some of the sentiment was grounded in adherence to Constitutional principles, most of the sentiment bore a reassertion of [[Nativism (politics)|nativist]] and inward-looking policy.<ref>Selig Adler, ''The Isolationist Impulse: Its Twentieth Century Reaction'' (New York: The Free Press, 1957), 201</ref>
 
American society in the interwar period was characterized by a division in values between urban and rural areas as Americans in urban areas tended to be liberal while those in rural areas tended to be conservative.{{sfn|Sevareid|1978|p=46}} Adding to the division was that Americans in rural areas tended to be Protestant of British and/or German descent while those in urban areas were often Catholic or Jewish and came from eastern or southern Europe.{{sfn|Sevareid|1978|p=46-47}} The rural-urban divide was seen most dramatically in the intense debate about Prohibition as urban Americans tended to be "wets" while rural Americans tended to be "drys".{{sfn|Sevareid|1978|p=47}} The way that American society was fractured along an urban-rural divide served to distract public attention from foreign affairs.{{sfn|Sevareid|1978|p=47}} In the 1920s, the State Department had about 600 employees in total with an annual budget of $2 million, which reflected a lack of interest on the part of Congress in foreign affairs.{{sfn|Sevareid|1978|p=47-48}} The State Department was very much an elitist body that recruited mostly from graduates of the select "Ivy League" universities, which reflected the idea that foreign policy was the concern of elites.{{sfn|Sevareid|1978|p=48}} Likewise, the feeling that the United States was taking in far too many immigrants from eastern and southern Europe-who were widely depicted in the American media as criminals and revolutionaries-led to laws restricting immigration from Europe.{{sfn|Sevareid|1978|p=46-47}} In turn, the anti-immigrant mood increased isolationism as the picture of Europe as a place overflowing with dangerous criminals and equally dangerous Communist revolutionaries led to the corresponding conclusion that the United States should have little as possible to do with nations whose peoples were depicted as disagreeable and unpleasant.{{sfn|Sevareid|1978|p=46-47}} The same way that Congress had virtually banned all non-white immigration to the United States likewise led an indifference about the fate of non-white nations such as China and Ethiopia. The debate about Prohibition in the 1920s also encouraged nativist and isolationist feelings as "drys" often engaged in American exceptionalism by arguing that the United States was a uniquely morally pure nation that had banned alcohol, unlike the rest of the world which remained "wet" and was depicted as mired in corruption and decadence.{{sfn|Sevareid|1978|p=46}}
 
The United States acted independently to become a major player in the 1920s in international negotiations and treaties. The Harding Administration achieved naval disarmament among the major powers through the [[Washington Naval Conference]] in 1921–22. The [[Dawes Plan]] refinanced war debts and helped restore prosperity to Germany. In August 1928, fifteen nations signed the [[Kellogg–Briand Pact]], brainchild of American Secretary of State [[Frank Kellogg]] and French Foreign Minister [[Aristide Briand]].<ref>Adler, 213</ref> This pact that was said to have outlawed war and showed the United States commitment to international peace had its semantic flaws.<ref>Adler, 217</ref> For example, it did not hold the United States to the conditions of any existing treaties, it still allowed European nations the right to self-defense, and it stated that if one nation broke the Pact, it would be up to the other signatories to enforce it.<ref>Adler, 214–215</ref> Briand had sent a message on 6 April 1927 to mark the 10th anniversary of the American declaration of war on Germany in 1917 proposing that France and the United States sign a non-aggression pact.{{sfn|Sevareid|1978|p=48}} Briand was attempting to create a Franco-American alliance to counter Germany as Briand envisioned turning the negotiations for the non-aggression pact into an some sort of an alliance.{{sfn|Sevareid|1978|p=48}} Kellogg had no interest in an alliance with France, and countered with a vague offer for a treaty to ban all war.{{sfn|Sevareid|1978|p=48}} The Kellogg–Briand Pact was more of a sign of good intentions on the part of the US, rather than a legitimate step towards the sustenance of world peace.{{citation needed|date=February 2023}}{{POV statement|date=February 2023}}
 
Another reason for isolationism was the belief that the Treaty of Versailles was too harsh towards Germany and the question of war debts to the United States.{{sfn|Young|2005|p=187-188}} American public opinion was especially hostile towards France, which was depicted in the words of the Republican Senator [[Reed Smoot]] who in August 1930 called France a greedy "Shylock" intent upon taking the last "pound of flesh" from Germany via reparations while refusing to pay its war debts to the United States.{{sfn|Young|2005|p=187}} In the early 1930s, French diplomats at the embassy in Washington stated that the image of France was at an all-time low in the United States with American public opinion being especially incensed by France's decision to default on its war debts on 15 December 1932.{{sfn|Young|2005|p=188}} French diplomats throughout the interwar period complained that the German embassy and consulates in the United States waged a slick, well funded propaganda campaign designed to persuade the Americans that the Treaty of Versailles was a monstrous, unjust peace treaty while the French embassy and consulates did nothing equivalent to make the case for France.{{sfn|Young|2005|p=192-193}} The effect of German propaganda tended to persuade many Americans it had been a huge mistake to have declared war on Germany in 1917 and it would be wrong for the United States to go to war to maintain the international order created by the Treaty of Versailles.{{sfn|Young|2005|p=188}}
The economic depression that ensued after the [[Crash of 1929]], also continued to abet non-intervention. The attention of the country focused mostly on addressing the problems of the national economy. The rise of aggressive imperialist policies by [[Italian Fascism|Fascist Italy]] and the [[Empire of Japan]] led to conflicts such as the [[Second Italo-Ethiopian War|Italian conquest of Ethiopia]] and the [[Japanese invasion of Manchuria]]. These events led to ineffectual condemnations by the League of Nations. Official American response was muted. America also did not take sides in the brutal [[Spanish Civil War]] and [[United States occupation of Haiti|withdrew its troops from Haiti]] with the inauguration of the [[Good Neighbor Policy]] in 1934.
 
The economic depression that ensued after the [[Crash of 1929]], also continued to abet non-intervention. The attention of the country focused mostly on addressing the problems of the national economy. The rise of aggressive imperialist policies by [[Italian Fascism|Fascist Italy]] and the [[Empire of Japan]] led to conflicts such as the [[Second Italo-Ethiopian War|Italian conquest of Ethiopia]] and the [[Japanese invasion of Manchuria]]. These events led to ineffectual condemnations by the League of Nations. Official American response was muted. America also did not take sides in the brutal [[Spanish Civil War]] and [[United States occupation of Haiti|withdrew its troops from Haiti]] with the inauguration of the [[Good Neighbor Policy]] in 1934. In an attempt to influence American public opinion into taking a more favorable view of France, the Quai d'Orsay founded in 1935 the ''Association our la Constitution aux Etats-Unis d'un Office Français de Renseignements'' based in New York, a cultural propaganda council designed to give Americans a more favorable image of France.{{sfn|Young|2005|p=200}} Better known as the French Information Center, the group created a French Cinema Center to distribution of French films in the United States and by 1939 had handled out for free about 5, 000 copies of French films to American universities and high schools.{{sfn|Young|2005|p=196}} The French Information Center provided briefings to American journalists and columnists about the French point of view with the emphasis upon France as a democracy that had potential powerful enemies in the form of totalitarian dictatorships such as Germany and Italy.{{sfn|Young|2005|p=201}} Such propaganda did not seek to challenge American isolationism directly, but the prevailing theme was that France and the United States as democracies had more in common than what divided them.{{sfn|Young|2005|p=201-202}} By 1939, [[René Doynel de Saint-Quentin]], the French ambassador in Washington reported that image of France was much higher than what it had been in 1932.{{sfn|Young|2005|p=201}}
 
=== Non-interventionism before entering World War II ===
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Former Republican Congressman [[Ron Paul]] favored a return to the non-interventionist policies of [[Thomas Jefferson]] and frequently opposed military intervention in countries like [[Iran]] and [[Iraq]].
 
After [[Russian invasion of Ukraine|Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine]], the Republican Party has been divided on Ukraine's aid, believing that it is not in the interests of the United States to get involved in a "[[proxy war]]" against Russia.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Stanley |first=Tim |date=2023-06-15 |title=Taiwan matters more to US Republicans than Ukraine – here's why |language=en-GB |work=The Telegraph |url=https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2023/06/15/taiwan-ukraine-conflict-china-russia-republican-democrat/ |access-date=2023-07-09 |issn=0307-1235}}</ref> FormerSoon to be 47th President [[Donald Trump]] has called on the United States to push for [[Peace negotiations in the Russian invasion of Ukraine|peace talks]] rather than continue to support Ukraine.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Trump says he can end war in 24 hours; Zelenskyy says Biden could in 5 minutes: Ukraine live updates |url=https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/world/ukraine/2023/07/09/ukraine-russia-war-live-updates/70395471007/ |access-date=2023-07-09 |website=USA TODAY |language=en-US}}</ref>
 
==Supporters of non-interventionism==
 
===Politicians===
====DeadDeceased====
* [[Howard Buffett]] (1903–1964), U.S. Representative from [[Nebraska]]<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.antiwar.com/stromberg/s042401.html|title=The Old Cause|date=April 24, 2001|accessdate=October 5, 2021|author=Stromberg, Joseph R.|work=Antiwar.com}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://mises.org/wire/howard-buffett-anticommunist-and-anti-interventionist|title=Howard Buffett: Anticommunist and Anti-interventionist|date=July 27, 2020|accessdate=October 5, 2021|author=Daher, Trevor|work=Mises Institute}}</ref>
* [[Calvin Coolidge]] (1872–1933), 30th U.S. [[President of the United States|President]], 29th U.S. [[Vice President of the United States|Vice President]], 48th U.S. [[Governor of Massachusetts]], 46th U.S. [[Lieutenant Governor of Massachusetts|Lt. Governor of Massachusetts]]<ref>{{cite web|url=https://commons.lib.jmu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1508&context=master201019|title=Coolidge against the world: Peace, prosperity, and foreign policy in the 1920s|work=James Madison University|author=Joel Webster|access-date=February 1, 2020}}</ref>
* [[Mike Gravel]] (1930–2021), former US senator from Alaska (1969–1981), Entered the [[Pentagon Papers]] into Public Record in 1971, Democratic Presidential Candidate in 2008 and 2020. Founder of the [[The Gravel Institute|Gravel Institute]] think tank<ref>{{Cite web |last=Ayesh |first=Orion Rummler, Rashaan |date=2019-05-05 |title=Mike Gravel: Everything you need to know about the 2020 candidate |url=https://www.axios.com/2019/05/04/mike-gravel-everything-you-need-know-about-2020-candidate |access-date=2022-11-28 |website=Axios |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |title=About – Gravel Institute |url=https://gravelinstitute.org/about/ |access-date=2022-11-28 |language=en-US}}</ref>
* [[Herbert Hoover]] (1874–1964), 31st U.S. [[President of the United States|President]], 3rd [[United States Secretary of Commerce]]
* [[William Langer]] (1886–1959), U.S. Senator from North Dakota<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.politico.com/story/2013/11/this-day-in-politics-099535/|title='Wild Bill' dies, Nov. 8, 1959|date= November 8, 2013|work=Politico}}</ref>
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* [[Robert A. Taft]] (1889–1953), U.S. Senator from [[Ohio]], [[Senate Majority Leader]], 1940, 1948 & 1952 Republican presidential candidate<ref>{{cite web|url=https://mises.org/library/robert-taft-and-his-forgotten-isolationism|title=Robert Taft and His Forgotten "Isolationism"|date=March 8, 2014|accessdate=October 5, 2021|author=Bresiger, Gregory|work=Mises Institute}}</ref>
 
====AliveLiving====
* [[Justin Amash]], former U.S. Representative from [[Michigan]],<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/george-will-justin-amash-one-to-watch-from-michigan/2013/04/19/4beebecc-a858-11e2-a8e2-5b98cb59187f_story.html|title=George Will: Justin Amash, one to watch from Michigan|date=April 19, 2013|newspaper=The Washington Post}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://reason.com/video/justin-amash-reason-weekend|title=Rep. Justin Amash on Trump, Ryan, and the 'Stupidity' of How the Government Spends Your Money|date=April 9, 2018|work=Reason Magazine}}</ref><ref name="Will the Real GOP Non-Interventionists Stand up?">{{cite web|url=https://www.theamericanconservative.com/articles/rand-paul-war-real-gop-non-interventionists-justin-amash/|title=Will the Real GOP Non-Interventionists Stand up?|date=August 29, 2017|work=The American Conservative}}</ref> [[2020 Libertarian Party presidential primaries|2020 Libertarian presidential candidate]]
* [[Eric Brakey]], former U.S. [[Maine Senate|State Senator]] from [[Maine]], 2018 Republican U.S. Senate candidate<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.libertyfighters.uk/uk/the-question-no-one-asked-what-did-russia-get-for-hacking-our-electorates/|title=The question no one asked: What did Russia get for hacking our electorates?|date=March 13, 2017|work=LibertyFighters.uk}}</ref>
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* Adler, Selig. ''The Isolationist Impulse: Its Twentieth Century Reaction''. (1957).; says it's based on economic self-sufficiency and the illusion of security, together with Irish and German ethnic factors.
* Aregood, Richard, Richard Shafer, and Eric Freedman. "American Isolationism and The Political Evolution of Journalist-Turned-US Senator Gerald P. Nye." ''Journalism Practice'' 9.2 (2015): 279–294.
* Artiukhov A. A. [https://www.elibrary.ru/download/elibrary_49468420_19397103.pdf The Conceptual Characteristics of the Notion “Isolationism” at the Current Historical Stage] / A. A. Artiukhov // Meždunarodnyj Naučno-Issledovatel'skij Žurnal [International Research Journal]. – 2022. – № 8 (122). – [https://research-journal.org/en/archive/8-122-2022-august/10.23670/IRJ.2022.122.54 DOI 10.23670/IRJ.2022.122.54].
* Cole, Wayne S. ''America First: The Battle Against Intervention, 1940–1941'' (1953), the standard history.
* Cooper, John Milton Jr. ''The Vanity of Power: American Isolationism and the First World War, 1914–1917'' (1969).
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* Maddow, Rachel. ''Prequel An American Fight Against Fascism'' (Crown, 2023).
* Nichols, Christopher McKnight. ''Promise and Peril: America at the Dawn of a Global Age'' (Harvard University Press, 2011).
* Romanov V. V., Artyukhov A. A. (2013) [https://www.elibrary.ru/download/elibrary_21336929_23442819.pdf The Notion of "Isolationism" in U.S. Foreign-Policy Thought: Conceptual Characteristics] / V. V. Romanov, A. A. Artyukhov // Vestnik Vâtskogo Gosudarstvennogo Gumanitarnogo Universiteta. – № 3-1. – pp. 67-71.
* {{cite book |last1=Sevareid |first1=Eric |title=Between the Wars |date=1978 |publisher=Berkley Books |location=New York |isbn=978-0-425-03971003971-47}}
* {{cite book |last=Smith, |first=Glenn H. ''|title=Langer of North Dakota: A Study in Isolationism, 1940–1959''|date=1979 (1979).|ISBN=978-0-8240-3639-3}} Senator [[William Langer]]
* {{cite book |last1=Young |first1=Robert J. |title=An Uncertain Idea of France Essays and Reminiscence on the Third Republic |date=2005 |publisher=Peter Lang |location=New York |isbn=978-0-8204-7481-6}}
* Weinberg, Albert K. "The Historical Meaning of the American Doctrine of Isolation." ''American Political Science Review'' 34#3 (1940): 539–547. [https://www.jstor.org/stable/1949358 in JSTOR]