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| caption = This 1886 engraving was the most widely reproduced image of the Haymarket massacre. It shows Methodist pastor [[Samuel Fielden]] speaking, the bomb exploding, and the riot beginning simultaneously; in reality, Fielden had finished speaking before the explosion.<ref>[http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/dramas/act2/tragedyEnacted/momentOfTruth_f.htm Act II: Let Your Tragedy Be Enacted Here, Moment of Truth], 2000, ''The Dramas of Haymarket'', Chicago Historical Society</ref>
| map_type = United States Chicago Central
| map_caption = Haymarket squareSquare, Chicago, Illinois
| map_size =
| coordinates = {{Coord|41|53|5.6|N|87|38|38.9|W|type:event_scale:100000_region:US-IL|display=inline,title}}
| goals = Eight-hour work day
| methods = {{hlist | Strikes, | protest, | demonstrations}}
| status =
| result =
| concessions =
| side1 = [[Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions]]
| side2 = [[Chicago Police Department]]
| leadfigures1 = [[August Spies]]{{Executed}}<br /> [[Albert Parsons]]{{Executed}}<br /> [[Samuel Fielden]]
| leadfigures2 = [[Carter Harrison, Sr.]]<br /> John Bonfield
| casualties1 = '''Deaths''': 8 (including 4 who were executed)<br />'''Injuries''': 70+<br />'''Arrests''': 100+
| casualties2 = '''Deaths''': 8 (including one officer who died from his injuries two years later)<br />'''Injuries''': 607
| casualties_label = Casualties and arrests
| sidebox = {{Campaignbox US Labor strikes}} {{Campaignbox general strikes}}
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The '''Haymarket affair''', also known as the '''Haymarket massacre''', the '''Haymarket riot''', the '''Haymarket Square riot''', or the '''Haymarket Incident''', was the aftermath of a bombing that took place at a labor demonstration on May 4, 1886, at [[Haymarket Square (Chicago)|Haymarket Square]] in [[Chicago]], [[Illinois]], United States.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.cityofchicago.org/Landmarks/S/SiteHaymarket.html |title=Originally at the corner of Des Plaines and Randolph |publisher=Cityofchicago.org |access-date=March 18, 2012 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090506053947/http://www.cityofchicago.org/Landmarks/S/SiteHaymarket.html |archive-date=May 6, 2009 |df=mdy-all }}</ref> The rally began peacefully in support of workers striking for an [[eight-hour day|eight-hour work day]], the day after the events at the [[Mccormick Harvesting Machine Company|McCormick Harvesting Machine Company]], during which one person was killed and many workers injured.<ref name="eb">{{Cite web|url=https://www.britannica.com/event/Haymarket-Riot|title=Haymarket Riot {{!}} History, Outcome, & Knights of Labor|website=Encyclopedia Britannica|language=en|access-date=2019-09-01}}</ref> An unknown person threw a dynamite bomb at the police as they acted to disperse the meeting, and the bomb blast and ensuing retaliatory gunfire by the police caused the deaths of seven police officers and at least four civilians; dozens of others were wounded.<ref name="eb"/>
 
Eight [[communismAnarchism in the United States|communistsanarchists]] were charged with the bombing. InThe theeight internationallywere publicizedconvicted legalof proceedingsconspiracy againstin the accused,internationally thepublicized eightlegal were convicted of conspiracyproceedings.
 
The Haymarket Affairaffair is generally considered significant as the origin of [[International Workers' Day]] held on May 1,<ref>{{cite book |last=Trachtenberg |first=Alexander |title=The History of May Day |orig-year=1932 |url=http://www.marxists.org/subject/mayday/articles/tracht.html |access-date=January 19, 2008 |date=March 2002 |publisher=[[Marxists Internet Archive|Marxists.org]] }}</ref><ref>Foner, "The First May Day and the Haymarket Affair", ''May Day'', pp. 27–39.</ref>. and itIt was also the climax of the social unrest among the working class in America, known as the [[Great Railroad Strike of 1877|Great Upheaval]].
 
The evidence put forward in the court trial was that one of the defendants may have built the bomb, but none of those on trial had thrown it, and only two of the eight were at the Haymarket at the time.<ref>Timothy Messer-Kruse, ''The Haymarket Conspiracy: Transatlantic Anarchist Networks'' (2012)</ref><ref>{{cite web|last=Smith|first=Carl|title=Act III: Toils of the Law|url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/dramas//act3/act3.htm|work=The Dramas of Haymarket|publisher=Chicago Historical Society and Northwestern University|access-date=December 30, 2017}}</ref><ref>See generally, {{cite web |url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/hadc/transcript/volumek/401-450/K405-497.htm |title=Testimony of Harry L. Gilmer, Illinois vs. August Spies et al. |access-date=December 30, 2017 |last=Gilmer |first=Harry L. |date=July 28, 1886 |work=Haymarket Affair Digital Collection |publisher=Chicago Historical Society }}</ref><ref>See generally, {{cite web |url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/hadc/transcript/volumek/301-350/K312-361.htm |title=Testimony of Malvern M. Thompson, Illinois vs. August Spies et al. |access-date=December 30, 2017 |last=Thompson |first=Malvern M. |date=July 27, 1886 |work=Haymarket Affair Digital Collection |publisher=Chicago Historical Society }}</ref> Seven were sentenced to death and one to a term of 15 years in prison. Illinois Governor [[Richard J. Oglesby]] commuted two of the sentences to terms of life in prison; another died by suicide in jail before his scheduled execution. The other four were hanged on November 11, 1887.<ref name="eb"/> In 1893, Illinois Governor [[John Peter Altgeld]] pardoned the remaining defendants and criticized the trial.<ref>{{Cite web |url=https://digital.lib.niu.edu/islandora/object/niu-gildedage:24061 |title=Reasons for Pardoning Fielden, Neebe and Schwab |last=Altgeld |first=John P. |date=June 26, 1893 |website=digital.lib.niu.edu |access-date=2019-12-10}}</ref>
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==Background==
Following the Civil War, particularly following the [[Long Depression]], thereindustrial production was arapidly rapid expansion of industrial productionexpanded in the United States. Chicago was a major industrial center, and tens of thousands of German and [[Bohemia]]n immigrants were employed at about $1.50 a day. American workers worked, on average, slightly over 60 hours, during a six-day work week.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Huberman |first1=Michael |title=Working Hours of the World Unite? New International Evidence of Worktime, 1870–1913 |journal=The Journal of Economic History |date=December 2004 |volume=64 |issue=4 |pages=964–1001 |doi=10.1017/s0022050704043050 |jstor=3874986 |s2cid=154536906 |url=https://cirano.qc.ca/files/publications/2002s-77.pdf }}</ref> The city became a center for many attempts to organize labor's demands for better working conditions.<ref>{{cite encyclopedia|last=Barrett|first=James R.|title=Unionization|url=http://encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/1284.html|encyclopedia=Encyclopedia of Chicago|publisher=Chicago History Museum, Newberry Library, Northwestern University|access-date=April 2, 2012}}</ref> Employers responded with anti-union measures, such as firing and blacklisting union members, locking out workers, recruiting strikebreakers; employing spies, thugs, and private security forces and exacerbating ethnic tensions in order to divide the workers.<ref>{{cite encyclopedia|last=Moberg|first=David|title=Antiunionism|url=http://encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/55.html|encyclopedia=Encyclopedia of Chicago|publisher=Chicago History Museum, Newberry Library, Northwestern University|access-date=April 2, 2012}}</ref> Business interests were supported by mainstream newspapers, and were opposed by the labor and immigrant press.<ref>{{cite encyclopedia|last=Reiff|first=Janice L.|title=The Press and Labor in the 1880s|url=http://encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/11407.html|encyclopedia=Encyclopedia of Chicago|publisher=Chicago History Museum, Newberry Library, Northwestern University|access-date=April 2, 2012}}</ref>
 
During the economic slowdown between 1882 and 1886, socialist and anarchist organizations were active. Membership of the [[Knights of Labor]], which rejected socialism and radicalism but supported the eight-hour work day, grew from 70,000 in 1884 to over 700,000 by 1886.<ref>Kemmerer, Donald L.; Edward D. Wickersham (January 1950). "Reasons for the Growth of the Knights of Labor in 1885–1886". Industrial and Labor Relations Review 3 (2): 213–220.</ref> In Chicago, the anarchist movement of several thousand, mostly immigrant, workers centered abouton the German-language newspaper [[Arbeiter-Zeitung (Chicago)|''Arbeiter-Zeitung'']] ("Workers' Newspaper"), edited by [[August Spies]]. Other anarchists operated a militant revolutionary force with an armed section that was equipped with explosives. Its revolutionary strategy centered around the belief that successful operations against the police and the seizure of major industrial centers would lead to massive public support by workers, start a revolution, destroy capitalism, and establish a socialist economy.<ref name = "DavidBackground" >Henry David, ''The History of the Haymarket Affair'' (1936), introductory chapters, pp. 21 to 138</ref>
 
===May Day parade and strikes===
In October 1884, a convention held by the [[Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions]] unanimously set May 1, 1886, as the date by which the [[Eight-hour day|eight-hour work day]] would become standard.<ref name='How May Day Became a Workers Holiday-resolution'>{{cite web |url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/dna/h2g2/A627662 |title=How May Day Became a Workers' Holiday |access-date=January 19, 2008 |date=October 4, 2001 |work=The Guide to Life, The Universe and Everything |publisher=BBC |quote=(It is) Resolved ... that eight hours shall constitute a legal day's labor from and after May 1, 1886, and that we recommend to labor organizations throughout this district that they so direct their laws so as to conform to this resolution by the time named. }}</ref> As the chosen date approached, U.S. labor unions prepared for a [[general strike]] in support of the eight-hour day.<ref name='How May Day Became a Workers Holiday-strike'>{{cite web |url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/dna/h2g2/A627662 |title=How May Day Became a Workers' Holiday |access-date=January 19, 2008 |date=October 4, 2001 |work=The Guide to Life, The Universe and Everything |publisher=BBC }}</ref>
 
On Saturday, May 1, thousands of workers who went on strike and attended rallies that were held throughout the United States sang from the anthem, ''Eight Hour.'' The song's chorus of the song reflected the ideology of the Great Upheaval, "Eight Hours for work. Eight hours for rest. Eight hours for what we will."<ref>Winik, Jay. The Great Upheaval: America and the Birth of the Modern World, 1788–1800. New York: HarperCollins, 2007 (p. 153)</ref> Estimates of the number of striking workers across the U.S. range from 300,000<ref name=Avrich186/> to half a million.<ref name=Foner27/> In New York City, the number of demonstrators was estimated at 10,000.<ref>Foner, ''May Day'', pp. 27–28.</ref> and in Detroit at 11,000.<ref name=Foner28>Foner, ''May Day'', p. 28.</ref> In [[Milwaukee]], some 10,000 workers turned out.<ref name=Foner28/> In Chicago, the movement's center, an estimated 30,000 to 40,000 workers had gone on strike<ref name=Avrich186>Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'', p. 186.</ref> and there were perhaps twice as many people out on the streets participating in various demonstrations and marches,<ref>According to Henry David there were strikes by "no less than 30,000 men", and "perhaps twice that number (i.e., 80,000) were out on the streets participating in or witnessing the various demonstrations..."</ref><ref name=David>David, ''The History of the Haymarket Affair'', pp. 177, 188.</ref> as, for example, a march by 10,000 men employed in the Chicago lumber yards.<ref name=Foner27>Foner, ''May Day'', p. 27.</ref> Though participants in these events added up to 80,000, it is disputed whether there was a march of that number down [[Michigan Avenue (Chicago)|Michigan Avenue]] led by [[Anarchism|anarchist]] [[Albert Parsons]], founder of the [[International Working People's Association]] [IWPA], his wife and fellow organizer [[Lucy Parsons|Lucy]], and their children.<ref name=Avrich186/><ref>The existence of an 80,000 -person march down Michigan Avenue, described by Avrich (1984), Foner (1986), and others, has been questioned by historian [http://blogs.bgsu.edu/haymarket/myth-4-the-great-march-of-the-80000/ Timothy Messer-Kruse], who claims to have found no specific reference to it in contemporary sources and notes that David (1936) doesn't mention it.</ref>
 
{{multiple image
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Speaking to a rally outside the [[West Side, Chicago]], [[McCormick reaper]] plant on May 3, August Spies advised the striking workers to "hold together, to stand by their union, or they would not succeed".<ref name=greenMcCormick/> Well-planned and coordinated, the general strike to this point had mainly remained largely non-violent. When the end-of-the-workday bell soundedHowever, however, a group of workers surged to the gates to confront the [[strikebreakers]] when the end-of-the-workday bell sounded. Spies called for calm, but the police fired on the crowd. Two McCormick workers were killed; some newspaper accounts said there were six fatalities.<ref>Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'', p. 190.</ref> Spies later testified, "I was very indignant. I knew from experience of the past that this butchering of people was done for the express purpose of defeating the eight-hour movement."<ref name=greenMcCormick>Green, ''Death in the Haymarket'', pp. 162–173.</ref>
 
Outraged by this act of [[police violence]], local anarchists quickly printed and distributed fliers calling for a rally the following day at Haymarket Square (also called the Haymarket), which was then a bustling commercial center near the corner of Randolph Street and Desplaines Street. Printed in German and English, the fliers stated that the police had murdered the strikers on behalf of business interests and urged workers to seek justice. The first batch of fliers contain the words ''Workingmen Arm Yourselves and Appear in Full Force!'' When Spies saw the line, he said he would not speak at the rally unless the words were removed from the flier. All but a few hundred of the fliers were destroyed, and new fliers were printed without the offending words;<ref>Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'', p. 193.</ref> moreMore than 20,000 copies were distributed.<ref>{{cite book |title=Illinois vs. August Spies et al. trial transcript no. 1, 1886 Nov. 26 |url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/hadc/transcript/volumem/201-250/M250-263.htm |access-date=December 30, 2017 |volume=M |page=255 }}</ref>
 
===Rally at Haymarket Square===
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<blockquote>
There seems to prevail the opinion in some quarters that this meeting has been called forto the purpose of inauguratinginaugurate a riot, hence these warlike preparations on the part of so-called 'law and order.' However, let me tell you at the beginning that this meeting has not been called for any such purpose. The object of this meeting is to explain the general situation of the eight-hour movement and to throw light upon various incidents in connection with it.<ref>{{cite book |title=In the Supreme Court of Illinois, Northern Grand Division. March Term, 1887. August Spies, et al. v. The People of the State of Illinois. Abstract of Record |publisher=Barnard & Gunthorpe |location=Chicago |oclc=36384114 |no-pp=true |page=vol. II, p. 129 }}, quoted in Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'', pp. 199–200.</ref></blockquote>
 
Following Spies' speech, the crowd was addressed by Parsons, the Alabama-born editor of the radical English-language weekly ''[[The Alarm (newspaper)|The Alarm]].''<ref name=Nelson188>Nelson, ''Beyond the Martyrs'', p. 188.</ref> The crowd was so calm that Mayor [[Carter Harrison Sr.]], who had stopped by to watch, walked home early. Parsons spoke for almost an hour before standing down in favor of the last speaker of the evening, the English-born socialist, anarchist, and labor activist Methodist pastor, Rev. Samuel Fielden, who delivered a brief ten-minute address. Many of the crowd had already left as the weather was deteriorating.<ref name=Nelson188 />
 
A ''New York Times'' article, with the dateline May 4, and headlined "Rioting and Bloodshed in the Streets of Chicago ... Twelve Policemen Dead or Dying", reported that Fielden spoke for 20 minutes, alleging that his words grew "wilder and more violent as he proceeded".<ref name=NYTMay5 /> Another ''New York Times'' article, headlined "Anarchy's Red Hand" and dated May 6, opens with: "The villainous teachings of the Anarchists bore bloody fruit in Chicago tonight and before daylight at least a dozen stalwart men will have laid down their lives as a tribute to the doctrine of Herr [[Johann Most]]." It(Most was a German-American anarchy-theorist and leader, who was not in Chicago). The article referred to the strikers as a "mob" and used quotation marks around the term "workingmen".<ref>''New York Times'' article datelined May 4, headlined "Anarchy's Red Hand" and dated May 6, reproduced on the [http://famous-trials.com/haymarket/1191-redhand5-6 University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law website].</ref>
 
====Bombing and gunfire====
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A home-made [[Fragmentation (weaponry)|fragmentation bomb]]<ref name=NYTBomb>{{cite news|title=Chicago's Deadly Missile|url=https://query.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=9C03E0DF1738E533A25756C1A9639C94679FD7CF|access-date=February 28, 2012|newspaper=The New York Times|date=May 14, 1886}}</ref><ref name=LaborBomb>{{cite journal |last1=Messer-Kruse |first1=Timothy |last2=Eckert |first2=James O. |last3=Burckel |first3=Pannee |last4=Dunn |first4=Jeffrey |title=The Haymarket Bomb: Reassessing the Evidence |journal=Labor |date=1 May 2005 |volume=2 |issue=2 |pages=39–52 |doi=10.1215/15476715-2-2-39 }}</ref> was thrown into the path of the advancing police, where it exploded, killing policeman Mathias J. Degan<ref>{{Cite book |last1=Flinn |first1=John Joseph |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=_yYDAAAAMAAJ&pg=PA322 |title=History of the Chicago Police: From the Settlement of the Community to the Present Time, Under Authority of the Mayor and Superintendent of the Force |last2=Wilkie |first2=John Elbert |date=1887 |publisher=Under the Auspices of the Police Book Fund |pages=320–323 |language=en}}</ref> and severely wounding many of the other policemen.<ref name=NYTMay5>{{cite news|title=Rioting and Bloodshed in the Streets of Chicago|url=https://query.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=F30F1EF83D5C10738DDDAC0894DD405B8684F0D3|access-date=February 29, 2012|newspaper=The New York Times|date=May 5, 1886|format=PDF}} This is the same article datelined May 4, reproduced elsewhere.</ref><ref>{{Cite book |last=Hallwas |first=John E. |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=C6UfAQAAIAAJ |title=Illinois Literature: The Nineteenth Century |date=1986 |publisher=Illinois Heritage Press |pages=183 |language=en}}</ref>
 
Witnesses maintained that immediately after the bomb blast, there was an exchange of gunshots between police and demonstrators.<ref name = "Riot" >Schaack, ''Anarchy and Anarchists'', pp. 146–148.</ref> It is unclear who fired first.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Law |first=Randall D. |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=gyP3DAAAQBAJ&pg=PT188 |title=Terrorism: A History |date=2016|publisher=John Wiley & Sons |isbn=978-0-7456-9093-3 |pages=188 |language=en |quote=whether the first shot was fired by police or workers is unclear.}}</ref> Historian [[Paul Avrich]] maintains that "nearly all sources agree that it was the police who opened fire", reloaded and then fired again, killing at least four and wounding as many as 70 people.<ref>Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'', p. 209</ref> In less than five minutes, the square was empty except for the casualties. According to the May 4 ''New York Times'', demonstrators began firing at the police, who then returned fire.<ref name="NYTMay5" /> In his report on the incident, Inspector Bonfield wrote that he "gave the order to cease firing, fearing that some of our men, in the darkness, might fire into each other".<ref name="John Bonfield report">{{cite web |url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/hadc/manuscripts/m03/M03.htm#M03P020 |title=Inspector John Bonfield report to Frederick Ebersold, General Superintendent of Police |access-date=December 30, 2017 |last=Bonfield |first=John |date=May 30, 1886 |work=Haymarket Affair Digital Collection |publisher=Chicago Historical Society }}</ref> An anonymous police official told the ''[[Chicago Tribune]]'', "A very large number of the police were wounded by each other's revolvers. ... It was every man for himself, and while some got two or three squares away, the rest emptied their revolvers, mainly into each other."<ref>''[[Chicago Tribune]]'', June 27, 1886, quoted in Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'', p. 209.</ref>
 
In all, seven policemen and at least four workers were killed. Avrich said that most of the police deaths were from police gunfire.<ref>Avrich (1984), p. 208.</ref> Historian [[Timothy Messer-Kruse]] argues that, although it is impossible to rule out lethal friendly fire, several policemen were probably shot by armed protesters.<ref name=":0" /> Another policeman died two years after the incident from complications related to injuries received that day.<ref name="the bomb">{{cite web|url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/dramas/act2/act2.htm |title=Act II: Let Your Tragedy Be Enacted Here |access-date=December 30, 2017 |year=2000 |work=The Dramas of Haymarket |publisher=Chicago Historical Society }}</ref> Police captain [[Michael Schaack]] later wrote that the number of wounded workers was "largely in excess of that on the side of the police".<ref name="Schaack">{{cite book |last=Schaack |first=Michael J. |title=Anarchy and Anarchists. A History of the Red Terror and the Social Revolution in America and Europe. Communism, Socialism, and Nihilism in Doctrine and in Deed. The Chicago Haymarket Conspiracy, and the Detection and Trial of the Conspirators |url=http://homicide.northwestern.edu/pubs/anarchy/ |access-date=January 19, 2008 |year=1889 |publisher=F. J. Schulte & Co |location=Chicago |oclc=185637808 |chapter=The Dead and the Wounded |chapter-url=http://homicide.northwestern.edu/docs_fk/homicide/AAA/Anarchy.09.pdf |quote=After the moment's bewilderment, the officers dashed on the enemy and fired round after round. Being good marksmen, they fired to kill, and many revolutionists must have gone home, either assisted by comrades or unassisted, with wounds that resulted fatally or maimed them for life. ... It is known that many secret funerals were held from Anarchist localities in the dead hour of night. |page=155 }}</ref> The ''Chicago Herald'' described a scene of "wild carnage" and estimated at least fifty dead or wounded civilians lay in the streets.<ref>''Chicago Herald'', May 5, 1886, quoted in Avrich (1984), pp. 209–210.</ref> It is unclear how many civilians were wounded since many were afraid to seek medical attention, fearing arrest. They found aid where they could.<ref name="NYTMay5" /><ref name="Dead and Wounded">Schaack, Michael J. (1889), ''Anarchy and Anarchists'', pp. 149–155.</ref><ref>Nelson, ''Beyond the Martyrs'', pp. 188–189.</ref>
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===Aftermath and red scare===
[[File:Mathias J. Degan (ca. 1886).jpg|thumb|left|upright|Engraving of police officer Mathias J. Degan, who was killed by the bomb blast]]
A harsh anti-union clampdown followed the Haymarket incident and the Great Upheaval subsided. Employers regained control of their workers and traditional workdays were restored to ten or more hours a day.<ref>Winik, Jay. The Great Upheaval: America and the Birth of the Modern World, 1788–1800. New York: HarperCollins, 2007 p. 238</ref> There was a massive outpouring of community and business support for the police and many thousands of dollars were donated to funds for their medical care and to assist their efforts. The entire labor and immigrant community, particularly Germans and Bohemians, came under suspicion. Police raids were carried out on homes and offices of suspected anarchists. Dozens of suspects, many only remotely related to the Haymarket Affair, were arrested. Ignoring legal requirements such as for search warrants, Chicago police squads subjected the labor activists of Chicago to an eight-week shakedown, ransacking their meeting halls and places of business. The emphasis was on the speakers at the Haymarket rally and the newspaper ''Arbeiter-Zeitung''. A small group of anarchists were discovereddeclared to have been engaged in making bombs on the same day as the incident, including round ones like the one used in Haymarket Square.<ref name=Manhunt>Avrich (1984), pp. 221–232.</ref>
 
Newspaper reports declared that anarchist agitators were to blame for the "riot", a view adopted by an alarmed public. As time passed, press reports and illustrations of the incident became more elaborate. Coverage was national, then international. Among property owners, the press, and other elements of society, a consensus developed that suppression of anarchist agitation was necessary while for their part, union organizations such as The Knights of Labor and craft unions were quick to disassociate themselves from the anarchist movement and to repudiate violent tactics as self-defeating.<ref name = "Repercussions" >David, ''The History of the Haymarket Affair'' (1936), pp. 178–189</ref> Many workers, on the other hand, believed that industry-hired men of the [[Pinkerton National Detective Agency|Pinkerton agency]] were responsible because of the agency's tactic of secretly infiltrating labor groups and its sometimes violent methods of strike breaking.<ref name=Pinkerton>{{cite book |last=Morn |first=Frank |title=The Eye That Never Sleeps: A History of the Pinkerton National Detective Agency |year=1982 |publisher=Indiana University Press |location=Bloomington, Ind. |isbn=0-253-32086-0 |page=99 }}</ref>
 
==Legal proceedings==
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The police assumed that an anarchist had thrown the bomb as part of a planned conspiracy; their problem was how to prove it. On the morning of May 5, they raided the offices of the ''Arbeiter-Zeitung'', arresting its editor August Spies and his brother, who was not charged. Also arrested were editorial assistant Michael Schwab and Adolph Fischer, a typesetter. A search of the premises resulted in the discovery of the "Revenge Poster" and other evidence considered incriminating by the prosecution.<ref name = "Core" >Schaack, [http://homicide.northwestern.edu/docs_fk/homicide/AAA/Anarchy.10.pdf "Core of the Conspiracy"], ''Anarchy and Anarchists'', pp. 156–182.</ref>
 
On May 7, police searched the premises of [[Louis Lingg]] where they found a number of bombs and bomb-making materials.<ref name = "Connection" >Schaack, [http://homicide.northwestern.edu/docs_fk/homicide/AAA/Anarchy.11.pdf "My Connection with the Anarchist Cases"], ''Anarchy and Anarchists'', pp, 183–205.</ref> Lingg's landlord William Seliger was also arrested, but cooperated with police, identified Lingg as a bomb-maker, and was not charged.<ref name = "Nest" >Messer-Kruse, Timothy (2011), p. 21</ref> An associate of Spies, Balthazar Rau, suspected as the bomber, was traced to Omaha and brought back to Chicago. After interrogation, Rau offered to cooperate with police. He alleged that the defendants had experimented with dynamite bombs and accused them of having published what he said was a code word, "Ruhe" ("peace"), in the ''Arbeiter-Zeitung'' as a call to arms at Haymarket Square.<ref name = "Core" /><ref>{{Citation|last=Messer-Kruse|first=Timothy|title=Haymarketcite Riotbook and Conspiracy|datedoi=2018-06-25|url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780199329175.013.550 |encyclopediachapter=Haymarket Riot and Conspiracy |title=Oxford Research Encyclopedia of American History |publisherdate=Oxford2018 University|last1=Messer-Kruse Press|doifirst1=10.1093/acrefore/9780199329175.013.550Timothy |isbn=978-0-19-932917-5|access-date=2021-05-28 }}</ref>
 
===Defendants===
 
Rudolf Schnaubelt, the police's lead suspect as the bomb thrower, was arrested twice early on and released. By May 14, when it became apparent he had played a significant role in the event, he had fled the country.<ref name = "Core" /><ref name="Messer-Kruse 2011, pp. 18–21">Messer-Kruse (2011), pp. 18–21.</ref> William Seliger, who had turned state's evidence and testified for the prosecution, was not charged.{{Inconsistent|date=February 2022|reason=The following reference notes that William Seliger was chargedfreed by the Grand Jury, although he did get a compromise, it's not wise to state that he was not charged.}} On June 4, 1886, eight other suspects were indicted by the grand jury, and stood trial for being accessories to the murder of Degan.<ref>The Grand Jury returned an indictment against Spies, Fielden, Michael Schwab, Albert R. Parsons, Adolph Fischer, George Engel, Louis Lingg, William Seliger, Rudolph Schnaubelt, and Oscar Neebe for murder.
<blockquote>Charged with making an unlawful, willful, felonious and with malice aforethought assault on the body of Mathias J. Degan causing him mortal wounds, bruises, lacerations and contusions upon his body.</blockquote>See [http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/hadc/transcript/volume1/000-050/1003B-022.htm Grand jury indictments for murder, 1886 June 4.| Chicago Historical Society, Haymarket Affair Digital Collection.]</ref> Of these, only two had been present when the bomb exploded. Spies and Fielden had spoken at the peaceful rally and were stepping down from the speaker's wagon in compliance with police orders to disperse just before the bomb went off. Two others had been present at the beginning of the rally but had left and were at Zepf's Hall, an anarchist rendezvous, at the time of the explosion. They were ''Arbeiter-Zeitung'' typesetter [[Adolph Fischer]], and the well-known activist [[Albert Parsons]], who had spoken for an hour at the Haymarket rally before going to Zepf's. Parsons, who believed that the evidence against them all was weak, subsequently voluntarily turned himself in, in solidarity with the accused.<ref name = "Core" /> A third man, Spies's assistant editor [[Michael Schwab]] (who was the brother-in-law of Schnaubelt) was arrested, as he had been speaking at another rally at the time of the bombing; he was also later pardoned. Not directly tied to the Haymarket rally, but arrested for their militant radicalism were [[George Engel]], who had been at home playing cards on that day, and [[Louis Lingg]], the hot-headed bomb-maker denounced by his associate, Seliger. Another defendant who had not been present that day was [[Oscar Neebe]], an American-born citizen of German descent who was associated with the ''Arbeiter-Zeitung'' and had attempted to revive it in the aftermath of the Haymarket riot.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://famous-trials.com/haymarket/1175-defendants |title=Meet the Haymarket Defendants |publisher=University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law |access-date=December 30, 2017 }}</ref>
 
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[[File:Lingg bomb.jpg|thumb|upright|alt=A unexploded dynamite bomb with fuse.|Exhibit 129a from the Haymarket trial: Chemists testified that the bombs found in Lingg's apartment, including this one, resembled the chemical signature of shrapnel from the Haymarket bomb.]]
Police investigators under Captain [[Michael Schaack]] had a lead fragment removed from a policeman's wounds chemically analyzed. They reported that the lead used in the casing matched the casings of bombs found in Lingg's home.<ref name=LaborBomb /> A metal nut and fragments of the casing taken from the wound also roughly matched bombs made by Lingg.<ref name = "Core" /> Schaack concluded, on the basis of interviews, that the anarchists had been experimenting for years with dynamite and other explosives, refining the design of their bombs before coming up with the effective one used at the Haymarket.<ref name = "Core" />
 
At the last minute, when it was discovered that instructions for manslaughter had not been included in the submitted instructions, the jury was called back, and the instructions were given.<ref>Messer-Kruse (2011). pp. 123–128</ref>
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===Executions===
[[File:Chicagi 1887.jpg|thumb|right|Execution of defendants—Engel, Fischer, Parsons, and Spies]]
The next day (November 11, 1887) four defendants—Engel, Fischer, Parsons, and Spies—were taken to the gallows in white robes and hoods. They sang the ''[[La Marseillaise|Marseillaise]]'', then the anthem of the international revolutionary movement. Family members including [[Lucy Parsons]], who attempted to see them for the last time, were arrested and searched for bombs (none was found). According to witnesses, in the moments before the men were [[hanged]], Spies shouted, "The time will come when our silence will be more powerful than the voices you strangle today."<ref name=Avrich393>Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'', p. 393.</ref> In their last words, Engel and Fischer called out, "Hurrah for anarchism!" Parsons then requested to speak, but he was cut off when the signal was given to openspring the trap door. Witnesses reported that the condemned men did not die immediately when they dropped, but strangled to death slowly, a sight which left the spectators visibly shaken.<ref name=Avrich393/>
 
===Identity of the bomber===
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Among supporters of the labor movement in the United States and abroad and others, the trial was widely believed to have been unfair, and even a serious [[miscarriage of justice]]. Prominent people including novelist [[William Dean Howells]], celebrated attorney [[Clarence Darrow]],<ref>John A. Farrell, ''Clarence Darrow: Attorney for the Damned'' (New York: Doubleday, 2011), p. 5 and passim.</ref> poet and playwright [[Oscar Wilde]], playwright [[George Bernard Shaw]], and poet [[William Morris]] strongly condemned it. On June 26, 1893, Illinois governor [[John Peter Altgeld]], the progressive governor of Illinois, himself a German immigrant, signed pardons for Fielden, Neebe, and Schwab,<ref>{{Cite news |date=June 27, 1893 |title=Anarchists Pardoned |url=https://www.newspapers.com/clip/19766055/3_men_pardoned_for_haymarket_bombing/ |newspaper=Port Huron Daily Times |location=Port Huron, Michigan |page=1 |via=[[Newspapers.com]] |access-date=May 4, 2018 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180627173145/https://www.newspapers.com/clip/19766055/3_men_pardoned_for_haymarket_bombing/ |archive-date=June 27, 2018 |url-status=live }} {{Open access}}</ref> calling them victims of "hysteria, packed juries, and a biased judge" and noting that the state "has never discovered who it was that threw the bomb which killed the policeman, and the evidence does not show any connection whatsoever between the defendants and the man who threw it".<ref>Quoted in Stanley Turkel, ''Heroes of the American Reconstruction: Profiles of Sixteen Educators'' (McFarland, 2009) p. 121.</ref> Altgeld also faulted the city of Chicago for failing to hold Pinkerton guards responsible for repeated use of lethal violence against striking workers.<ref>{{cite book |last=Morn |title=The Eye That Never Sleeps |page=99 |isbn=0-253-32086-0 |year=1982 |publisher=Indiana University Press }} On April 9, 1885, Pinkertons shot and killed an elderly man at the McCormick Harvester Company Works in Chicago. On October 19, 1886, they shot and killed a man in Chicago's packinghouse district. [[Labor spies#A historical overview|More info]].</ref> Altgeld's actions concerning labor were used to defeat his reelection.<ref>[http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/dramas/act5/absolutePardon/theFriendOfMadDogs_f.htm ''ACT V Raising the dead: Absolute Pardon,''] Chicago Historical Society (2000)</ref><ref>[http://www.nga.org/cms/home/governors/past-governors-bios/page_illinois/col2-content/main-content-list/title_altgeld_john.html ''Illinois Governor John Peter Altgeld''] National Governors Association (2011).</ref><ref>[http://www.fjc.gov/history/home.nsf/page/tu_debs_bio_altgeld.html ''The Debs Case: Labor, Capital, and the Federal Courts of the 1890s, Biographies, John Peter Altgeld''] Federal Judicial Center.</ref>
 
Soon after the trial, anarchist [[Dyer Lum]] wrote a history of the trial critical of the prosecution. In 1888, George McLean, and in 1889, police captain Michael ShackSchack, wrote accounts from the opposite perspective.<ref name="Teaford">{{cite journal |last1=Teaford |first1=Jon C. |title=Good Read, Old Story |journal=Reviews in American History |date=2006 |volume=34 |issue=3 |pages=350–354 |doi=10.1353/rah.2006.0051 |jstor=30031536 |s2cid=144084130 }}</ref> Awaiting sentencing, each of the defendants wrote their own autobiographies (edited and published by [[Philip Foner]] in 1969), and later activist [[Lucy Parsons]] published a biography of her condemned husband [[Albert Parsons]]. Fifty years after the event, Henry David wrote a history, which preceded another scholarly treatment by [[Paul Avrich]] in 1984, and a "social history" of the era by Bruce C. Nelson in 1988. In 2006, labor historian [[James Green (educator)|James Green]] wrote a popular history.<ref name="Teaford" />
 
Christopher Thale writes in the ''[[Encyclopedia of Chicago]]'' that lacking credible evidence regarding the bombing, "...the prosecution focused on the writings and speeches of the defendants."<ref>{{cite encyclopedia|last=Thale|first=Christopher|title=Haymarket and May Day|url=http://encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/571.html|encyclopedia=Encyclopedia of Chicago|publisher=Chicago History Museum, Newberry Library and Northwestern University|access-date=April 1, 2012}}</ref> He further notes that the conspiracy charge was legally unprecedented, the judge was "partisan," and all the jurors admitted prejudice against the defendants. Historian Carl Smith writes, "The visceral feelings of fear and anger surrounding the trial ruled out anything but the pretense of justice right from the outset."<ref>{{cite web|last=Smith|first=Carl|title=Act III: Toils of the Law|url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/dramas/act3/act3.htm|work=The Dramas of Haymarket|publisher=Chicago Historical Society and Northwestern University|access-date=December 30, 2017}}</ref> Smith notes that scholars have long considered the trial a "notorious" "miscarriage of justice".<ref>{{cite web|last=Smith|first=Carl|title=Introduction|url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/dramas/overview/main.htm|work=The Dramas of Haymarket|publisher=Chicago Historical Society and Northwestern University|access-date=December 30, 2017}}</ref> In a review somewhat more critical of the defendants, historian Jon Teaford concludes that "[t]he tragedy of Haymarket is the American justice system did not protect the damn fools who most needed that protection... It is the damn fools who talk too much and too wildly who are most in need of protection from the state."<ref name="Teaford" /> Historian [[Timothy Messer-Kruse]] revisited the digitized trial transcript and argued that the proceedings were fair for their time, a challenge to the historical consensus that the trial was a travesty.<ref>{{Cite web |last1=Mann |first1=Leslie |title=Reworking infamous Haymarket trial |work=[[Chicago Tribune]] |date=2011-09-14 |url=http://articles.chicagotribune.com/2011-09-14/entertainment/ct-ent-0915-museum-general-haymarket-20110915_1_separate-trials-haymarket-square-haymarket-incident |access-date=2017-11-01 |df=mdy-all }}</ref>
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The association of May Day with the Haymarket martyrs has remained strong in Mexico. [[Mary Harris Jones|Mary Harris "Mother" Jones]] was in Mexico on May 1, 1921, and wrote of the "day of 'fiestas'" that marked "the killing of the workers in Chicago for demanding the eight-hour day".<ref>Roediger, Dave, "Mother Jones & Haymarket", in Roediger and Rosemont, eds., ''Haymarket Scrapbook'', p. 213.</ref> In 1929, ''[[The New York Times]]'' referred to the May Day parade in [[Mexico City]] as "the annual demonstration glorifying the memory of those who were killed in Chicago in 1887".<ref>Foner, ''May Day'', p. 104.</ref> ''The New York Times'' described the 1936 demonstration as a commemoration of "the death of the martyrs in Chicago".<ref>Foner, ''May Day'', p. 118.</ref> In 1939, Oscar Neebe's grandson attended the May Day parade in Mexico City and was shown, as his host told him, "how the world shows respect to your grandfather".<ref>Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'', p. 436.</ref>
 
The influence of the Haymarket Affair was not limited to the celebration of May Day. [[Emma Goldman]], the activist and political theorist, was attracted to anarchism after reading about the incident and the executions, which she later described as "the events that had inspired my spiritual birth and growth". She considered the Haymarket martyrs to be "the most decisive influence in my existence," and was powerfully moved by attending the famous socialist speaker [[Johanna Greie]]'s speech on the subject, expressing that "at the end of Greie's speech I knew what I had surmised all along: the Chicago men were innocent."<ref name="livingmylife">{{cite book |last=Goldman |first=Emma |author-link=Emma Goldman |title=Living My Life |orig-year=1931 |year=1970 |publisher=Dover Publications |location=New York |isbn=0-486-22543-7 |pages=[https://archive.org/details/livingmylife02gold/page/7 7–10, 508] |title-link=Living My Life }}</ref> Her associate, [[Alexander Berkman]] also described the Haymarket anarchists as "a potent and vital inspiration".<ref name=Avrich434>Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'', p. 434.</ref> Others whose commitment to anarchism, or revolutionary socialism, crystallized as a result of the Haymarket Affair included [[Voltairine de Cleyre]] and [[Bill Haywood|"Big Bill" Haywood]], a founding member of the [[Industrial Workers of the World]].<ref name=Avrich434/> Goldman wrote to historian [[Max Nettlau]] that the Haymarket Affair had awakened the social consciousness of "hundreds, perhaps thousands, of people".<ref>Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'', pp. 433–434.</ref>
 
==Suspected bombers==
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* {{cite book |last=Harris |first=Frank |author-link=Frank Harris |title=The Bomb |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=T2YRAAAAYAAJ |year=1908 |publisher=John Long |location=London |oclc=2380272 }}
* {{cite book |last=Hucke |first=Matt |author2=Ursula Bielski |title=Graveyards of Chicago: The People, History, Art, and Lore of Cook County Cemeteries |year=1999 |publisher=Lake Claremont Press |location=Chicago |isbn=0-9642426-4-8 }}
* {{cite book |last=Kvaran |first=Einar Einarsson |title=Haymarket&nbsp; A Century Later |type=unpublished manuscript }}
* Lieberwitz, Risa, "The Use of Criminal Conspiracy Prosecutions to Restrict Freedom of Speech: The Haymarket Trial," in Marianne Debouzy (ed.), ''In the Shadow of the Statue of Liberty: Immigrants, Workers, and Citizens in the American Republic, 1880–1920.'' Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1992; pp.&nbsp;275–291.
* {{cite book |last=Lum |first=Dyer |title=A Concise History of the Great Trial of the Chicago Anarchists in 1886 |year=2005 |orig-year=1887 |publisher= (reprint in 2005) Adamant Media Corporation|isbn=978-1-4021-6287-9 }}
* {{cite book |last=McLean |first=George N. |title=The Rise and Fall of Anarchy in America |url=https://archive.org/details/cu31924062284462 |year=1890 |publisher=R.G. Badoux & Co |location=Chicago }}
* {{cite book |last=Parsons |first=Lucy |author-link=Lucy Parsons |title=Life of Albert R. Parsons : with brief history of the labor movement in America |url=https://archive.org/details/lifeofalbertrpar00pars |year=1889 |publisher=L. E. Parsons|location=Chicago }}
* {{cite book |last=Riedy |first=James L. |title=Chicago Sculpture: Text and Photographs |year=1979 |publisher=University of Illinois Press |location=Urbana, Ill. |isbn=0-252-01255-0 }}
* {{cite book |last=Smith |first=Carl |title=Urban Disorder and the Shape of Belief: The Great Chicago Fire, the Haymarket Bomb, and the Model Town of Pullman |year=1995 |publisher=University of Chicago Press |location=Chicago |isbn=0-226-76416-8 }}
 
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* [http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/award98/ichihtml/hayhome.html Chicago Anarchists on Trial: Evidence from the Haymarket Affair 1886–1887], [[American Memory]], [[Library of Congress]]
* [https://web.archive.org/web/20121128083358/http://dig.lib.niu.edu/gildedage/haymarket/index.html The Haymarket Bomb in Historical Context], [[Northern Illinois University]] Libraries
* [http://internationalmayday.org/the-haymarket-frame-up-and-the-origins-of-may-day/ The Haymarket frame-up and the origins of May Day] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140503060726/http://internationalmayday.org/the-haymarket-frame-up-and-the-origins-of-may-day/ |date=May 3, 2014 }}. [[World Socialist Web Site]]
* [[hdl:10079/fa/beinecke.haymarkt|Haymarket Affair Collection]]. Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University.
 
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[[Category:Anti-anarchism in the United States]]
[[Category:Riots and civil disorder in Chicago]]
[[Category:CrimesMurder in Chicago]]
[[Category:History of anarchism]]
[[Category:History of labor relations in the United States]]