Content deleted Content added
ce |
→The press in the Party System: 1820–1890: corrected error and sourced it: Alexander Hamilton founded the NY Post! |
||
| (12 intermediate revisions by 11 users not shown) | |||
Line 1:
{{Short description|
{{see also|History of American journalism | Early American publishers and printers}}
{{Use American English|date = September 2019}}
Line 5:
The '''history of American newspapers''' begins in the early 18th century with the publication of the first [[Thirteen Colonies|colonial]] newspapers. American newspapers began as modest affairs—a sideline for printers. They became a political force in the campaign for [[American independence]]. Following independence the first amendment to [[U.S. Constitution]] guaranteed [[freedom of the press]]. The [[Postal Service Act of 1792]] provided substantial subsidies: Newspapers were delivered up to 100 miles for a penny and beyond for 1.5 cents, when first class postage ranged from six cents to a quarter.
The American press grew rapidly during the [[First Party System]] (1790s–1810s) when both parties sponsored papers to reach their loyal partisans. From the 1830s onward, the [[Penny press]] began to play a major role in American journalism. Technological advancements such as the telegraph and faster printing presses in the 1840s also helped to expand the press of the nation as it experienced rapid economic and demographic growth. Editors typically became the local party spokesman, and hard-hitting editorials were widely reprinted.
By 1900 major newspapers had become profitable powerhouses of advocacy, [[muckraking]] and [[sensationalism]], along with serious, and [[journalistic objectivity|objective]] news-gathering. During the early 20th century, prior to rise of television, the average American read several newspapers per-day. Starting in the 1920s changes in technology again morphed the nature of American journalism as radio and later, television, began to play increasingly important competitive roles.
Line 11:
In the late 20th century, much of American journalism became housed in big media chains. With the coming of digital journalism in the 21st century, all newspapers faced a business crisis as readers turned to the Internet for sources and advertisers followed them.
[[File:Representative journals of the United States 1885.jpg|thumb|550px|center|upright=1.9|A selection of American newspapers from 1885, with portraits of their publishers.<br>Top row: ''[[The Union and Advertiser]]'' (William Purcell) - ''[[Omaha Bee|The Omaha Daily Bee]]'' ([[Edward Rosewater]]) - ''[[The Boston Globe|The Boston Daily Globe]]'' ([[Charles H. Taylor (publisher)|Charles H. Taylor]]) - ''[[Boston Morning Journal]]'' (William Warland Clapp) - ''[[Kansas City Times|The Kansas City Times]]'' (Morrison Mumford) - ''[[Pittsburgh Dispatch|The Pittsburgh Dispatch]]'' ([[Eugene M O'Neill|M. O'Neill]]).<br>Middle row: ''[[Albany Evening Journal]]'' (John A. Sleicher) - ''[[Milwaukee Journal Sentinel|The Milwaukee Sentinel]]'' (Horace Rublee) - ''[[The Philadelphia Record]]'' (William M. Singerly) - ''[[The New York Times]]'' ([[George Jones (publisher)|George Jones]]) - ''[[Philadelphia Press|The Philadelphia Press]]'' ([[Charles Emory Smith]]) - ''[[Chicago Inter Ocean|The Daily Inter Ocean]]'' ([[William Penn Nixon]]) - ''[[The News and Courier]]'' (Francis Warrington Dawson).<br>Bottom row: ''[[Buffalo Courier-Express|Buffalo Express]]'' (James Newson Matthews) - ''[[St. Paul Pioneer Press|The Daily Pioneer Press]]'' (Joseph A. Wheelock) - ''[[The Atlanta Journal-Constitution|The Atlanta Constitution]]'' ([[Henry W. Grady]] & [[Evan Howell]]) - ''[[San Francisco Chronicle]]'' ([[M. H. de Young|Michael H. de Young]]) - ''[[The Washington Post]]'' ([[Stilson Hutchins]])]]
==Colonial period==
Line 96:
[[File:Newspaper growth.png|thumb|350px|Growth in newspapers]]
The number and geographical distribution of newspapers grew apace. In 1800 there were between 150 and 200; by 1810 there were 366, and during the next two decades the increase was at least equally rapid.<ref>{{cite book|author=Ronald P. Formisano|title=For the People: American Populist Movements from the Revolution to the 1850s|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=BSwQBp7JC9sC&pg=PA111|year=2008|pages=111–12 |publisher=Univ of North Carolina Press |isbn=9780807831724}}</ref> With astonishing promptness the press followed the sparse population as it trickled westward and down the Ohio or penetrated the more northerly forests. By 1835 papers had spread to the Mississippi River and beyond, from Texas to St. Louis, throughout Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and into Wisconsin. These pioneer papers, poorly written, poorly printed, and partisan often beyond all reason, served a greater than a merely local purpose in sending weekly to every locality their hundreds of messages of good and evil report, of politics and trade, of weather and crops, that helped immeasurably to bind the far-flung population into a nation.<ref>Frank Luther Mott, ''American Journalism: A History 1690 – 1960'' (3rd ed 1962), pp 190-92</ref><ref>Barbara L. Cloud, "A Party Press? Not Just Yet! Political Publishing on the Frontier." ''Journalism History'' 7#2 (1980): 54+.</ref> Every congressman wrote regularly to his own local paper; other correspondents were called upon for like service, and in some instances the country editors established extensive and reliable lines of intelligence; but most of them depended on the bundle of exchanges from Washington, Philadelphia, and New York, and reciprocally the city papers made good use of their country exchanges.<ref>John Nerone, "Representing public opinion: US newspapers and the news system in the long nineteenth century." ''History Compass'' 9.9 (2011): 743-759.</ref><ref>David M. Ryfe, "News, culture and public life: A study of 19th-century American journalism." ''Journalism Studies'' 7.1 (2006): 60–77. [ online]</ref>
As the number of cities of 8,000 or more population grew rapidly so too the daily newspapers were increasing in number. The first had appeared in Philadelphia and New York in 1784 and 1785; in 1796 one appeared in Boston. By 1810 there were twenty-seven in the country—one in the city of Washington, five in Maryland, seven in New York, nine in Pennsylvania, three in South Carolina, and two in Louisiana. As early as 1835 the ''Detroit Free Press'' began its long career.<ref>Mott, ''American Journalism'' (1962), pp 115-18, 181-90.</ref><ref>Ted Curtis Smythe, "The diffusion of the Urban Daily, 1850-1900." ''Journalism History'' 28.2 (2002): 73+</ref>
Line 107:
The administration organ presents but one aspect of a tendency in which political newspapers generally gained in editorial individuality, and both the papers and their editors acquired greater personal and editorial influence. The beginnings of the era of personal journalism were to be found early in the 19th century. Even before Nathan Hale had shown the way to editorial responsibility, [[Thomas Ritchie (journalist)|Thomas Ritchie]], in the ''Richmond Enquirer'' in the second decade of the century, had combined with an effective development of the established use of anonymous letters on current questions a system of editorial discussion that soon extended his reputation and the influence of his newspaper far beyond the boundaries of Virginia. Washington Barrow and the ''Nashville Banner'', [[Amos Kendall]] and ''The Argus of Western America'', [[George Wilkins Kendall|G. W. Kendall]] and the ''New Orleans Picayune'', John M. Francis and the ''Troy Times'', and Charles Hammond and the ''Cincinnati Gazette'', to mention but a few among many, illustrate the rise of editors to individual power and prominence in the third and later decades. Notable among these political editors was [[John Moncure Daniel]], who just before 1850 became editor of the ''Richmond Examiner'' and soon made it the leading newspaper of the South. Perhaps no better example need be sought of brilliant invective and literary pungency in American journalism just prior to and during the Civil War than in Daniel's contributions to the ''Examiner''.
Though it could still be said that "too many of our gazettes are in the hands of persons destitute at once of the urbanity of gentlemen, the information of scholars, and the principles of virtue", a fact due largely to the intensity of party spirit, the profession was by no means without editors who exhibited all these qualities, and put them into American journalism. [[
Indeed, the problem most seriously discussed at the earliest state meetings of editors and publishers, held in the thirties, was that of improving the tone of the press. They tried to attain by joint resolution a degree of editorial self-restraint, which few individual editors had as yet acquired. Under the influence of [[Thomas Ritchie (journalist)|Thomas Ritchie]], vigorous and unsparing political editor but always a gentleman, who presided at the first meeting of Virginia journalists, the newspaper men in one state after another resolved to "abandon the infamous practice of pampering the vilest of appetites by violating the sanctity of private life, and indulging in gross personalities and indecorous language", and to "conduct all controversies between themselves with decency, decorum, and moderation." Ritchie found in the low tone of the newspapers a reason why journalism in America did not occupy as high a place in public regard as it did in England and France. ===Editorials===
Line 116 ⟶ 118:
In the 1830s new high speed presses allowed the cheap printing of tens of thousands of papers a day. The problem was to sell them to a mass audience, which required new business techniques (such as rapid citywide delivery) and a new style of journalism that would attract new audiences. Politics, scandal, and sensationalism worked.<ref>Mott, ''American Journalism: A History 1690 – 1960'' (1962), pp 228-52.</ref><ref>{{cite journal | last1 = Brazeal | first1 = Donald K. | year = 2005 | title = Precursor to Modern Media Hype: The 1830s Penny Press | journal = Journal of American Culture | volume = 28 | issue = 4| pages = 405–414 | doi=10.1111/j.1542-734x.2005.00243.x}}</ref>
[[James Gordon Bennett Sr.]] (1794–1872) took the lead in New York.<ref>James L. Crouthamel, "James Gordon Bennett, the 'New York Herald', and the Development of Newspaper Sensationalism." ''New York History'' (1973) 54#3: 294-316. [https://www.jstor.org/stable/23169403 in JSTOR]</ref> In a decade of unsuccessful effort as a political journalist he had become familiar with the increasing enterprise in news-gathering. He despised the upscale journalism of the day—the seriousness of tone, the phlegmatic dignity, the party affiliations, the sense of responsibility. He believed journalists were fools to think that they could best serve their own purposes by serving the politicians. As Washington correspondent for the ''[[New York Enquirer]]'', he wrote vivacious, gossipy prattle, full of insignificant and entertaining detail, to which he added keen characterization and deft allusions. Bennett saw a public who would not buy a serious paper at any price, who had a vast and indiscriminate curiosity better satisfied with gossip than discussion, with sensation rather than fact, who could be reached through their appetites and passions. The idea that he did much to develop rested on the success of the one-cent press created by the establishment of the [[New York Sun (historical)|''New York Sun'']] in 1833. To pay at such a price these papers must have large circulations, sought among the public that had not been accustomed to buy papers, and gained by printing news of the street, shop, and factory. To reach this public Bennett began the ''[[New York Herald]]'', a small paper, fresh, sprightly, terse, and "newsy". "In journalistic débuts of this kind", Bennett wrote, "many talk of principle—political principle, party principle—as a sort of steel trap to catch the public. We ... disdain ... all principle, as it is called, all party, all politics. Our only guide shall be good, sound, practical common sense, applicable to the business and bosoms of men engaged in every-day life."<ref>{{cite book|editor=Edwin H. Ford and Edwin Emery|title=Highlights in the History of the American Press: A Book of Readings |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=rS2HabGJABsC&pg=PA153|year=1954|publisher=U of Minnesota Press |page=153 |isbn=9780816657698}}</ref>
According to historian Robert C Bannister, Bennett was :
:A gifted and controversial editor. Bennett transformed the American newspaper. Expanding traditional coverage, the Harold provided sports reports, a society page, and advice to the lovelorn, soon permanent features of most metropolitan dailies. Bennett covered murders and sex scandals and delicious detail, faking materials when necessary.... His adroit use of telegraph, pony express, and even offshore ships to intercept European dispatches set high standards for rapid news gathering.<ref>Robert C. Bannister, "Bennett, James Gordon" in John A. Garraty, ed., ''Encyclopedia of American Biography'' (1975) pp. 80-81.</ref>
Bannister also argues that Bennett was a leading crusader against evils he perceived:
:Combining opportunism and reform, Bennett exposed fraud on Wall Street, attacked the [[Bank War|Bank of the United States]], and generally joined the [[Jacksonian democracy|Jacksonian assault on privilege.]] Reflecting a growing nativism, he published excerpts from the anti-catholic disclosures of "Maria Monk," and he greeted Know-Nothingism cordially. Defending labor unions in principle, he
News was but a commodity, the furnishing of which was a business transaction only, which ignored the social responsibility of the press, "the grave importance of our vocation", prized of the elder journalists and of the still powerful six-cent papers. ''The Herald,'' like the ''Sun,'' was at once successful, and was remarkably influential in altering journalistic practices. The penny press expanded its coverage into "personals"—short paid paragraphs by men and women looking for companionship. They revealed people's intimate relationships to a public audience and allowed city folk to connect with and understand their neighbors in an increasingly anonymous metropolis. They included heavy doses of imagination and fiction, typically romantic, highly stylized. Sometimes the same person updated the paragraph regularly, making it like a serial short short story. Moralists were aghast, and warned of the ruin of young girls. (Commenting on censorship of books in the 1920s, New York Mayor Jimmy Walker said he had seen many girls ruined, but never by reading.) More worrisome to the elders they reflected a loss of community control over the city's youth, suggesting to Protestant leaders the need for agencies like the YMCA to provide wholesome companionship. Personals are still included in many papers and magazines into the 21st century.<ref>{{cite journal | last1 = Epstein | first1 = Pamela | year = 2012 | title = Villainous Little Paragraphs | journal = Media History | volume = 18 | issue = 1| pages = 21–32 | doi = 10.1080/13688804.2011.632197 | s2cid = 161177080 }}</ref>
Line 132 ⟶ 134:
===Rural papers===
[[File:Drawing of a country store by Marguerite Martyn.jpg|thumb|right|300px|Fanciful drawing of a rural [[general store]] by [[Marguerite Martyn]] in the ''[[St. Louis Post-Dispatch]]'' of October 21, 1906. On the far left, a group of men share reading a newspaper.]]
Nearly every county seat, and most towns of more than 500 or 1000 population sponsored one or more weekly newspapers. Politics was of major interest, with the editor-owner typically deeply involved in local party organizations. However, the paper also contained local news, and presented literary columns and book excerpts that catered to an emerging middle class literate audience. A typical rural newspaper provided its readers with a substantial source of national and international news and political commentary, typically reprinted from metropolitan newspapers. Comparison of a subscriber list for 1849 with data from the 1850 census indicates a readership dominated by property owners but reflecting a cross-section of the population, with personal accounts suggesting the newspaper also reached a wider non-subscribing audience. In addition, the major metropolitan daily newspapers often prepared weekly editions for circulation to the countryside. Most famously the ''Weekly New York Tribune'' was jammed with political, economic and cultural news and features, and was a major resource for the Whig and Republican parties, as well as a window on the international world, and the New York and European cultural scenes.<ref>Nicholas Marshall, "The Rural Newspaper and the Circulation of Information and Culture in New York and the Antebellum North," ''New York History'', Spring 2007, Vol. 88 Issue 2, pp 133-151,</ref> The expansion of the [[Rural Free Delivery]] program, which allowed easier access to daily newspapers to rural areas of the United States in the early twentieth century, increased support for populist parties and positions.<ref>{{cite journal | last1=Perlman | first1=Elisabeth Ruth | last2=Sprick Schuster | first2=Steven
=== Newspapers of the Territories ===
The first newspaper to be published west of the Mississippi was the Missouri Gazette. Its starting issue was published on July 12, 1808, by Joseph Charless, an Irish printer. Swayed by [[Meriwether Lewis|Meriweather Lewis]] to leave his home in Kentucky and start a new paper for the [[Missouri Territory]], Charless was identified by the paper's masthead as "Printer to the Territory".<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.stltoday.com/news/local/illinois/look-back-st-louis-gets-its-first-newspaper-in/article_3164aca0-8fd6-56bb-abee-51cce4a9ffc8.html|title=St. Louis gets its First Newspaper in 1808|last=O'Neil|first=Tim|date=April 5, 2014|website=St. Louis Post-Dispatch|publisher=St. Louis Today}}</ref> The paper published advertisements for domestic help, notice for runaway slaves, public notices, and sales for merchandise like land plots or cattle. Newspapers like the ''Gazette'' were instrumental in the founding new territories and supporting their stability as they become states.
In 1849, ''[[The Santa Fe New Mexican]]'' began its publication in [[Santa Fe, New Mexico|Santa Fe]] in the [[New Mexico Territory]].<ref name="Flores Peach 2010 p. 64">{{cite book | last1=Flores | first1=C. | last2=Peach | first2=G. | title=Santa Fe Icons: 50 Symbols of the City Different | publisher=Globe Pequot
With westward expansion other territories, like Nebraska, followed in Lewis and Missouri's plan for territory stability and founded a newspaper alongside the opening of the [[Nebraska Territory]] in 1854. The ''[[Nebraska Palladium]]''<ref>{{Cite journal|url=http://nebnewspapers.unl.edu/lccn/sn84020241/|title=About Nebraska palladium|last=Walter|first=Katherine|website=Nebraska Newspaper|publisher=University of Nebraska-Lincoln}}</ref> was a rough newspaper that produced poetry and news from the East, ran advertisements, and created a space for emerging political editorials. that developed a sense of community and cultural influence in the territory. Produced during a time when pioneers were far removed from neighbors these early territorial papers brought a sense of community to the territories. Because of the information gap felt by new settlers of the territories such as Kansas, Michigan, Nebraska, and Oklahoma there was a mass startup numerous newspapers. [[Frank Luther Mott]] says, "Wherever a town sprang up, there a printer with a rude press and a 'shirt-tail-full of type' was sure to appear".<ref>Mott, ''American Journalism: A History, 1690-1960'' p 282.</ref> Competition was intense between the large number of pop-up papers and often the papers would fail within a year or be bought out by a rival.
Line 144 ⟶ 146:
This idea of news and the newspaper for its own sake, the unprecedented aggressiveness in news-gathering, and the blatant methods by which the cheap papers were popularized aroused the antagonism of the older papers, but created a competition that could not be ignored. Systems of more rapid news-gathering (such as by "[[Pony express (newspapers)|pony express]]") and distribution quickly appeared. Sporadic attempts at co-operation in obtaining news had already been made; in 1848 the ''Journal of Commerce'', ''Courier and Enquirer'', ''Tribune'', ''Herald'', ''Sun'', and ''Express'' formed the New York Associated Press to obtain news for the members jointly. Out of this idea grew other local, then state, and finally national associations. European news, which, thanks to steamship service, could now be obtained when but half as old as before, became an important feature. In the forties several papers sent correspondents abroad, and in the next decade this field was highly developed.<ref>Jonathan Silberstein-Loeb, "Exclusivity and Cooperation in the Supply of News: The Example of the Associated Press, 1893–1945," ''Journal of Policy History'' (2012) 24#3 pp 466-498</ref><ref>Victor Rosewater, ''History of Cooperative News Gathering in the United States'' (1930)</ref>
The telegraph, invented in 1844, quickly linked all major cities and most minor ones to a national network that provided news in a matter of minutes or hours rather than days or weeks. It transformed the news gathering business. Telegraphic columns became a leading feature. The Associated Press (AP) became the dominant factor in the distribution of news. The inland papers, in such cities as [[Chicago]], [[Louisville]], [[Cincinnati]], [[St. Louis]], and [[New Orleans]], used AP dispatches to become independent of papers in Washington and New York.<ref>J. Steven Smethers, "Pounding Brass for the Associated Press: Delivering News by Telegraph in a Pre-Teletype Era." ''American Journalism'' 19#2 (2002): 13-30.</ref><ref>Richard A. Schwarzlose, ''The Nation's Newsbrokers. Vol. 1: The Formative Years, from Pretelegraph to 1865'' (1989); ''Nation's Newsbrokers Volume 2: The Rush to Institution: From 1865 to 1920'' (1990)</ref> In general, only one newspaper in each city had the Associated Press franchise, and it dominated the market for national and international news. United Press was formed in the 1880s to challenge the monopoly. The growing number of chains each set up their own internal dissemination system.
===Great editors===
Line 182 ⟶ 184:
===Postwar trends===
Newspapers continued to play a major political role. In rural areas, the weekly newspaper published in the county seat played a major role. In the larger cities, different factions of the party have their own papers.<ref>Mark Wahlgren Summers, ''The press gang: newspapers and politics, 1865-1878'' (1994) [https://www.questia.com/library/6617289/the-press-gang-newspapers-and-politics-1865-1878 online]</ref> During the [[Reconstruction era]] (
Newspapers were a major growth industry in the late nineteenth century. The number of daily papers grew from 971 to 2226, 1880 to 1900. Weekly newspapers were published in smaller towns, especially county seats, or for German, Swedish and other immigrant subscribers. They grew from 9,000 to 14,000, and by 1900 the United States published more than half of the newspapers in the world, with two copies per capita. Out on the frontier, the first need for a boom town was a newspaper. The new states of North and South Dakota by 1900 had 25 daily papers, and 315 weeklies. Oklahoma was still not a state, but it could boast of nine dailies and nearly a hundred weeklies. In the largest cities the newspapers competed fiercely, using newsboys to hawk copies and carriers to serve subscribers. Financially, the major papers depended on advertising, which paid in proportion to the circulation base. By the 1890s in New York City, especially during the Spanish–American War, circulations reached 1 million a day for Pulitzer's ''World'' and Hearst's ''Journal.'' While smaller papers relied on loyal Republican or Democratic readers who appreciated the intense partisanship of the editorials, the big-city papers realized they would lose half their potential audience by excessive partisanship, so they took a more ambiguous position, except at election time.<ref>Arthur Meier Schlesinger, ''The Rise of the City: 1878-1898 '' (1933) pp 185-87</ref>
Line 196 ⟶ 198:
===Muckrakers===
A muckraker is an American English term for a person who investigates and exposes issues of corruption. There were widely held values, such as political corruption, [[corporate crime]], child labor, conditions in slums and prisons, unsanitary conditions in food processing plants (such as meat), fraudulent claims by manufacturers of patent medicines, labor racketeering, and similar topics. In British English however the term is applied to sensationalist scandal-mongering journalism, not driven by any social value.{{
The term muckraker is most usually associated in America with a group of American investigative reporters, novelists and critics in the Progressive Era from the 1890s to the 1920s. It also applies to post 1960 journalists who follow in the tradition of those from that period. See History of American newspapers for Muckrakers in the daily press.
Line 265 ⟶ 267:
====Spanish–American War====
Pulitzer and Hearst are often credited (or blamed) for drawing the nation into the [[Spanish–American War]] with sensationalist stories or outright lying. In fact, the vast majority of Americans did not live in New York City, and the decision makers who did live there probably relied more on staid newspapers like the ''Times'', the ''Sun'' or the ''Post''.{{POV statement|date=November 2022}}{{
But Hearst was a war hawk after a rebellion broke out in Cuba in 1895. Stories of Cuban virtue and Spanish brutality soon dominated his front page. While the accounts were of dubious accuracy, the newspaper readers of the 19th century did not need, or necessarily want, his stories to be pure nonfiction. Historian Michael Robertson has said that "Newspaper reporters and readers of the 1890s were much less concerned with distinguishing among fact-based reporting, opinion and literature."{{Citation needed|date=March 2009}}
Line 289 ⟶ 291:
===Newsboys in the front line of the circulation wars===
{{Main|Newspaper hawker}}
Sensationalism made readers want to purchase newspapers, and circulation managers had to find new ways to handle the much heavier load. They typically relied primarily on newspaper hawkers or newsboy who sold individual copies of one paper on downtown streets. There also were plenty of [[newsstand]]s that sold different titles from a stationary stand or storefront. Vending machines came in the 1890s. Home delivery was not uncommon in the early 1900, but became increasingly important as [[
Newsboys' were not employees of the newspapers but rather purchased the papers from wholesalers in packets of 100 and peddled them as independent agents. Unsold papers could not be returned. The newsboys typically earned around 30 cents a day and often worked until late at night.<ref>(nd) [http://www..com/unitedstates/childlabor/ Child labor in America 1908-1912: Photographs of Lewis W. Hine]. Retrieved 17 June 2007. - ''See "Newsies".''</ref> Cries of "[[Newspaper extra|Extra, extra!]]" were often heard into the morning hours as newsboys attempted to hawk every last paper.<ref>David Nasaw, (1999) p. 9.</ref>
Line 343 ⟶ 345:
The Tribune Co., Belo Corp. and [[Knight Ridder]] launched daily Spanish-language papers in 2003. Hispanic-oriented newspapers and magazines generated $1.3 billion in revenue in 2002. By comparison, the operating revenue that year for Knight Ridder's 32 papers was $2.8 billion. Readership remains small, however. New York City already had two Spanish-language dailies with a combined circulation of about 100,000, as well as papers from Puerto Rico and the Dominican Republic and a score of weeklies. But Louis Sito said their "circulation levels were very, very minimal when compared to the population size." (New York, population 8 million, is 27 percent Hispanic; the Bronx, 1.3 million, is 48 percent Hispanic.) Sito urged ''Newsday'' publisher Raymond A. Jansen to launch a daily instead of a weekly, and ''Hoy'' premiered on November 16, 1998, with a circulation of 25,000. By 2003, ''Hoy'' sold 91,000 copies a day in the [[New York metropolitan area|New York metro]] area. The Dallas-Fort Worth market contains 1.3 million Latinos—22 percent of the population and growing (estimated to reach 38 percent by 2006). ''The Dallas Morning News'' developed ''Al Día'' to entice that audience. The Monday-through-Saturday paper debuted in September 2003 with a staff of 50, an initial circulation of 40,000 and a newsstand price of 25 cents. ''Diario La Estrella'' began in 1994 as a dual-language insert of the ''Fort Worth Star-Telegram'' and first grew into an all-Spanish stand-alone paper with a twice-weekly total circulation of 75,000 copies distributed free via newsstands and selective home delivery.
With the notable exception of ''[[Viet Mercury]]'', a now-defunct, 35,000-circulation weekly Vietnamese-language paper published by Knight Ridder's ''[[San Jose Mercury News]]'', U.S. media companies have generally eschewed the Asian market even though daily papers in Chinese, Korean or Vietnamese are thriving in New York, San Francisco, Los Angeles and other cities. The Mandarin-language ''World Journal'', which distributes from San Francisco to Toronto and states a circulation (unaudited) of 350,000. ''World Journal''; its biggest competitor, ''Sing Tao'' (181,000 circulation unaudited); and ''[[The Korea Times (Los Angeles)|Korea Times]]'' (254,000, also unaudited) are owned by international media giants based in Taiwan, Hong Kong and Seoul, respectively.<ref>Tim Porter, "Dismantling the Language Barrier" ''American Journalism Review'' October/November 2003 [http://spanish.about.com/b/a/031319.htm online]</ref>
In 2014, ''Connecting Cleveland'', a four-page paper with stories in English and [[Nepali language|Nepali]] was launched to serve Nepali-speaking [[Bhutanese refugees|Bhutanese]] families in the [[Cleveland, Ohio]], area.<ref>{{cite news |last=Smith |first=Robert L |title=Nepali teen launches newspaper to guide his community in the Cleveland tradition |work=The Plain Dealer |access-date=2014-07-24 |date=2014-07-24|url=http://www.cleveland.com/business/index.ssf/2014/07/in_the_cleveland_tradition_nep.html}}</ref>
Line 384 ⟶ 386:
* Pride, Armistead S. and Clint C. Wilson. ''A History of the Black Press.'' (1997)
* [[Michael Schudson|Schudson, Michael]]. Discovering the News: A Social History of American Newspapers. (1978).
* {{cite book|
* Sloan, W. David, James G. Stovall, and James D. Startt. ''The Media in America: A History,'' 4th ed. (1999)
* Startt, James D. and W. David Sloan. ''Historical Methods in Mass Communication.'' (1989)
Line 483 ⟶ 485:
* McDougal, Dennis. ''Privileged Son: Otis Chandler and the Rise and Fall of the L.A. Times Dynasty '' (2001)
* Mari, Will. ''The American Newsroom: A History, 1920-1960'' (1921) [https://www.amazon.com/American-Newsroom-1920-1960-Journalism-Perspective/dp/0826222323/ excerpt]
* Merritt, Davis. ''Knightfall: Knight Ridder And How The Erosion Of Newspaper Journalism Is Putting Democracy At Risk'' (2005)
* Moore, Paul S., and Sandra Gabriele.''Sunday Paper: A Media History'' (University of Illinois Press, 2022) [http://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=58776 online review]
| |||